Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING, NOV. 21, 1850. ELECTION FOR THE CONVENTION. VOTERS WILL REMEMBER THAT NEXT MONDAY, 25th inst. THE ELECTION OF DELEGATES TO THE STATE CONVENTION TAKES PLACE. Southern Rights Nominations FOR THE STATE CONVENTION. Election 25th of November. Muscogee County. Hon. ALFRED IVERSON. Maj. JOHN H. HOWARD. MARTIN J. CRAWFORD. WILLIAM Y. BARDEN. Harris County. GEORGE A. B. DOZIER. THOS. A. WILLIAMS. JESSE GUNN. HOPSON MILNER. Stewart County. Dk. I. W. STOKES. WILLIAM NELSON. Dr. WM. E. WIMBERLY. JAMES HILLIARD. Randolph County. RICIFD DAVIS. CHARLES IIARRISON. S. P. ALLISON. Dr. S. P. BURNETT. RICHMOND COUNTY.— Georg* W. Lamar; James M.Smythe; Datid F. Dickinson ; John C. Snead. IiIBB COUNTY. —Leroy Napier; Charles Collins; Thomar A. Brown; Robert A. Smith. MONROE COUNTY. —Thomas L. Battle; Daniel Goddard; David Ogletreb; William C. Redding. COBB COUNTY.— John Dunwodt, Sr.; I. N. Jleggie; John S. Anderson; John I*. Arnold. TWIGGS COUNTY.— Benjamin B. Smith; Dr. Henry S. Wimberly. CLARK COUNTY— Charles Dougherty; Wilson LuMrKiN; IsaacS. Vincent; John A. Lowe. TIIOMAS COUNTY. —James L. Seward; E. R. Youno. CASS COUNTY.—Dr. B. 11. C. Bonnar; Tho mas G. Dunlap; J. W. B. Summers; Nathaniel Nicholson. MURRAY COUNTY.—GenI. John Bates; William Gordon. COWETA COUNTY.—G. D. Greer; L. M. Smith; R. S. Burch; Dr. Page. MERIWETHER COUNTY.—O. Warner; Al fred Wellborn; John H.McMath; Geo. A. Hall. DeKALB COUNTY.—A. F. Luckie; Dr. T. M. Darnel; Judge E. A. Davis; Dr. William Gilbert. MARION COUNTY.— Dr. N. M. Holland; E. Q. Brown. FLOYD COUNTY.—CoI. Joseph Watters; Dr. A. Dean. PAULDING COUNTY. —George Garrison; Joseph 11. Dodds. CHATHAM COUNTY.—Hon. Jno. M. Ber rien; Dr. James P. Screven; R. T. Gibson; Dr. C. P. Richardsone. LUMPKIN COUNTY.—Cent. Jno. D. Field, Col. W t illiam Martin; Raymond Sandford; John W. Keith. EARLY COUNTY. — Judge Thos. Slight, Dr. Josiah Vinson. WASHINGTON COUNTY.—M. C. William son; Green Brantley; James W. Trawick ; Thomas J. Wartiif.n. FORSYTH COUNTY.— Ed. Ferguson; J. A. Green. BURKE COUNTY.— Edmund Palmer ; W. W. Hughes; John C. Poythrf.ss; John Whitehead. TATNALL COUNTY.— De La Motta ; Shes- TALL. HOUSTON COUNTY.—Dr. E. J. McGehee ; F. W. Jobson ; Sol. Fudge ; Morris Pollock. LINCOLN COUNTY. —Alexander Frazier ; Aaron Hardy. CHEROKEE COUNTY.— John W. Lewis; Eli McConnell; Samuel Tate; J. P. Brooke. HANCOCK COUNTY.— William D. Wynn ; D. W. Lewis. MORGAN COUNTY. —Jesse C. Paulett ; John Durden. WTLKINSON COUNTY. —Samuel Beall ; Samuel Brags. I T Mr. JOHN B. SLATON is duly Authorized to act as Agent for this paper. Hi* receipts for sub scriptions will be good at this office. O* Wc would call the attention of our readers to the advertisement of the Honorary Secretary of the American Art-Union. “The People’s Money."— The sensibilities of some of our Submission presses seem to be conside rably disturbed at the thought of the $30,000 which our last Legislature has squandered upon the ap proaching Convention. They are perfectly horrified at the profligate spirit which could appropriate so large an amount of “the people’s money” to defray the expenses of a Convention of Southern men who meet ts confer on the subject of their grievances, and to devise the mode and measure of redress. And yet these same presses count it a very little matter to give up the whole of California, Utah, New Mexico, and a part of Texas. The difference be tween the two eases, and that which may serve to reconcile the latter to the consciences of our con servative friends, is, that the $30,000 will be paid to Southern men, and in the other instance the pay all goes to tho North. How genuine must be the devo tion which such men feel for the interests of the people I Encourage your own Manufactures. — The plan ters are now laying in their supplies of negro shoes, and we would suggest to them that, in all cases where it is practicable, they should buy the home-made article. It is just as good, and costs no more money. You thus encourage the mechanic arts in your own midst—keep your money at home—and if long prac ticed on, the policy will bring the North to its senses. There is no good reason why another negro shoe should ever be bought in a free State, and there are good reasons, plenty of them, why we should never buy any thing from the North that can be made at the South. Let the work begin in the shoe trade.— We annually trade to the amount of millions with the free States for the single article of shoes. Let ns keep this money here, and in a short time we shall have immense manufactories in our midst, sup plying our demand, and in their turn creating anew demand for the products of our planters and the wares of our merchants. Fire.— Quite a destructive conflagration occurred in Albany, Ga., on Tuesday, the 12th inst., supposed to have been the work of an incendiary. Eleven buildings were destroyed, and the loss is estimated at about $30,000. Wc are happy to learn from the Patriot , that the business and growing prosperity of the place will not be interfered with by the fire. The “Slave Hunt” in Boston. —lt is known to our readers tliat Messrs. Knight and Hughes, who went on from Macon, in this State, to recapture two fugitives in Boston, were compelled to leave the lat | ter city without their property. The negroes were j found, and identified, and the process placed in the hands of the United States Marshal, but he dared not attempt its service. It is boasted by these law and order people, that no violent resistance was op posed to the execution of the law, and yet so alarm ing were the demonstrations, that the slave owners were forced to leave in double quick time. It is even heralded in honor of Boston, that no fugitive ever has been, or ever will be, recaptured there. Think of this, Southern men, before you determine, by your votes, that Georgia has no grievances to redress. Great Whig Meeting at Boston.— Boston, Nov. 9th. —There was a large and enthusiastic Whig meeting in Faneuil Hall last night. The speakers all went for a modification of the Fugitive Slave Bill , but denounced any nullification of the laws. • Boston, Nov. B.