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THU SOUTHERN SENTINEL la published every Thursday Morning, IN COLUMBUS, GA. BY WILLIAM H. CHAMBERS, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. To whom all communications must be directed,post paid. Ojp.ee on Randolph Street. Terms of Subscription. One copy twelve months, in advance, - - 82 50 ** “ “ “ Not in advance, -3 00 “ Six “ “ “ - 150 JfflP Where the subscription is not paid during the year, 15 cents will be charged for every month’s delay. No subscription will lie received tor less than six months,.and none discontinued until all arrearages are paid, except at the option ot the proprietor. To Clubs. Fira copies twelve months, - Teu “ “ “ 16 00 XjST The money from Clubs must in all cases ac company the names, or the price of a single subscription will be charged. Kates of Advertising. On# Square, first insertion, - - - $1 M •• “ tiacli subsequent insertion, - 50 A liberal deduction on these terms will be made in favor of those who advertise by the year. Advertisement* not specified a* to time, will be pub lished till Jorbid, and charged accordingly. Monthly Advertisements will be charged as saw Ad vertisemeuts at each insertion. Legal Advertisement*. N. B.—Sales of Lands, by Administrators, Ex ecutors, or Guardians,are required by law to beheld on the first Tuesday in the month, between the hoursof 10 in the forenoon, and 3 in the afternoon, at the Court House in the county in which the land is situated. No tices of these sale* must be given in a public gazette Sixty days previous to the day of sale. Sales of Nto Rots must be made at a public auction On the first Tuesday of the month, between the usual hours of sale, at the place of public sales in the county where the I.ettcrs Testamentary, oi Administration or Guardianship,mav have been granted, firtt giving sutt d*ts notice thereof in one of the public gazettes of tins State, and at the door of the Court House, where such •ales are to be held. Notice for the sale of Personal property must be give* la like manner forty days previous to the day of sale. Notice to the Debtors and Creditors of an estate must bepubliehed forty day*. Netieethat application will be mads to the Court of Ordinary for leave to sell Land, must be published for FCWR MONTHS. Notice fer leave to sell Necrois must be published lor vcur months, before any order absolute shallbe made thereon by the Court. Citations for Letters of Administration, must be pub lished thirty days—for dismission from administration, monthly six months —for dismission fiom Guardianship, F**TT SITS. , „ , , Rules for the fortclosure of a Mortgage must be pub lished monthly for FOUR months —for establishing lost paasrs, for the full spacx of three months —for com- Eeiling titles from Executors or Administrators, where a loud has been given by the deceased, the full sfac* of TIRSE HCMTMS. Publications will always be continued according to these legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. SOUTHEUN SENTINEL Job Office. HATING received anew and extensive assortment el Job Material, we are prepared to execute at this office,all ordersfor JOB WORK,in amannerwhich can not be excelled in the State, on very liberal terms, and at the shortest notice. We foel confident of our ability to give entire satisiae tten in every variety of Job Printing, including Booksm Business Curds, Pamphlets, Bill Heads, Circulars, Blanks of every description, Hand Bills, Bills of Lading, Posters, dpc. Spc. Spc. la short, all descriptions of Printing whieh can be ex ecuted at any ollice in the country, will bo turned out with elegance and despatch. County Surveyor. THE undersigned informs his friends and the Planters of Muscogee county, that he is prepared to make •ffieial survey* in Muscogee county. Letters addressed te Post Office,Columbus, will meet with prompt atten tiM. WM. F. FERRELL, County Surveyor. Office, No. 4 Telegraph Building, Broad St. Celumbus, Jan. 31,15550. 5 ly W. & W. F. WILLIAMS, ATTORNEY* AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. VTILKT WILLIAMS. WM. F. WILLIAMS. Oet. 17, 1850. 51 ts- JAMES FORT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, HOLLY SPRINGS, MISS. July 4, ISSO. *~ "* Williams & Howard, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, COLUMBUS, GEORGIA. *BT. It. HOWARD. CHAS. J. WILLIAMS. April 4*4850. H ts J. I>. LISNNARD, ATTORNEY AT LAW, TALBOTTON, GA. WILL attend te business iuTslbet and the adjacent reuntiee. All business entrusted te his care will meet with prenipt attestieH. April 4, 1150. H ly KING A WINNEMORE, Comuussion Merchants, MOBILE, ALABAMA. Dec. 50, 114?. [Mvb. Trih.] 15 ti GODFREY A SOLOMONS, Factors and Commission Merchants, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. /amps E. 60DFKIY, *• W. SOLOMONS. jtriKtKis. HIV. JAS. K. RYANS, REV. SAMUEL ANTHONY, Savannah. Talbvttvn. RIDUWAT U GVNIY, N. eSSKI.Y it SON, Columbus. Macon. July 55 30 Cm- THIS PAPER I* MANUFACTURED BY TUB Rock Island Factory, NEAR THIS CITY. Celumbus, Feb. 23, 1850. 9 ts ” NORTH CAROLINA Mutual Life Insurance Company. LOCATED AT RALEIGH, S. C. TIIE Charter of this company gives important advan tages to the assured, over most other companies. The husband can insure his own life for the sole use and benefit of his wife and children, free from any other claims Persons who insure for life participate in the profits which are declared annually.and when the pre mium exceeds 830. max - pay one-halt in a note. Slaves arc insured at two-thirds their value for ono or five years. Applications for Risks may be made to JOHN MUNN, Agent. Columbus, Ga. Offic* at Greenwood & Co.'s W arehouse. Nov. 15,1849. ts WANTED. lAA AAA lbs - R -WS. Cash paid for clean cot A'lVU'V'v’ ton or linen rags—4 cents ]>er pound, when delivered in quantities of 100 pounds or more ; and 3i- cents when delivered in small quantities. For old hemp, bagging, and pieces of rope, H cents, delivered either at Rock Island Factory or at their store in Co lumbus, in the South comer Room ofOslethorpe House. D. ADAMS, Secretary. Columbus, Feb. 28,1850. 