The Southern sentinel. (Columbus, Ga.) 1850-18??, November 28, 1850, Image 2

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Columbus*, (Ga.) Nov. 23, 1850. The Nashville Convention. This body adjourned on the 18th inst. after passing strong Southern Resolutions, denouncing the late Compromise as unjust to the South, and recommending a General Con vention of all the Southern States, to maintain the rights of the South, and if possible, pre serve the Union. [From the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph.] oOur fellow citizen, Mr. Willis 11. Hughes, lias just returned from his unsuccess ful effort to recapture the Fugitive slaves from this city; and below will be found bis state ment of the attending circumstances. AV e are assured by Mr. Hughes, that the diflicul ties and dangers which attend all efforts of this character aro absolutely incredible, and the indignation, abuse and injustice heaped upon him have no parallel in this Govern ment; and that he, a free born citizen, did not receive either the courtesy or legal protection extended to the poorest slave in Georgia. But wo have no time for comments. His statement will speak for itself. Read, ponder, and digest it, citizens of Georgia : Mr. Hughes’ Statement. I arrived in Boston on Saturday, the 19th of October, and kept concealed in my room until Monday, the 21 st. During this time, I ascertained that Bill and Ellen had not left Boston, as had been reported. I then called to see Mr. Shewers, (an attorney to whom I had a letter from Mr. Fay, of Savannah.) lie was absent from town and I did not seo him. On the next day, I called on Judge Levi Woodbury, and stated that I wanted a warrant for the arrest of two fugitive slaves. He stated that he was not the proper person to issue it. I asked him to tell me who was the proper person to issue such warrants. He stated, lie would recommend me to go to Mr. Lunt, U. S. District Attorney. I called on Air. Lunt, who stated that he had agreed to take a case of this kind before, and that it was an unpleasant business, and created a great deal of excitement, and he would not take another case of the kind. lam inclined to think this statement of Air. Lunt a mere pretext to evade responsibility. I was unable to learn that there was any such case ever in existence. I asked him to inform me who was the proper person to apply to. Me re commended me to Mr. Benj. F. Ilallett, U. 8. Commissioner. I called at Air. If.’s office and he was not at homo. I then called at 11 o’clock at night, at his residence, and stated to him my business, and asked him for a war rant —saying, that if I could get a warrant, I could have the negroes arrested. He said the law did not authorize a warrant to be is sued—that it was my duty to go and arrest the negro without a warrant, and bring him before him. 1 stated to him, that this was requiring an impossibility under the state of things, and that that was not my construc tion of tho law, and showed him a copy of the law. After looking at the law, he said he would consider of it, and give me an answer next morning at 9 o’clock. 1 applied next day at 9 o’clock. He then stated he had considered of it, and that it uas not his business to ad vise me what course to take. But if I would make out my charges in a legal form, and come before him, he would hear me. 1 then went to Mr. Thayer, (a merchant, to whom 1 had a letter.) 1 told Mr. Thayer I wanted an attorney. He got a friend who went to see Mr. Seth J. Thomas, an attorney, who agreed to take charge of the case. Mr. Thomas was engaged and called on Judge Sprague for a warrant. This Judge equivocated, and shuffled like the others had done. 110 then called on Mr. Curtis, a United States Commissioner. He wanted time like the others, to consider, and requested us to call at 4 o’clock, P. M., which we did, and he then stated that, they had agreed to have a meeting of the six Commissioners and the two Judges, namely, Woodbury and Sprague, that night. They held that meeting, and de cided, that tho Judges should hear my com plaint next morning in Chambers. I was then required to go into Court and make my complaint, when they ordered the warrant to be issued in open Court, which the Clerk did. By this time it was known all over Boston, that the warrant was issued, and who for, and who applied for it. About the time the war rant was issued, a man, apparently of re spectability and influence, was on a dry goods’ box speaking to tho crowd—advising tho negroes and their friends to arm themselves with Bowie knives, pistols and dirks, and re sist the law unto death—that if it was a law of tho United States, it was in direct viola tion of the law of God, and ought to he re sisted at all hazards, and advised them to shoot down all slave catchers from the South. j The warrant was then placed in tho Alar- \ slial’s hands—l told him I was ready to go j and point out the negroes to him. He said that there was a question whether ho could break the door of Bill’s Shop, where he un- j derstood he was, locked up. He took the ! balance of that day to settle that question.— I called next morning and told him 1 was again ready to go. lie then said it was re ported that Bill, (whom he called Mr. Crafts,) had lett town, and he had a man on the look out, and we must wait for him to report. I also had a man on the same business. I call ed on the Marshal again in the afternoon. Ho said his man reported that Bill was not there. 