— William and Ellen Crafts, fugi tive slaves, were yesterday married by the Rev. Theo dore Parker, and it is said that they have left for England, via Halifax. Fugitive Slaves at the North. —A pamphlet published at Washington estimates the number of slaves who have escaped from the South, in the last forty years, at 61,624, or 1,500 annually, and the total loss $27,730,800. The main element in deter mining these results is the difference between the actual increase of the free black population of the North from one census to another, and what the in crease would have been had it been confined to nat ural causes. The author states that the slave popu lation of the South doubles once in 30 years—that the free negroes of the South double once in 25 that the free negroes of the North and West double once in 40 years from the natural increase alone— that the free negroes of the South are the most sta ble and least migratory of any class of population in the United States, leaving out of question their mi gration to other Slave States—that considerably more of the free negroes migrate from the free States to the Slave States, than from the Slave Status to the Free States —and that forty-nine fiftieths of all native negroes of the Slave States who are found in the Free States were fugitive slaves when they left the Slave States.— Savannah News. O’ Bennett, of the Herald , was severely beaten in New York, a few days since, by a Mr. John Gra ham, late candidate for District Attorney in that city. The provocation was, severe attacks upon Mr. Gra ham in the columns of the Heratd, but so far as we have been able to ascertain the circumstances of the assault., it was most cowardly and brutal. The Fruits. —A Southerner who made claim on oath to his slave in Pittsburgh, was committed to prison for perjury, and the slave went on his way re joicing. After remaining in jail four months , the claimant was released on SIOOO bail. The Army in Boston. We have heard some considerable talk of late about Mr. Fillmore’s sending tho Army and Navy round to Boston to teach the down-easters a little regard for law and order, and all that. We never imagined that Mr. Fillmore would do any such thing, and hence we were not at all surprised at the Republic , his organ at Washington, in formally disclaiming for his Excellency, all such hostile intentions. Boston is one of the last places our Fresident wishes to send the army to, but if he is going to let loose the dogs of war any where in this Union, he couldn’t please us better than by giving our puritanical, convent burning, witch hanging, abolition brethren of that quarter the first benefit. The Coming Election. Before Our next publication, the people of Geor gia will have decided at the ballot box, the position which our State is to occupy iu the present crisis.- No election since the organization of the State has been fraught with consequences more important to us and to the Union. By it, we may stay the tide of Northern injustice, and place the South where she once stood, the proud coequal of the North in a glo rious confederacy of sovereign States; by it, we may invite new outrages, open new avenues to wrong, and commit the South to a policy of present shame and future ruin. Voters of Georgia! you must turn the scale in which hang the destinies of yourselves and your children. If you have ever been called on to take part in an election which demanded a cool, unprejudiced and rational exercise of your high pre rogatives as freemen, you must feel that the weighty matters involved in the present contest, assign to it that place of prominence. What are the issues made by the two parties who have presented candidates for your votes? The names of the parties, and the personal popularity of the candidates, are insignificant things; the principles they embody, and the position they will occupy in the convention, are the only sen sible tests. What then, we ask, are the issues made between the two parties in Georgia? The first great point of difference is this: one party believes that the South has been injured by the North, and that wc are threatened with still greater wrongs.— The other party believes that the South lias no cause of complaint in the past, and no cause of apprehen sion in the future. Which is right ? We ask you if there is no wrong in the fact, that the South endured more than her share of a long and bloody war, and is now shut out from every inch of territory which we acquired from the enemy ? We ask you if there is no wrong in the fact, that in the District of Colum bia, which was ceded by slave States to the Union solely for government purposes, the people of the South are not allowed to trade in their property, while Ohio hog raisers and Connecticut pedlers may traffic there as much as they please ? We ask you if there is no wrong in the fact, that when our peo ple go North seeking to recapture their stolen proper ty, they are met with mobs, threatened with violence, and forced to leave without their slaves ? We ask you if there is no cause of apprehension in the grow ing spirit of abolition at the North ; in the complete subjugation of our government to abolition control ; in the rapid strides which Congress is making to wards this end, ahd in the boldness with which our rights and our very existence are threatened ? All these are questions which every honest planter in the land may answer for himself, and his own honest heart is a better touchstone of truth in matters like these, than the polished intellect of the selfish poli tician. The next issue between the two parties is a corol lary of the first. Os course, the party which be lieves that the South has no cause of complaint, is op posed to all resistance—the other party holds that some sort of resistance is necessary. If you agree that any injustice has been done the South, then you must send delegates to Milledgeville who will say so. and who will declare to the North that we will not in silence submit to her impositions. But if you be lieve that we have no cause of complaint, elect men who will in the face of the pledges given by our last Legislature, proclaim to the North and to the world, we are satisfied ; we have obtained all we have ask ed, and demand nothing more. It is with the people to decide the nature of that convention. It is with them to say whether it shall present a bold and man ly front to Northern aggression, or whether like spaniels, we shall fawn upon the hands that smite us. We believe the issue rests in safe hands; we are willing to trust the honor of Georgia in the hands of her sons at the ballot box, or upon the tented field, and when they betray