9 ts M Globe Hotel, BUENA VISTA, MARION CO., GA. BY J. WILLIAMS. March 14,1850. 11 ts Marble Works, East tide Broad St. near the Market Ilonse. COLUMBUS, GA. HAVE sosstantlv on hand all kinds of Crave Stones Monuments, Tombs and Tablets, of American Italian and Irish Marble. Engraving and carving done on stone in the best possible manner; and all kind* of Granite Work at the shortest notice. JOHN H. MADDEN. P. S.—Plaister of Paris and Cessmt, always on hand Corunabu, March 7, 1850. 10 ts YOL. I. “SPEAK GENTLY TO THE ERRING.” Speak gently to the erring— Ye know riot all the pow’r With which the dark temptation earn# In some unguarded hour; Ye may not know how earnestly They struggled, or how well, Until the hour of weakne*# eame, And sadly thus they fell! Speak gently of theerrisg— Oh ! do not thou forget, However darkly staiseb by sin. He is thy brother yet. Ileir of the self-same heritage, Child of the self-sans# God, He hath but stumbled ia the path Thou hast in weakness trod. Speak kindly to the erring— For is it not enough That innocenee and peaee are gone, Without thy censure rough ? It surely is a weary lot That sin-crashed heart to bear; Ar.d they who share a happier fate Their chiding* well may spare. Spoak kindly to the erring— Thou vet maystlead him back. With holy words, and tones of love. From mis’ry's thorny track ; Forget not thou hast often sinn’d, And siaful yet must be ; Deal kindly with the erring one, As God hath dealt with thee ! [From Arthur’s Home Gazette.] Letter to a Young Wife, FROM A MARRIED JLADT. My dear Lizzie :—l have just received the pleasing intelligence of your marriage with one so worthy of your trust and affection. Os course, you are very happy; for there is no more perfect happiness for a young and loving woman than to centre her heart’s best feelings upon one being—to feel her destiny bound up in his—to become, as it were, a very part of bis life. Perhaps, at such a time, my dear girl, it may seem unkind to throw the least shadow over the bright sky of your happiness; but I cannot refrain from giving you some little advice now, at the outset of your new life. You are looking forward—are vou not ? with perfect confidence to the future. You think that the sea upon which you are launch ed, will ever remain calm and untroubled as nowj that you will go on forever thus, joy ous and happy—thus, free from care and sor row ; but, oh, remember, there is no sunshine that is not clouded over sometimes ; no stream so smooth as to be always undisturbed. Then, make up your mind to have cares, perplexi ties, and trials, such as have never troubled you before; and bo prepared to meet them. Aa yet, you are to your husband the same perfect being that you were before marriage, free from all that is wrong—your follies even regarded as delightful. You are now placed upon a pedestal—a very goddess ; but, believe me, you must soon descend to take your place among mortals, and well for you if you can do it gracefully. Believe me, dearest, 1 have no wish to sadden your spirit —only to prepare it for the trials which must come to perplex it. You must learn to have your faults com mented upon, one by one, and yet be meek and patient under reproach. You must learn to have those sayings which you have heard praised as witticisms, regarded as mere non sense. You must learn to yield even when you seem to be in the right; to give up your will even when your husband seems obstinate and unreasonable ; to be chided when you expected praise, and have your utmost en deavors to do rightly regarded as mere du ties. But, bo not cast down by this dark side of the picture. You will be happier, despite of all these trials, than 3 011 have ever been, if you only resolve to be firm in the path of duty; to strive to do well always; to return a kind answer for a harsh word, and, above all, to control your temper. There may be times when this may seem impossible; but always remember that one angry word provokes another, and that thus the beautiful gem of wedded affection is tarnished, until what seemed to be the purest gold is found only gilded brass. Amiability is the most necessary of all virtues in a wife, and, per haps the most difficult of all others to retain. Pray fervently for a meek, forbearing spirit; cherish your kindly impulses, and leave the rest to your Father in Heaven. I shall, if you like, write yon again upon this subject. You know I have been wedded long enough to have somo little experience, and if it can benefit you, you are welcome to it. Adieu for a while. Ever your friend, CARRIE MERTON. Dialogue.—“Well, my son, can you give me some supper ?” “I reckon not. We haint no meat, nor we haint no bread, nor we habit no taters.” “Well, you can give me a bed, can’t you f” “I reckon not, for we haint n<r flooring to our house.” “Well, you can ghe my horse something to eat l” “I reckon not, for we haint no hay, nor we haint no corn, nor we haint no oats neither.” “In the name of human nature, how do you all do here ?” “Oh, very well, I thank you. How are all your folks to hum ?” Brotherly Love.