1 then stated that my man reported that Bill was there. He said my man was mistaken, for his man was reliable and could not l>e ! mistaken. The next day my attorney went to see > the Marshal, who stated to him that he was ready to go with me alone. I imme diately went to him and proposed to pro- j coed at once. lie then said, it was a dis- j ficult matter, and he would have to get a j large force, some twenty or thirty men.— He had made this same excuse before. At dinner time, this day, my eighth day in Bos ton, Air. Knight and myself were both arrest ed under a bail writ, in the penalty of 810,000, for slandering Crafts, alleging that we had charged him with stealing his body and clothes. This consumed the balance of this da v. On Monday following, we wore both again arrested under bail of 810,000 each, for damaging “one M illiam Crafts” in his busi ness. The excitement kept increasing. We were then carried to the sheriff’s office. By the time we gave bond, the sidewalks and streets were crowded with abolitionists, negroes, kc. The account given of the car riage scene from the sheriff's office, as given by the Chromotype, Daily Mail, Post and Journal, of that city, is correct. We then went to tho hotel to tea. About tea time, we were both again arrested for sland ering Ellen Crafts, and held to bail in 820,- 000 each. When arrested the sheriff told me I must go with him to his office and give bond—l told him I could give bond at my hotel bv j sending for my securities —that it I vent to ] his office it would collect the mob again, | a nd that they had already insulted me as much as I could bear, and I wanted to avoid a ’ recurrence of similar contacts, lhe sheriff, : however, still persisted, and required me to tro. We started, but soon met my lawyer, who said that* one of my securities was on his way, and told the sheriff that wo should not go to lift office, ns the bond could be giv en sooner by not going. ‘I he bond | then given for 820,000. The next day, 1 learned that the mob had collected the night before at the sheriff’s of fice, as I had supposed, and that among oth er tilings said and done there, while they were uu the lookout for me, a negro was there oa horse-back charging and swearing that ho would be the first man to shoot Hughes when !he made his appearance. On the same day, I went to see the Marshal, to know if he had Sfot further information. He said ho had not. My attorney then advised mo to go to New York for a few days, for tho purpose of .allayingtho excitement, which had become too furious he thought to admit of any su*- eoss. I prepared to leave that eveainjr, which becoming public, a large #rowd col lected at my hotel for tho purpose of insult ing me. I therefore concluded not to go that evening. Before 6 o’clock next morn ! ing, when 1 expected to leave, they were around the house again in great numbers, with the Rev. Theodore Barker at their head, knocking for admittance at my door. I admitted Mr. Parker. He said he had come to give me a piece of friendly advice—that he had kept the mob off of me for two days, and was afraid he could not do it any longer. I told him that I understood he was a minister of the gospel and a great advocate of mor als—in favor of people’s obeying the laws — hut was sorry to find myself mistaken, and wanted him to leave—that I was not going to leave under any such threats, and that 1 was determined not to go then; the crowd dis persed shortly afterwards, and after trans ’ acting some business, I left at 2 o’clock, P. Al., for New York. After being in New York for several days, I learned that Bill and Ellen Iwul positively left for England. There were live warrants (besides the oaoofl | named) issued against me, all for tho purpose of harassing me and driving me away : One i for “smoking in the streets,” one for “swear ing in the streets,” (which was not the fact,) | one for “carrying concealed weapons,” one for “driving fast through the streets,” and an ; other for “passing Cambridge Bridge without paying toll,” (which was not true.) So far as I had any dealings with those who ; thus endeavored to obstruct tho law and har j rnss me, or had a chance of ascertaining their ; position, I would say that they were of tlu; highest standing, socially and politically, in ! the community. A* an instance, Francis Jackson, who refused to take Knight’* baud, was a candidate for Congress ; Mr. Charles Sumner, one of tho U. S. Commissioners | Rev. Theodore Parker; Air. List, an eminent lawyer; Dr. Hanson; Rev. Dr. Channing j Mr. Charles Bowdige and others, who inter ested themselves in preventing us from ar resting Crafts, are all abolitionists. As to tho friends we met in Boston, I want to say that I found Air. Hamilton Willis, (a broker,) a true j friend, and feel under many obligations to him. There wero also Mr. Thayer; Mr. Thomas, my attorney; Mr. Patrick Riley, one of “the deputy marshals ; Air. D. Draper; Mr. Freeman, a deputy sheriff; the Proprie tors of tho U. S. Hotel, their clerks and serv ants, and a Mr. Ladd. To all these gentle men I am under great obligations for their kindness. In reference to the abolition sentiment in Boston, I would state this circumstance: All the time tho excitement was going on about me, there was no protection of the city au thorities offered me, and none turned out in my favor. But when George Thompson, the English abolition lecturer, was expected and a meeting was announced to receive him, it was rumored that a mob