it, then we will be pre pared, but not before, with our hands upon our months, and our mouths in the dust, to acknowledge that the spirit of our forefathers has been buried with them. Southern Men, to the Polls ! The absence of one man from his post on the 25th may lose the day to the South. Every man has the rights of a freeman involved in that contest, and in the immortal language of one of England’s heroes, “every man is expected to do his duty.” The victo ry is ours if we will but put forth our hands and grasp it, but the mere glory of a triumph is not to be our reward. The rights, the honor, it may be, the very existence of the South, these are involved in the struggle, and may hang upon the vote of one man in the corning election. How important then that every son of Georgia who has a voice in the settlement of this controversy, should rally to the rescue on Monday next! And though all Georgia beside should fail, let Muscogee do her duty. Let her at least be heard upon the floor of the convention, in deep toned rep robation of Northern injustice. Our candidates are warm hearted Southern men, wide awake to our rights and true as steel in their defence. No South ern man need fear to follow in the lead of such men as Howard, and Crawford, and Bardf.n, and Iverson. The Southern Rights party has honored itself in their nomination ; let Muscogee honor her self in their election. But Muscogee will not be alone. Tier sister coun ties of Western Georgia are right side up. From Harris and Talbot and Meriwether and Stewart and Randolph we have news to cheer us in the contest. — Our fellow citizens in those counties are animated with the right spirit. The banner of Southern Rights is in good hands, and we have no fears as to the result. To the polls, then, and the day is ours ! The Inviolable Rights of the People. When the abolitionists first sought a hearing in Congress, their petitions were very promptly and Very properly rejected. Who does not recollect the indignant howls with which these fiends made the land to resound at the so called violation of the ancient and sacred right of petition ? Again and again did they thrust themselves upon both houses of Congress, and again and again were they spurn ed with merited contempt. But they succeeded at length. Men reasoned thus: By rejecting them we array not only the abolitionists, but many others who think we deny the right of petition in refusing to hear them. We will admit them, and then treat them with silent contempt. All this noise about the right of petition being silenced, abolition will be robbed of its most effectual weapon, and wc shall hear no more of this matter. So said some of our own people, Alexander 11. Stephens among them. It was so determined; the petitions were admitted, but the matter did not stop there. Gathering new encour agement from their triumph, the petitioners set to work with renewed zeal, and from that day to this, have gone on gathering new strength and influence. The Fugitive Bill has become a law, and again the North is vocal with howls of indignation. Another of the sacred rights of the people has been violated, and the odious measure must be repealed. The watchword resounds from every hamlet, town and city, throughout the North. American citizens have the right of trial by jury guarantied among their sacred and inalienable rights, and we will not, say they, submit to its surrender. The agitation is to be renewed at the next session of Congress, and the most formidable element in the strife is to be this same cry of popular liberty, and its safeguard, the right of trial by jury. As before, the fanatics will succeed ; the fugitive act will be repealed, or at least so modified as to give the slave a jury trial, thus effectually defeating its intention. And is the Union to be dissolved when this is done ? Mr. Stephens has said so, and lie may be as good as his word, but wc do not believe it. He may not be bold enough to vote for such a modification, but when it shall have become a law, he will come home and champion it.— Mr. Stephens has done these things, and it would not be strange if he did them again. The Triumph of Southern Rights. lie who has attentively marked the history of popular sentiment at the North, cannot be mistaken as to the ultimate tendency of public opinion at the South. We have seen a power there which a few years since was ridiculed for its insignificance, grad ually acquiring importance, unlil now it overshad ows all others, and reigns the supreme element in Northern politics. We mean, of course, the power of anti-slavery. In the great State of New York, it has made William 11. Seward, an avowed aboli tien'st, United States Senator, and in the recent elec tion has returned twenty-eight free-soilers, out of a delegation of thirty-four, to the lower House of Congress. In Massachusetts, it has broken down the power of the Whig party, defeated the election of a Governor by the people, and holds the sceptre in the State Legislature. These are but the first fruits of anti-slavery in New York and Massachusetts. It has but entered upon iis career of triumph in these States, a triumph to which it is destined throughout the entire North.. Nor is it strange that such should be the case. The issue which it presents has, of all others, tho strongest hold upon the popular mind ; for however various and different in degree, may be the shades of sentiment on this question at the North, it is vain to deny that a feeling of hostility to the institution of slavery pervades all classes, sects and parties, in that section. Nearly every Northern man is at heart an anti-slavery man. He is so by education and prejudice, and it would be most remarkable if he were not. Asa matter of course then when the question is raised, and he is forced to take sides either for or against it, ho ar rays himself on the side of anti-slavery. Thus it lias been, and thus it will be. The demagogue Seward had the sagacity to foresee this result, and i his platform is to-day the very Gibraltar of North- j ern polities. He is the strongest man for the Presi- j dency in the North, and every day adds to his pop- j v.larity. In the South, the opposite cause is producing the j opposite result. Pro-slavery has just entered as an element into the politics of the country. It has been dragged into the arena by the champions of anti-slavery. It has for the first time in the history of this government, rallied a party in the South.