—“ Jack, Jack!” cried a sailor, on board of a ship at sea, to one of his companions. “Hallo!” replies Jack ; “what is it ?” “A our brother's overboard!” “Overboard ?” “Yes ?” “Blast the luck ! he's got my sea hoots and monkey jacket on /” Modest.—“ Pray,” said Mr. to a gentleman who overtook him on the road, “will you have the complaisance to take my great coat in your carriage to town ?” “With pleasure, sir; but how will you get it again ?” ‘‘Oh, very easy,” replied the modest applicant; ‘‘l shall remain in it.” An Irishman’s Speech.—“Och, Jamie? an’ did ve niver hear uv my great spach afore the Hibernian Society?” “No, Pat, how should I? for sure I was not ; on the ground.” “Well, Jamie, you see I was called upon by the Hibernian Society for a spach, and ! be jabers I rose with the inthusiastic cheers i of thousands and tins of thousands, with me j heart overflowing with gratitude, and my eyes | filled with tears, an’ divil the- word did I i spake.” Union-loving Massachusetts. The State of Massachusetts has never been wanting in Fourth of July and Bunker Hill Orators, who could talk fluently and eloquently ot the Union —the glorious Union—ot its historical glories n*id its in numerable blessings. The Hon. Daniel Web ster and the Hon. Caleb Cushing, two of her most distinguished citizens, are always on hand, upon occasion, to pour forth rhetorical flourishes of this sort. The sentiments are very pretty in themselves, sound well, and when they get in print, read well, and are circulated far and wide, not only as speci mens of American oratory, but as evidonco of Massachusetts patriotism. “ Oh, what a Union-loving State is Massachusetts, what a patriotic State is Massachusetts ! what noble sentiments! what a magnanimous spirit she displays!” exclaim the politicians and hum buggers; and Massachusetts is lauded upas the very pink and model of patriotic and Union-loving States. Only recently- wo see this game again play ed off. It is not presumable, however, that the gullibility- of the people is without limits, and there is a chance that the patriotic pre tensions of Massachusetts will undergo, soon, somewhat of a severe scrutiny. At a recent public dinner, given at Boston, to Amin Bey, the Turkish Envoy, Mr. Webster was one of the distinguished guests of the occasion, and in reply- to a toast complimentary to himself, indulged in one of his customary tributes to the Union. He has a feyv stereotyped phrases on this theme for all such occasions, and in due time they get into the newspapers, and are passed round as patriotic Massachusetts sentiments. That the}- are Mr. Webster’s sentiments, we do not doubt—his pure, honest, patriotic sentiments. That he is a patriotic man at heart, and a lover of the Union and the Constitution —an American in the best sense of the term, we cordially concede. But we deny that his sentiments are the sen timents of Massachusetts. On the contrary, there is no Americanism—no patriotism per vading the public mind of Massachusetts. It is a State composed of narrow-minded bigots and intolerant fanatics. They are so steeped in fanaticism, and carried away with false systems of ethics, of religion, of political morality, and philanthropy, that they are in capable of acting an honest part, and of performing the plainest obligations due under the federal compact, to her sister States of the South. The people of Massachusetts have as little to boast of in their history of a tolerant and enlightened spirit as any- civilized race on this continent. Driven by religious persecutions to settle in a land yvhere they could enjoy freedom to worship God, the Pilgrims early learned to refuse to others that religious tol eration the}- had themselves so early prized. The Quakers, driven from Old England by the spirit of intolerance, did not find that they had much improved their condition by com ing among the descendants of the Pilgrims, and they yvere driven to seek repose from persecution to a more Southern latitude. Tho hunting of Indians with blood hounds, and their extermination by fire and sword, was one of the earliest, and raciest of amuse ments in psalm-singing Massachusetts. At another time, the burning of beautiful young maidens, and feeble old women and inoffen sive men, at the stake, for witchcraft, after the solemn mockery- of a trial by jury-, are among the beauties of Massachusetts history. In the nineteenth century, tho people of Boston and its vicinity, enjoy tho exclusive honor of having burned the shelter from over the heads of a number of helpless and unpro tected nuns, and turned them out half naked, at dead of night, amidst tho snows of winter. From Massachusetts have emanated somo of the bitterest and bloodiest and most atro cious sentiments that the abolition mania has ever belched forth. It was an Ex-President of the United States, an honored son of Massachusetts, who, in his place in the Con gress of the United States, uttered th senti ment, “ Let Abolition come, though il cost, five hundred thousand — yea, five hundred million of lives.” Act he lived still to be honored, and to be re-elected, timo after timo, to his seat is Congress. But a few weeks ago, the Hon. Josiah Quincy, President of Hartford Collego, one of the most honored and distinguished names of Massachusetts, presided at a meeting in Boston, the avoyved object of yvhich was to aid in defeating the fugitive slave law—a law enacted to carry out a plain constitutional ob ligation. He then and there boasted that since the enactment of tho law of 1798, no fugitive slave had ever been arrested and de livered up in Massachusetts, and declared that none ever would be under the new law. The lion. Mr. Winthrop announced in the United States Senate, that