might assemble on his reception, and the Mayor instantly ordered out the city officers to attend and suppress any mob —showing that the city authorities wero disposed to give protection to an abolitionist, which they had withheld from me while en gaged in my lawful business; and my opinion I is, if wo had succeeded in arresting the ne groes, that they would havo been rescued bv the citizens. In conclusion, to give a full history of my visit to Boston would occupy too much time and patience. I will therefore conclude by saying, that I went to Boston as an agent to execute a lawful trust, thinking I should be protected and assisted by the laws of my •ountry. But on the contrary', from the first, the laws of the country, isstead of proving a protection, were made an engine of cruelty, oppression, injustice and abuse; so that my life was constantly endangered ; and this without tho first offer of assistance from Gov ernment—national, State, or city. I feel that ! every man who has a Southern heart beating in his bosom, and would maintain tho honor of his country, should sustain the Southern j Rights Cause, by every Constitutional meas i ure, until our rights aro acknowledged and justice is obtained. AYILLIS H. HUGHES. Macon, (Ga.) Nov. 21, 1850. MISSISSIPPI. The Legislature of this State assembled on the 19th inst. The Hon. John J. Guion (anti-compromise whig) was elected Presi dent of the Senate. The Hon. John Mcßae (anti-comp, democrat) took the chair as speaker. Seventy members answered to their names. At 12 o’clock AI., Gov. Quit man sent in his message. It is written with great vigor and ability. He thus alludes to the fearful progress of the anti-slavery ele ment: “This hostility to slavery has now become the all-absorbing, all-controlling element of political action and party movement, both in Congress and throughout the Northern States. Political parties unite, separate, and are mo dified with reference to it. Political platforms are built upon it. It is the main question in the selection of candidates for all offices. It is the active element of religious, benevolent, charitable, and even literary associations, and the.spice which seasons private society. The Constitution of the United States, the rights of the States, the gravest questions of public policy, all are construed and determined with reference to this question of domestic slave ry; and the Congress of the United States, whose powers are limited mainly to the regu lation of national and external objects, are now found devoting nearly all their time to subjects of a domestic nature, over which it was never intended that they should exercise jurisdiction.” He next points out briefly, but clearly, the iujustice done to the South by the recent le gislation of Congress, and shows that even the strong barriers of the Constitution have fallen , one by one, before the march of North ern encroachment and fanaticism. In the. following eloquent passages he shows that | the South has nothing to hope from the lu- ; ture: “The limits of a Message do not permit me to detail other measures which have justly caused alarm and excitement in the South; for, however some of our own people may, from anxiety to allay excitement, seek to excuse these measures, there are few whose breasts are not filled with a dread ot the dan gers which from these quarters lower in the horizon of the future. In my opinion it would be weak, timid and disastrous policy to shut our eyes to these dangers—ri is the part of wisdom to Ineet them. Let us, then, survey our position and that of our oppo nents. “There is nothing to encourage the hope that there will be any respite from aggres sion. Never has hostility to slavery been more distinctly marked or more openly assert ed. Shades of difference in opinion may distinguish Northern statesmen, but all unite in stern opposition to the extension of slavery, and in declarations of their fixed determina tion to confine it to its present limits, and for ever to close the public territory against us. “The North has just triumphed in every claim she has asserted; and yet, at this mo ment of our humiliation, their people, less patient than we, are in a blaze of excite ment at every attempt to execute the bill to secure the return of fugitive slaves. This plain compliance with one of the clearest injunctions of the Constitution is not only disregarded, but conventions of both political parties, torinal meetings of the people, and deliberate addresses of distinguished men openly take ground, that being against the public sentiment of the people of the North, it should not be executed; and persons of all classes, with n pliancy of conscience which characterizes abolition philosophy, adapt their moral code and their constitutional duties, to their prejudices and their interests. “Such, then, is the triumphant attitude of anti-slavery. It now controls the entire Go vernment. No questions arise in which it does not intermingle. And wherever it ex hibits itself, it controls all other subjects. Every great interest in this Government is ! now directed and managed by it. It has bro ken and sundered the strong ties which bound together the religious denominations North and South. It lias even now severed the bonds which for sixty years have united par ties, and in the place, it has sown the seeds of hostility and hatred. It now stands the stern, unyielding despot, consigning to the bed of Procrustes every object whose fitness is