— That party is now at work in Georgia, and as the anti-slavery party in New York, it may be doomed to defeat at first, but like that same party, it will rise and triumph in the end ; and for similar rea sons. An overwhelming majority of Southern men are pro-slavery, and when the question is made a practical issue, and they are forced to take sides, they must rally under one banner, the banner of the South. No matter then whether we triumph or are defeated in the approaching election, as certain as the sun shines in heaven, just so certain are we destined to ultimate triumph. The day is coming, and is not far distant, when the Southern Rights party will control every county in the State ; when the miserable eatspaws of national leaders, and the disappointed expectants of national honors, will find themselves the very bottom dregs of the stagnant pool of party. These gentlemen of enlarged patri otism, with souls too large to recognize the petty distinctions of States and sections, are doomed to an early extinction. Henceforth there is but one stepping stone to preferment at the South, and that is the platform of Southern Rights. Judge Berrien. This gentleman declines being run as a candidate for the Convention. He thus states the ground of his declension: “ My official duty will require me to be at Wash ington during the sitting of the Convention. This is a duty which I owe to the whole people of Georgia , and the daily intelligence which we receive of the agitation in the non-slaveliolding States, and especial ly of the disposition which they evince to evade, or if that be impracticable, to resist the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law, seems to me to render it proper that Southern Representatives should be early and steadily in their seats in the approaching session of Congress. It is true that it is not usual in that body to transact much business before Christmas, but this is a peculiar crisis, in which it would not be quite prudent to judge of coming events by the re collection of past usage, and the rule some time since adopted, by which the unfinished business of one session is continued to the next session of the same Congress, may furnish a motive for proceeding at once to its consideration, as soon as the committees are appointed. If any measure hostile to the inter ests of Georgia, should be brought before the Senate, while I was absent from my seat by any act of my own, I would feel that I had neglected a duty which I owed to my constituents —to the whole people of Georgia.” Massachusetts and Mr. Webster. Whiggery has been killed in Massachusetts by its Southern spirit! Heavens! llow delicate must be the stomach that nauseates at the faint trace of patriotism to be found in Massachusetts “W hjggery. Mr. Webster has made a few soft-soder speeches about tho Union, and the result is, he has killed his part}’ in that State as dead as a herring. The late election amounts to a direct repudiation of his course. The Legislature has to elect a Senator in his place, and the Coalitionists, i. e. the Democrats and Free soilers, have the majority, and will, doubtless, run in an opposition Senator. But the issue has been more directly made. Horace Mann had the impudence to attack Mr. “Webster's Union positions, and for this want of good breeding, the M big Convention in Mr. Manx’s district, refused him the nomination, and gave it to a Mr. W alley, (a Webster Whig.) Mr. Mann was not to be thus easily disposed of, and he, accordingly, entered the field on his own hook. The election is over, the votes are counted, and Mr. Mann leads Mr. Walley some 2500 votes, and is elected by a clear majority of 154 votes over all opposition. Those few run-mad fanatics who have to bear the blame of all the mischief that is done at the North, must either have multiplied wonderfully of late, or else they possess the singular art of multiplying votes at the ballot box. The Union—How to Save It. A severer blow than the Union has ever received from “Northern fanatics and Southern fire-eaters,” would be inflicted by the triumph of the subrnis sionists in the election next Monday. Let no man deceive himself with the hope, that he may serve the Union by contributing to the election of sub mission delegates. The eyes of the North are now turned with intense anxiety to the result of our movement. They know that our Legislature has declared that the admission of California would be an outrage ; they know we have pronounced the Dis trict slave trade bill a fraud upon our rights ; they know that we see our property stolen and carried to the free States, and that our efforts to recapture it have proved unavailing; they know all these things and they now anxiously await our action, to see whether we are prepared to endure them good na turedly. If our election should indicate a disposition to do so, they are at once emboldened. New schemes of wrong will be immediately concocted, new de inands made, and once more our powers of endu rance will be tested. Thus, to use one of Mr. Toombs’ Southern expressions, we shall find “that concessions to unjust demands, are fruitful of nothing but future aggression.” True, the Union may yet be saved, if we are to bow before all future aggressions, as we are exhorted to do now. The Union need never be destroyed so long as we submit to all the North demands, but if we are ever to find any of Mr. Toombs’ points of resistance, or Mr. Stephens’ grave-stakes, the farther we retreat the worse for us. The man who is for the Union “at all hazards and to the last extremity,” is of course consistent in sub mitting now, but the man who wishes to preserve the Union without at the same time surrendering every thing else, must not hope to do it by a spirit of tame submission. Say to the North now, while you may, thus far, but no farther, and you may save the Union with your rights. Your silence may de ceive the North into the idea that you will submit to still greater exactions, and when she has thus, by your own encouragement, gone one step further, it may not be in her power to retreat. We ask you honestly to glance back over the events of the last two years, and answer us, if the South lias made one demonstration of resistance which has not checked the spirit of Northern fanaticism ; if every impulse which has been given to the sentiment