the law could not be enforced in Massachusetts, as it yvas con trary- to public opinion. More recently we have had a striking illus tration of the truth of these Assertions in the treatment received by Knight and Hughes, two citizens of Georgia, yvho proceeded to Boston, to arrest, under the law, tho fugitive slaves from Georgia, Crafts and his wife. Our readers are all familiar with that treat ment. They narrowly escaped with their lives. They were mobbed, arrested, and im prisoned, on frivolous grounds, and held to bail in enormous sums, to answer actions of slander, for having asserted that said Crafts and his wife were slaves. Such, people of Georgia, is the Union loving, law and constitution abiding State of Massachusetts. In a city containing one hundred and forty- thousand inhabitants, not only a constitutional law of Congress in pro tection of the constitutional right of the Southern slaveholder, cannot be enforced— there are not only not law-abiding citizens enough to enforce it, hut those who go there to claim this benefit, under tho Constitution and laws of the land, are in danger of losing their lives. , This will be a case for the consideration of the Convention of the State of Georgia, which assembles next month. The refusal of a Northern State to surrender a fugitive slave to his owner, a citizen of Georgia, was one of the contingencies provided by the Legislature for the call of a Convention. | The present outrageous conduct of the citi i zens of Massachusetts, it is to be hoped, will I evoke the sovereign power of Georgia to a [ course of exemplary retaliation and satisfac tion. The strongest and most summary measures, whether by reprisals, by discrim inating taxation, by- non-intercourse laws, or ! by the refusal to allow legal process to be COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 21, ISSO. enforced in our State to recover debts due in Georgia to citizens of Massachusetts, would be measures not too harsh. It is only- thus Massachusetts can be taught that she cannot nullify the Constitution and Laws of the United (States with impunity. The Federal Government has shown itself in the present instance powerless, or unwilling to vindicate its own authority, and do justice to the citi zens of Georgia. No other alternative, there fore, is left, but for the State of Georgia to take into her own hands the vindication of the rights of her citizens.— Constitutionalist. [From tka Narr Orlaan* Dsilj Dalts.J *O/1. SOULE. Eds. Delta: Asa member of the Demo cratic party, we have viewed the hostility which has lately sprung up towards this Sen ator, on the part of some of his political friends, with no little surprise and mortifica tion ; the more so, as we have been unable, alter a careful consideration of the causes of dissatisfaction, to perceive any thing in his course to authorize the apparently pertinac ious, not to say vindictive, opposition of those who, as members of the same great party, may have acted heretofore in unison with him. It is not a subject of wonder that poli ticians of a different creed should denounce Mr. Soule, and find nothing to admire in his course, either here or at Washington. Nor is it a matter of surprise that the \\ big press should fan the flames of an opposition which is rapidly transcending the bounds of moder ation, and assuming the complexion of a bitter persecution. A ready- solution is found for this in those uncompromising and rancorous political prejudices which see “ Helen’s beauty in a brow of Egypt,” and refuse to acknowledge that “any thing good can come out of Nazareth!” but that Democratic vo ters should permit opinions and arguments from such sources to shake their allegiance to their party, or make them waver in the sup port of their Senator, betrays a degree of moral indecision and infirmity of purpose at once lamentable and disgusting. One of the press of this city, tho most vio lent in its attacks upon this (Senator, profes ses to be neutral in politics, and under the garb of neutrality is doing more harm to the Democratic party, than if it candidly- pro claimed itself the organ of a party for which all its political articles seem to bo written and the power and strength of which it is do ing much to enlarge. We had hoped the spirit of that paper was so well understood by this time, that while the Whig party- was congratulating itself upon tho talent and strength displayed in its columns, the Demo cratic party would look with distrust and alarm upon the fire-brands it was attempting to throw into its ranks, as replete with de struction, and designed to destroy that har mony of action and paralyze that strength which has made the party- invincible hereto fore in their contests throughout this State. We trust the disposition to bear so heavily upon Mr. Soule, which wo have noticed above, is confined to very few. Certainly a kinder and a more grateful reception should have awaited his return home, after his ardu ous and self-sacrificing labors in behalf of his country. And we feel assured that there is a feeling of gratitude, deep-seated in tho hearts of Southern men, and an intelligent sense of fairness which will not “willingly let” the able and earnest efforts of the dis tinguished Senator pass into oblivion. And if that gentleman is to be made a victim to his zealous and earnest advocacy of South ern rights and Southern institutions, we be lieve thousands will not number those who will be ready to stake their fortunes on the “hazard of the die,” and fall gallantly fight ing by- his side. Wo have no personal acquaintance with Mr. Soule, nor do wo wish to be understood as writing his apology, nor as enforcing the propriety of his course, but we are too loyal to our party, and we love our principles too well, to stand calmly by and see tho one weakened by dissensions and tho other en dangered in a vortex of individual animositv and passion. The timo wss when Demo crats were willing to sacrifice their personal differences upon tho altar of tksir ssuntry, and sustain with united voises, and an undi vided front, the measures of tkeir party. — Hare those days “Gone, glimmering through the dream of things that were’’ T have we forsaken the faith of our fathers? and arc we running thoughtlessly- in the pur suit of strange gods? Defeat, disastrous defeat, confusion and deep mortification will be the inevitable result; and at our repent ant leisure we will condemn that folly which could let “such things be, And overcome as like a summer cloud, Without our spocial wonder.” We h ave heard it urged that Mr. Soule ought to have given a more courteous and satisfactory reply to tho letter of seventy eight signatures. We thought at the time, and we think now that that letter was in bad taste, and in bad time, and calculated to do much harm. We admit the doctrine of a paramount responsibility on the part of a Senator to the sovereign State ho represents, and the right of the people of that State to instruct him through the proper channels.— Yet we do think that some degree of discre tion ought to be used, and some regard paid to the time and circumstances under which it is done. That which is perfectly proper and deco rous upon suitable occasions, and entitled to the greatest respect and consideration, de generates into impertinence and folly when out of place, and like “sweet bells jangled, sounds harsh and out of tune.” What was to be gained by the letter of seventy-eight signatures'? What gpod was to be effected bv it at the time ? Mr. Soule was not a can didate for another office. He was not be fore the public soliciting the suffrage of the people. The Legislature was not in session to instruct him if his views had not concur red with a majority of that body. Nor was he in his seat, about to vote upon a measure in relation to which he was interrogated. It does seem to us as if the letter was intended to produce somo of that mischief and dis traction which have flowed so copiously from it. It does seem as if it was intended to en trap and embarrass the Senator, rather than elicit information upon his sentiments and purposes. Many- Southern men had looked with a jealous eye upon the Compromise bills so lately pending before * the Senate, and so | far from seeing in them that justice to the South which the friends of those measures contended they possessed —they’ recognized in them only that spirit of determined and in sidious aggression which had characterized a Northern ma jority, from the date of their op position to the admission of the State of Mis souri into the confederacy; and that portion of our fellow citizens, now that the measures in question have acquired the force and effect of laws, still conscientiously- doubt their effi cacy, either to allay the agitation which yet continues to exist, both North and South, or to prevent whatever encroachments in tho fu ture, a dominant and distant section may- see fit to make upon their rights. It is difficult to tell how much farther those persons are disposed to carry their op position to the so-called adjustment measures of Congress; this is certain, however, there is a good deal of opposition this side of se cession, and Southern men can do much to defend and retaliate without being justly ac cused of favoring a dissolution of the Union. We think, therefore, that the timo selected for interrogating Mr. Soule—if done in a friendly spirit, was most ill-judged—as an answer either way would have alienated a portion of his constituency-. If the intent of the letter was unfriendly, they were justly rebuked. — In either case, Mr. Soulo has violated no rule of his party-, and we see no reason why a faith ful and able servant should be sacrificed. D. [From tha Rome Southerner.] SI It. now ELL COBB. This official, sleek, fat, and well fed, with his pockets full of thousands of treasury pap, comes among us with the cry of persecution. Thore was once a celebrated demagogue in Athens, (we mean the ancient city,) who ex hibited to the dear people, self-inflicted wounds, to enable him by- moving their sym pathies, to win their favor that he might be tray their liberties through their own instru mentality. That demagogue succeeded, and so may Mr. Howell Cobb. Time will deter mine. Mr. Cobb stepped, as it were, out of Collego into Congress, from the floor of Con gress, where the pay is 88 per day-, into the Speaker’s Chair, where it is 816, and is look ing still higher at this time, if we are to be lieve bis organs. He looks to be about 35 y-ears of age, and having been in Congress, wo believe about ten years, where his pay and mileage have probably not fallen short of 82000 per annum, until this year, when it has probably reached six or eight thousand, we think his persecutions have not been intolerable. Judging from his apparently healthy- condition, wo should say- that his sufferings have not been very severe, even mentally-, otherwise they would re-act upon his physical condition. He would grow lean. Besides, there is a ready way to escape tlieso persecutions whenever they do really become intolerable. Retire from office. We do not think Mr. Cobb very likely to adopt this rem edy, if he can help it. But what are these persecutions, and whence do they come?