of Union at the North, lias not been the result of what has been -called in derision, the ultraism of Southern “firc caters',? The great Union demonstration in New York was the result of the movements now going on in South Carolina, Georgia and Mississippi. Let Georgia swallow her brave words and quietly submit, and who shall estimate tho immediate reaction which will take place in public opinion at the North ? The evil goes farther ; it forever discredits whatever the South may say about resistance hereafter. No State can ever be more positively committed to resistance than Georgia now is ; and if we are to cave in , the words and resolutions of tho South, and of our State especially, are to become bye words of contempt and ridicule. Shall this bo so ? Is Georgia to be so degraded that her name shall become a term of reproach to her sons at home and abroad ? It is with you, Georgians, to say, and you must settle the question at the polls on the 25th. Remember, the honor of our State must be maintained. Judge Lumpkin’s Address. The selection of this distinguished son of Georgia, to deliver the Annual Address before the South Car ilina Industrial Institute, is in good taste, and a richly merited tribute, as well to the useful public services, as to the ability and ac j complishments of the orator. The compliment j to the State which proudly claims him as one j of her master spirits is peculiarly appropriate. Georgia takes the lead of most of her sisters in the active development of her domestic re sources and the successful prosecution, of all the great projects of industry and enterprise which it is the object of the Institute to foster. Her example has not been lost upon us, and time will show that in all that appertains to their mutual interests, South Carolina and Georgia will he linked together hand in hand, as sisters of one family, in one common cause. The visit of Judge Lumpkin will, we feel con fident, be greeted with that hearty and general welcome which the citizens of Charleston so well know 7 how to extend. His long identifica tion with every good work of moral and practi cal improvement, high position and influence, and, above all, devoted attachment to the rights and institutions for the maintenance of which we are contending, and his extreme jealousy of the former, evinced even on a very recent occa sion, as President of the State Temperance So ciety of Georgia, abundantly entitle him to our regards and hospitalities. Let our citizens prove their appreciation of the orator, and the noble cause which he advocates this evening, by turn ing out in large numbers to hear, and profit by what they hear. Judge Lumpkin arrived in our city on Satur day evening last, and took lodgings at the Charleston Hotel.— Charleston Courier. Has the South been Cheated ? The submission leaders tell the people of Georgia that the South has great reason to re joice at the action of Congress on the slavery question—that the South has gained a great vic tory, and that Southern rights have not, for thir ty years, been as secure as they are now. What is the impression of candid minds in the North oil this subject? When w T e find influential journals acknowledging that” the North has cheat ed the South,” it should cause Southern men to doubt whether they have any thing to rejoice over, and nothing to excite their indignation.— The New York lftrald says: “The Nortli cheated the South in the admis sion of California. The North w r ere convinced of it—they felt ashamed of it, and alarmed about it; and they endeavored to make up in their own self-abasement, in the passage of the fugitive bill, the atonement for their greediness in seizing the whole of the gold region. In one word, according to the Northern idea of the fu gitive bill, and the Southern idea of California’s admission, the North attempted to atone for an act of fraud by an act of disgrace. They first drive the South to the wall, and out of California entirely, and then bow down in the most abject humiliation to offer the impracticable indemnity of the fugitive bill. “If California had been honestly divided, the South would have been appeased ; but this fugitive law, while it affords no security to the South, no indemnity for their*fexclusion from California, only exasperates the abolitionists to drive the South to revolt. The adjustment is tending in that direction.”— Augusta Constitu tionalist. The Appeal to the Pocket. The Southern apologists for the North, who never lose an opportunity of stultifying them selves, are venturing a small sneer at us for inti mating that interest was the motive principle of the late New York movement. It is notorious to every one who reads the New York papers, that the prints which first brought forward the suggestion, and afterwards pressed it through, did level their appeals prin cipally, if not entirely, at the merchants’ pockets, the newly discovered seat of patriotism. We have cited most abundant proofs of this, which the very patriotic “pacificators” take very good care to suppress, on the insane ostrich policy which they have all along pursued. So they do not inform the Southern people of these facts, they suppose they will never find them out, and be prepared meekly to turn the other cheek to the smiter, when additional in sults are to be offered to propitiate the “con science” of the National North. We have no objections to make to the modus operandi by which the Northern press may seek to create a reactionary movement against a policy which, in the words of one of them, “ will cause the grass to grow in the streets of New York city,” but we will not aid the canting hy pocrisy which suppresses facts, and indulges in pleasing fictions in their stead. This was the tone of the New York press. The New York Mirror of the 12th inst. said : “The New York merchants, whose pockets are threatened by the organization now being form ed at the South, binding the planters not to trade icilh-a city represented in the Senate by an Aboli tionist, are beginning to wake up to the dangers of disunion. They can discern, through the keen commercial sagacity for which they are so remarkable as a class, that an anti-intercourse league at the South, and a determination to stop the machinery of government at Washing ton, is nothing less than a practical dissolution !of the Union. Such a consummation would instantly convert our ‘ princes’ into beggars, and New York stocks, New York real estate, and New York merchants would instantly fall ‘like Lucifer from Heaven.’ “ We have abundant evidence that our com mercial men are beginning to foresee that this will be the inevitable ‘condition of things,’ if Seward and his abolition minions are not speed ily checked in their mad career.” The same air was played with variations by its affiliated presses. The Southern people are sick of the slang of professional politicians and partisan hacks, whose purblind eyes cannot compass a larger area than the party platform. They want the truth, and the whole truth—they want the nak ed facts, not the skillful glosses which are put upon them, in order that they may be made to suit, respectively the Northern and the Southern market—and cheat the latter. Those facts we have given, and shall continue to give them; and the wincing of the jades whose galled flanks have been exposed, encour ages and incites us to continue the good work of detecting and exposing sham patriots and sham patriotism. The conservative element of Northern society has doubtless been aroused by the recent alarm ing strides which radicalism has made on their free soil. They have good cause to tremble at the successive bounds of the tiger they have unchained—-and the instinct of self-preservation and selfish fears, may well spur on the merchant princes of the Northern cities to put down the agitation so pregnant with loss and danger to them. Let them, if they can, restrain and prison this raging beast. Abolition—it is their duty and their interest so to do—for never would it have been so powerful or so dangerous but for their connivance or protection. Yet it does not be come Southern men to pour out hysterical pro fessions of gratitude and sympathy for such ac tion on Ihe part of such persons,—for low, in deed, will they have sunk when they will be i ready to beg as a boon, or accept as a charity, j the performance of a simple duty on the part of their Northern brethren. We do not believe that the South has sunk quite as low as that yet, or that she is vet prepared to be “ thankful for the smallest favors,” as some of her nominal organs are in her behalf, adopting the motto of the poet: “ Contented with little, And canty with more.” The appeals made to the pockets of the mer chants have been succeeded by some of the same sort addressed to the manufacturers. New England at present being in rather a stormy state, the New York Journal of Com merce thus essays to pour oil on the troubled waters. It will be observed that the appeal is not made to the memories of Bunker Hill, &c., usually so forcibly resorted to for ornamental purposes, but a severely practical application to the pocket. We call attention to the fact merely as such, not for any invidious purpose, since the Journal doubtless understands how to come home to the business and bosoms of those it addresses: “ Manufactures Extra. —The manufactures of New England are just at present engaged in making a rope to hang themselves with. By their attempted nullification of an act of Con gress intended as a peace offering to the South, though no more than is demanded by the Con- j stitution, they are doing what they can to hasten j the day when the South, as a separate and ex- j asperated nation, will lay prohibitory duties upon ! Northern manufactures, &c., and upon cotton j exported to the Northern States, or establish a non-intercourse law, while on the other hand they will adopt a system of free trade with England, receiving her manufactures, and send ing her their cotton, free of duty. This would make a pretty, kettle of fish for Northern con sciences, wouldn’t it? Well, it is just what they will have, and that speedily, if they persist in their higher law doctrine of defamation and abuse. We do not mean that the manufacturers of New England are more generally implicated in the rebellion than other citizens—possibly they are not as much so. But so long as no counteracting influence is exerted, either by themselves or others, there is danger that the language and acts of a few will be taken as the language and acts of the community, and pro duce effects accordingly.” It is very evident to every observer, that in terest has more to do with these movements than principle, and equally evident that the agi tation at the South has caused this reactionary agitation at the North. So long as the South was supposed to stand like a passive sheep, ready to be sheared of her golden fleece, North ern conservatism slumbered—but when agita tion roused her to a knowledge of her rights and j the insidious plots against them, and resistance became the rallying cry throughout the South— then Northern conservatism awoke to convul sive and men of property began to feel the i tingling of the pocket-nerve most painfully. It will be well, indeed, for them, and for their section of the confederacy 7, should the sober second thought of such prevail over the fraud, ; the folly and the fanaticism which wages war on the Southern States and the Constitution, at one and the same time. If it does not —if Seward ism is to be the higher law of the North, then, indeed, will they verify the truth of the Oriental adage, that “ curses, like chickens, come home to roost.”— Southern Press. (fCr We see it written that there’s a score of men of wit to every one of discretion.— A hundred can tell a good joke about the Sheriff'to ten that know how to keep him out of the house. The Southern Convention. We take the following interesting extracts from a privatejetter from one of the delegates in attendance upon the Nashville Convention Nashville, Texx., Nov. 12. Yesterday there were present about 120 delegates. This morning there was a con siderable accession, and l presume the num ber present would make about 150, though they have not yet been officially taken, as there are many new members, Ailing vacan cies, as well as new original appointments. From our State there were present on Mon day, Gov. McDonald, Dr. McWhorter, Gen. Bledsoe and Mr. Snead, and during the night there arrived and were present at the session of this morning,in addition to them, Dr. Dan : iels, Judge Jones, Gen. Bethune, CoU. Stell | and Benning, and Mr. Parker, so we are now 7 ; ten in number, and expect an increase during j to-morrow and next day. The States repre sented are Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee, Georgia, South Carolina and Virginia. Nashville, Texx., Nov. 13. The Convention having been called to or der by Gov. McDonald, the Chairman, new delegates were admitted from the following States -.