— They consist in the denunciation of his course in Congress, by a portion of the inde pendent freemen, and public press of Geor gia. And who and what is Howell Cobb, that his acts are not to be called in questiop ? lie has been in Congress, as we have said, about ten years; and notwithstanding the ceaseless and violent assaults which have been made during all that time, upon the character and interests of the people of Geor gia, wo have yet to learn that he has ever opened his mouth in their vindication or de fence. When did 110 doit? Where are his speeches ?. V\ e challenge their production. But while he has been thus recreant to his duty to us, he has conciliated the favor of tho majority, or office-giving section, by refusing to append his name to a Southern Address, and voting for tho Oregon bill, with the Wil mot Proviso or inhibition of slavery incor porated into it. Mr. Cobb knows that these acts of omission and commission made him Speaker. His appointment of tho most rab id abolitionists and frec-soiiers upon tho com mittees of tho House, while it disgusted ma ny- of his Southern constituents, won for him the applause of moderation from the aboli tionists themselves. They boasted that ho had done better for them than their own Speaker Winthrop. Shall wo not begin to inquire into his conduct “when the roicksd praise” him 7 Mr. Cobb tried to be very se vere on editors, but succeeded only in being vulgarly abusive. For ourselves, we hold bis praise or censure in equal scorn. As independ ent journalists we owe a duty to tho public. We mean to discharge it. That duty -e ----quiresusto point out tho course of officials to our readers. We are as free to approve or condemn that course as other citizens.— The motives of the attack are obvious enough. He would discredit those who testify against him, and so avert public attention from his acts. It is the trick of the cuttle-fish, which muddies the water to elude pursuit. lie said there never was a time from the foundation of the Government when the South had less cause of complaint than now! Among these items of Southern triumph, ono was that the Wilmot Proviso, or anti-slavery restriction, was virtually removed from North ern Texas, where, if we mistake not, it went by- his vote. So far as Mr. Cobb is concern ed then, bis victory is in part the undoing of his own work. Speaking of Mr. Cobb’s great measures, tho London Times says, “slavery may, in consequence of these meas ures, be considered as doomed in the United States.” The New York Sun says, that Mr. Cobb’s victory fixes “the doom of slavery in tiie United States. Its final sup pression is near at hand.” The Portland (Me.) Inquirer, speaking of Mr. Cobb’s vic tory-, says, “slavery is also about to be driven from the District, and flic whole system is shaken to its foundation/’ “It is already circumscribed, exposed, condemned, and must fall.” The Albany Atlas, the Van Buren organ, says, “slavery is cut off from the Pacific. It is a great, triumph.” The New York Tribune says, “if the North acquiesces in the adjustment just effected, it is with the clear understanding that slavery is not to spread over one inch of our acquisitions from Mexico, beyond THE NEW settled limits of Texas. Let slavery advance one foot, and all trill be in commotion again.” Yet, Mr. Cobb says, that all this is a Southern victory, and that slave ry may advance, not only beyond the “new settled” boundary of Texas, but beyond 36 30 to the 42d degree of North latitude! — He is contradicted at all points. He claims the victory for the South. It is claimed at the I North as a victory by the abolitionists and ; free-Eoilers. Which is to be believed ? The tree-aoilers and abolitionists are sustained in their claims by neutral and impartial prints, such as the New Y ork Sun, and London limes. But this is not all. Mr. Duer, one ot the Fillmore party, as we now consider Mr. Speaker Cobb, addressing his constit uents, said that slavery “is prohibited by laws NOW IN FORCE, AND WHICH CON GRESS HAS LEFT UNREPEALED.” Mr. Cobb knows that such is the opinion eve ry where at the North. He knows that such was the avowed opinion of Mr. Clay, the au thor of the measure. That is, or teas the opinion of Toombs and Stephens, who have now coalesced with him to make anew party in Georgia.for purposes best known to them selves. Oh ! but you do not believe they are of force, says the quibbler. Admit that we do believe that the Constitution of the Uni ted States faith fully carried out by the judi ciary, would sweep away Mexican laws, Mr. Cobb knows that the chances would be against us before the federal Court as now constituted, especially considering that infirm ity of judges and politicians which inclines them to lean to the power that dispenses pat ronage. He knows that the doubt will ex clude us as effectually as the Wilinot Provi so. His new coadjutors, Toombs and Ste phens, believed it; and for that reason defeat ed the Clayton Compromise, which gave us what ho calls non-invention for the whole Mexican Territory, California included. — We havo been defrauded out of California, the only part of the territory where slavery was certain to go, and now Messrs. Cobb and Company have the effrontery to attempt a justification of their betrayal of Southern in terests by saying we acted on your opinions, not upon our own convictions ! How dare they act upon any man’s convictions of duty but their own ? Seeing that the rights of their constituents were disputed; knowing as they did, or ought to have known, and as Mr. Chase declared in the Senate, that it was there said “on every side of the Cham ber, THAT EVERY FOOT OF THE SOIL WHICH the United