—From Georgia, 7 ; Mississippi, 9; Florida, 3 ; and South Carolina, 2. The various States represented were then called, after which resolutions w 7 ere submitted i bv the Hon. C. C. Clay, of Alabama, and j Mr. Dupont, of Florida. The document from Alabama is very i lengthy, and of the most ultra character. It denounces the compromise of Congress, de clares the right of secession inalienable, and more than intimates its necessity. It also re commends a general southern convention, to i take measures for redress, &c. The resolutions were referred to a com mittee, and after some unimportant talk, the body adjourned till ten o’clock to-morrow 7 . The following States are represented:— Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, and Florida. There are, in all, about sixty delegates present. Nashville, Texx., Nov. 14. Yesterday was the first commencement of business by the convention, by calling on; the state delegations, in alphabetical order, for resolutions; which are presented without argument, and referred to the select commit tee on resolutions. There were preambles and resolutions, from the follow ing states : —Gov. Clay, Alabama ; Gov. Duval, Florida ; Judge Thompson, Mississippi; Col. Hunter and Judge Jones, Georgia; Gen. Pillow Tenn.; Judge Cheeves, South Carolina; with counter resolutions by Gen. Donaldson, of Tennessee, on the submission side ; and Gen. Claiborne, on the southern rights side. The resolutions are the same in sentiment, varying merely in phraseology, from Florida, Mississippi and Alabama—maintaining the right of secession, and the pledge of all the south to aid a seceding state, should coercion be resorted to; and recommending a southern Congress to assemble next spring or summer. Georgia more mild; and in Tennessee the majority for submitting to the past, but resist the future. Gen. Donaldson is for submis sion to the last. Gen. Claiborne dissented from both verbally, and maintained high re sistance ground. The resolutions of Caro lina merely asserted the right of secession, and were supported by Judge Cheeves in a written speech of 2-1-2 hours—this will be printed, and I will forward you a copy as soon as I can. It w 7 as a speech of great abil ity in reason and argument. The committee cannot report on the mat ter already referred before Saturday or Mon day next, and hence I suppose the convention will sit for several days yet. Nashville, Nov. 14. The convention, agreeably to adjournment, assembled this morning at 10 o’clock. The President asked the secretary to read a letter received from Mr. lloules, an absent ! member of the Tennessee delegation. The letter is written in strong terms of secession. The states being called, resolutions were offered by Messrs. Jones and Hunter, of Geo. Davenport, of Mississippi ; Pillow 7 and Don aldson, of Tennessee, and Cheeves, of South Carolina. Mr. Cheeves’resolution is as follows: Resolved, That secession by the joint ac tion of the slaveholding states, is the only ef ficient remedy for the aggravated wrongs which they now 7 endure, and the enormous evils which threaten them in the future, from the usurped and now unrestrained pow 7 er of the Federal government. Mr. Cheeves then delivered a w 7 ritten speech, which occupied three hours. The speecli fully and ably review's the subject of secession, and recommends it as the only al ternative. It had already occurred—the Ru bicon Was passed, and the Union w r as virtually dissolved. What was the Union?—lt was a bond of fraternity—it had now 7 become one of hostilities. We could not expect to live with a people w ho, on every occasion, and in the halls of legislation, denounced slavery as a crime, and its participants as criminals. Was j not the face of every Southern man suffused : with shame at such results? He said that w r e ! could hope for nothing from any change that the North could give. It would only bring an increase of their power and our danger. Our disgrace and shame would follow. We should, as a party, unitedly contend for the interests of our bleeding country. If Virginia would lead in the matter, no blood w r ould be spilled, and he had no doubt that in a little time every Southern State w'ould follow, except, perhaps, Delaware, wdiose interests w 7 ould deter her. And even j in the possibility of an invasion from the ■ North, to coerce us, where was their army and money? All their militia put together w 7 ould find it difficult to take Charleston or i Savannah—and if they did, what would they do with it? Perhaps they calculate upon the assistance of our slaves —but in that they would be disappointed. They would serve their masters at home, w'hile they were on I terms. We want but union, and the enemy are ours—and the Union, thank God, dis solved. The South w 7 ould, perhaps, suffer the usual casualties of war, but they w r ere dangers which a free people, w 7 ho were not disposed to w y ear the yoke, would meet manfully. The right of secession w 7 as unequivocal. He appealed to Y irginia to take the lead in a united secession, and he would warn the peo ple of the South to beware of alien counsel lors, who are not our friends. They did not sympathize with us. In conclusion, he would pray God to in spire Southern men with the spirit of freemen, then they would act as men who, knowing their rights, dare maintain them. United, we can scatter our enemies like the falling leaves of autumn. California will become a ! slave State, and we will form the most splen- ■ did empire on which the sun ever shone. Submit! The very sound curdles the blood. May God unite with us. At the conclusion of the speech the Con vention adjourned until 10 o’clock to-morrow morning. The Late Elections. Since the adjournment of Congress, elec tions have been held in Pennsylvania, New York, Ohio, Illinois, Michigan. Wisconsin, lowa. New Jersey and Vermont —in nine Northern States, containing nearly half thp population of the whole Union, and indicating most unquestionably the sentiments ot the entire North. The recent measures of Congress, for the final settlement of the controversy between the North and South, were known to the people of all these States—and the elections may be regarded as their verdict on the