States acquired from Mex ico would be free soil,” how dared they acquiesce in any system of measures, which, in their own opinion, not ours, left those rights in doubt ? Mr. Toombs, a member of this new coalition, said in February, “we demand an equal participation in the whole country acquired, or a division of it, between the North and the South.” Have we got either ? There is not a member of this coalition who will not have the effrontery to say so, and they combine as much of that quality as any equal number of men, within the whole range of our acquaintance. Where then is the victory ? We have recovered the prin ciple lost in 1820, and again and again by Mr. Cobb’s vote in the Oregon territorial bill, and tho bill applying the Missouri line to Texas! California is gone. Oregon is gone. We have lost the only territory where slavery was likely to go —but we have got the princi ple ! The abolitionists and free-soilers have got the whole Pacific coast, all its magnifi cent harbors, all the vast prospects of Asiatic commerce, all the golden placers of Cali fornia ; they have thus “circumscribed, ex posed, and condemned” slavery, and “blocked its march to the West;” and we are invited to raise a shout of triumph, because Protocol Howell, and Hamilcar, have recovered tho principle ! The abolitionists claim the victo ry because they have got the land. Cobb and coadjutors, Toombs and Stephens, claim it because they have got the principle! But we may go into Utah North of the Missouri line ! Slavery may grope its way towards tho North pole, along the snowy ridges of the Rocky Mountains in company with griz zly bears, and savage Indians! So it is pre tended we may even get some land, as well as the principle. Wo have already shown that this is disputed. But even if it were not, Davy Wilmot and Joshua R. Giddings them selves, might well trust to the Mountains, the deserts of sand, tho Salt Lakes, the roaming hordes of savages and surrounding freo-soil territory to exclude us from this isolated and worthies* region, lying more than a thousand miles from the shores of tho Pacific, and thousands from those of the Atlantic ocean. Who but Howell Cobb, and those Siamese twins of politics, Toombs and Stophons, eoald boast of such a victory ! • • • • • Extract* from Chancellor Harper’* Memoir oa Slavery. It has been supposed one of the great evils of slavery, that it affords the slave no oppor tunity of raising himself to a higher rank in society, and that he has, therefore, no induce ment to meritorious exertion, or the cultiva tion of his faculties. The indolence and carelessness of the slave, and the less pro ductive quality of his labor, are traced to the want of such excitement. The first compen sation for this di*advantage is hite security.— If he can rise no higher, he is just in the samo degree secured against tho chances of falling lower. It has been sometimes made a ques tion whether it were better for a man to be freed from the perturbations of hope and fear, or to be exposed to their vicissitudes. But I suppose there could be little question with re spect to a situation in which the fears must greatly predominate over the hopes. And such I apprehend to bo tho condition of tho laboring poor in countries where slavery does not exist. If not exposed to present suffer ing, thero is continual apprehension for the future—for themselves—for their children— of sickness and want, if not of actual star vation. They expect to improve their cir cumstances f Would any one person of or dinary candor say, that there is one in a hundred of them who does not well know, that with all the exertion he can make, it is out of his power materially to improve his circumstances ? I speak not so much of menial servants, who are generally ot a su perior class, as of tho agricultural and man ufacturing laborers. They labor with no such view. It is the instinctive struggle to preserve existence, and when the superior efficiency of their labor over that of our slaves is pointed out, as being animated by a free man’s hopes, might it not well be re plied—it is because they labor under a stern er compulsion? The jaws interpose no ob stacle to their raising their condition in so ciety. ‘Tis a great boon—but as to the great mass, they know that they never will be able to raise it—and it should seem not very im portant in effect, whether it be the interdict of law, or imposed by the circumstances of society. One in a thousand is successful. But does his success compensate for the suf ferings of the many who are tantalized, bas lied, and tortured in raih attempts to attain a like result? If the individual be con scious of intellectual power, the suffering is greater. Even where success is, apparently uttained, be sometimes gains it but ic’die— or with all capacity to enjoy it exhausted worn out in tho struggle with fortune. If it bo true that the African is an inferior variety of the human race, of less elevated charac ter and more limited intellect, is it not desi rable that the inferior laboring class should bo made up of such who will conform to their condition without painful aspirations and vain struggles ? The slave is certainly liable to bo sold.— But perhaps it may, be questioned whether this is a greater evil than the liability of the laborer, in fully peopled countries, to be dis-‘ missed by his employer, with the uncertainty of being unable to obtain employment, or tho’ means of subsistence elsewhere. With us, tho employer cannot dismiss bis laborer with out providing him with another employer.— His means of subsistence are secure, and this is a compensation for much. He is also’ liable to be separated from wife or child—- though not more frequently, that I am aware of, than tho exigency of their condition com pels the separation of families among the la boring poor elsewhere—but from native char acter and temperament, the separation is much less severely felt. And it is one of the compensations, that he may sustain these re lations without suffering a still severer penal-’ ty for tho indulgence. The love of liberty is a noble passion—to havo the free, uncontrolled disposition of our selves, our words and actions. But alas! it is one in which wo know that a largo por tion of the human race can never be gratified. It is mockery to say that the laborer any where lias such disposition of himself— though thero may be an approach to it in 1 some peculiar, and those, perhaps, not tho most desirable, states of society. But unless he be properly disciplined and prepared for its enjoyment, it is the most fatal boon that; could be conterrcd—fatal to himself and others. If slaves have less freedom of ac tion than other laborers, which I by no means admit, they are saved in a great degree from the responsibility of self-government, and the’ evils springing from their own perverse wills. Fhose who have looked most closely into’ life, and know how great a portion of hu man misery is derived from theso sources—” the undecided and wavering purpose—produ cing ineffectual exertion, or indolence with its thousand attendant evils—the wayward conduct—intemperance or profligacy—will most appreciate this benefit. The line of a slave’s duty is marked out with precision, and he has no choice but to follow it. Ho is saved the double difficulty, first of determin ing the proper course for himself, and then of summoning up the energy which will sustain him in pursuing it If some superior power should impose ore tho laborious poor of any other country, this as their unalterable condition—you shall bo saved from the torturing anxiety concerning your own future support, and that of your children, which now’ pursues you through life and haunts you in death—you shall be un der tho necessity of regular and healthful, though not excessive labor—in return, yon shall have the ample supply of your natural wants—you may follow the instinct of na turo in becoming parents, without appre hending thatthis supply will fail yourselves or your children—you shall bo supported and relieved in sickness, and in old age wear out the remains of existence among familiar scenes and accustomed associates, without being driven to beg, or to resort to the bard and miserable charity of a workhouse—you shall of necessity be temperate, and shall have neither the temptation nor opportunity to commit great crimes, or practise the more destructive vices—how inappreciable would the boon bo thought! And is not tins a very near approach to the condition of our slaves'? Tho evil* of their situation they but lightly feel, and -would hardly feel at all, if they wem not sedulously instructed into sensibility.— Certain it is, that if their fate were at the ab solute disposal of a council Os the most en lightened philanthropistsm Christendom, with unlimited resources, they could plaee them in no situation so favorable to themselves, as that w’hich they at present occupy. But what ever good there may bo, or whatever mitiga tion of evil, it is worse than valueless, because it is tho result of slavery. Enemihs. —llavo you enemies? Go straight on, and mind them not. If they block up your path, walk around them, and do your duty regardless of their spite. A man Who has no enemies is seldom good for any thing, he is made of that kind of ma terial which is so ca*ily -worked that every one has a hand in it. A sterling character, ono who thinks for himself, and speaks na he thinks, is always sure to have enemies. They are necessary to him as fresh air; they keep him alive and active. Contempt.- —There is no action in the be havior of ono man towards another, of which human nature is more impatient, than of con tempt, it being a thing made up of these two ingredients, an undervaluing of a man upon a belief of bis utter uselessness and inability, and a spiteful endeavor to engage the rest of the world in tho same belief, and slight es teem of him. A Happy Man. —The editor of the Pitts burg Chronicle says: “Talk about enjoyment of wealth—it never can be enjoyed! An abundance is a heap of misery. A man who owns a house, a small farm, a wife, a big dog, a cow, two or three fat pigs, and a dozen children, ought to be satisfied. If he aint, he never can be. A Kind Spirit. —Perform a good deed, speak a kind word> bestow a pleasant •mile, and you receive the same in return. The happiness you bestow upon other*, is reflect ed back to your own bosom. 04/“ Tho editor of a newspaper being chal lenged, coolly replied, that any fool might give a challenge,but that two fools wtr needed for a fight. 04r* In the East they have armies of lo custs that quite darken the sun. In England, they have no locusts, but they have tax-gath erers; for it is doubtful if any thing could block out the light more effectually than the window tax. There is no connection between genius and an aversion or contempt for any of the com mon duties of life. To spend some fair por tion of every day in any matter of fact occu pation is good for the higher faculties. GENTLE WORDS. Ue sent]* words, for who can tell The blessings they impart! How oft they fall—aa manna fell— On some nigh-fainting heart! In lonely wilds, by light-wing'd birds, Rare seeds have oft been sown ; Aori hope has sprung from gentle words, Where only griefs had grown. NO. 47.