Compromise. The main argument of the friends of the Omnibus was, that its passage would termi nate the controversy, would put down agita tion, would arrest or appease aggression. In Pennsylvania, the most violent, vindic tive and insulting member of Congress was Thaddeus Stevens. He opposed the mea sures of Compromise as too much for the North to grant, and towards the close ot Congress gave notice that he would introduce bills to repeal the Fugitive Slave law—to prohibit the extension of slavery into the territories—to abolish slavery ih the District of Columbia. lie lias been re-elected. David W ilmof, who lias gained a name as the originator ot the territorial spoliation, and given it one, retired, to be replaced by Galusha A. Grow, who is endorsed by V ilinot himselt as a dis ciple, and who therefore holds his seat as a pledge from Pennsylvania that the Proviso, instead of being dead, is alive and growing. In New York, a junction was effected be tween the two fragments ot the Democratic party, on the basis of waiving their difference of opinion and nominating a majority ot the State ticket from the Barnburner or Frce soil faction. The result is, the allies have elected thirteen members of Congress, and we learn from the Now York Evening Post that ten of them are avowedly in favor of repealing or modifying the Fugitive Slave law. The Whig Convention nominated a ticket and passed resolutions which were deemed by one-third of that body itselt so aggressive towards the South, that they se ceded and called another Convention. But such was the demonstration of opinion in favor of the course of the majority, that tho speeders did not dare to change the ticket. And vet the ticket was considered so indica tive of aggression that a powerful demonstra tion of the commerce and property of New York city, was made against it. But with out success. The whole ticket or nearly all, is elected. And we are to presume that the Whig delegation in Congress from that State, is of the same complexion. And we are to conclude that in New York at least one-half of the Democratic party and about seven eighths of the Whigs repudiate the Compro mise and pronounce for further agnation and aggression. Preston King, the leading Free soiler of that State, is re-elected. And it is now certain that the Hon. Daniel S. Dickin son, senator from New York, and the only man in Congress from that State disposed to do justice between the two sections of the Confederacy, will have no chance of re-elec tion. Such is the attitude of the Empire State of the North—the State which alone will have under the new census nearly half as many members in the House of Repre sentatives as all the States of the South. If we turn to tho Empire State of tho North-west, the State of Ohio, we find that Mr. Miller, the only liberal member in the present Congress, is left out, and Joshua R. Giddings is re-elected. In place of Mr. Root, another leading Free-soiler from that State, Dr. Townsend is returned, equally bit ter and inflexible in the faith of his predeces sor, and the man to whom, when in the le gislature of Ohio, the country is indebted for the election of Mr. Chase, the Free-soiler, to the Senate of the United States. Os all the Whig delegation in Congress from Ohio, who voted for the Compromise measures, two only were candidates for re-election, Messrs. Hoag land and Taylor, and the former is defeated in a district that gave him a large majority before. Mr. Taylor comes from a district inhabited by people largely of Virginia ori gin. Judge Wood, an avowed provisoist, is elected Governor of Ohio, and the Free soilers have the balance of power in the Legislature which elects a senator next win ter. In Illinois, John Wentworth retires to make way for Mr. Maloney, who is described as of the same faith. And two or three others have been elected from that State still more ultra in opposition to the South than their predecessors. Col. Richardson, who threat l ened the South with sundry Illinois regiments, but who was, nevertheless, not so ultra as a great majority of the North!® members, is defeated for his moderation. Governor Doty, a Northern ultra from Wisconsin, who attempted to anticipate the Compromise In 7 a bill to admit California, is elected by a majority of two thousand. Durkee is re-elected. He proclaimed in this very canvass on the slump that he would not obey the Fugitive slave law even if pronoun ced, Constitutional by the Supreme Court. In Michigan, Mr. Buell, a candidate for Congress, of General Cass’s own town and I district, who with him supported the Compro mise, is on that account defeated by about two thousand majority, although Genl. Cass took the stump in his support. And every paper in Michigan but one, repudiates the Compromise as too liberal to the South! And the Democratic party of that State, in conse quence of being somewhat identified with that measure, has lost largely in the late election. In the extreme Eastern States the party | which is in a majority, generally forms a coa lition with the Abolition party proper, or at- I tempts to outbid it in ultraism. All these | elections have been going on whilst an unpar ! alleled excitement existed against the Fugi tive slave law—so that the question was dis tinctly made. No law ever passed by Con gress has encountered such a storm of popu lar indignation as that has in the North. Yet it is the only one of the late Compromise measures which pretended to respect a Con stitutional right of the South.— So. Press. A friend who has just returned from the Eastern States, where he has been spend ing several weeks, informs us that the reports from that section, so far from being exagge rations, have not conveyed half the truth. He states that the excitement on the sub ject of the fugitive slave bill is unparalleled, and the determination to resist it alpiost uni versal among all classes of the population, especially in Massachusetts. In New Bedford alone eight hundred run aways are congregated, and are opeidv coun tenanced and sustained by the people. Sym pathizing meetings have been held, and the most respectable citizens do not hesitate to counsel them to remain and resist, with as surances of aid either open or secret. This is one of the most intelligent communities in New England. In conformity with these counsels the ne groes have determined to remain. Our informant, a gentleman of intelligence,