questioned.” Gov. Quitman then declares that as things now exist and are going on, the institution of slavery must perish: “What is to be the fate of the institution of domestic slavery under such Government? tills great interest, with which the civilization and refinement of man on earth is connected, upon which so much of the trade and com merce between Europe and America depends, which employs the labor of millions and dis tributes the comforts of civilization to so many families—this great social interest up on which are founded the prosperity, the hap piness and the very existence of the people of fourteen States of this Union? What is to he the fate of this institution? If left to the tender mercies of the Federal Govern ment its fate is doomed. With the prejudices of the age against it, it requires for its kiiul development a fostering Government over it. It could scarcely subsist without such pro tection. llow, then, can it exist, much less flourish and prosper, under a Government hostile to it? A Government organized upon principles of hostility and opposition to the institution? Is it proper? Is it philosophic? Is it not absurd, to entrust the prosperity, the protection, and even the existence of a great and delicate interest to a political power hav ing its origin in and drawing its vigor from the very element of hostility to this interest? “To state the proposition clearly: The Go vernment of the United States is now hostile to slavery. It will hereafter be selected with reference to its hostility to this interest, and its activity in the use of doing injury. If this great and vital interest, then, remains subject to the government and control of its enemy, it must perish ! Sooner or later, I repeat, it must perish.” The Governor then states that in view of the dangers that menace the State, its sover eignty, constitutional rights and institutions, he felt called on to convene tho Legislature, and then proceeds to say: “To devise and carry into effect the best means of redress for the past, and to obtain certain security for the future, I recommend that a legal convention of the people of the State should ho called, with full and ample powers to take into consideration our Federal relations, the aggressions which have been, committed upon the rights of the Southern States, the dangers which threaten our domes tic institutions, and all kindred subjects ; and jointly with other States, or separately, to adopt such measures as may best comport with the dignity and safety of the States, and effectually correct tho evils complained of. A Convention thus assembled, and represent ing the sovereignty of the State, would of course possess plenary powers, uncontrolled by any instructions or restrictions which the Legislature might interpose. “When I reflect upon the pertinacity with which the assaults upon our rights have been for years prosecuted, the evident increase of anti-slavery sentiments at the North, and the excitement there pervading nearly all classes against the law to provide for the extradition ot fugitive slaves, l have little hope left that these guarantees, indispensably necessary to our safety, will be yielded by a majority, flush ed with recent victories, and encouraged by apparent divisions among ourselves. Yet, to leave no effort at conciliation untried, and still further to unite with us those of our own peo ple who still look for a returning sense of justice in the North, let the propositions he distinctly made to the people of the non slaveholding States, to remedy the wrong so far as it may be in the power of Congress to do so, by obtaining from California conces sions south of 30 deg. 30 min., or otherwise; and to consent to such amendments of the Federal Constitution, as shall hereafter amp ly secure the rights of the slaveholding States from misconstruction, and from further ag gressions. “But, in the event of refusal, I do not hesi tate to express my decided opinion, that the only effectual remedy for evils which must con tinue to grow from }'ear to year, is to be found in the prompt and peaceable secession of the aggrieved States. “The probability of the ultimate necessity of a resort to this effective and unquestion able right of sovereign States, should be kept in view, whatever measures may be ad opted by this State, either alone, or in con cert with her sister States, to remedy existing evils. In the meantime, and as early as practicable, it is of the highest importance that some common centre of opinion and ac tion should be authoritatively established. — This may be effected by the conventions of the several assenting States providing for the organization, and subsequent frequent period ical appointment or election of a committee of safety for each State, to consist of a num ber equal to their Senators and Representa tives in Cengress. These committees, whose duty it should be, periodically to assemble at some central point for the transaction of bu siness, should be invested with adequate pow ers, absolute or contingent, to act for their respective States, upon all questions connect ed with the preservation and protection of their domestic institutions, and their equal rights as sovereign States. Such a body of men, even if clothed with the authority of but two or three States, would command re spect, and secure quiet and peaceful results to their determinations. “I have thus ventured to present some sug gestions, for which lain alone responsible.— Tlnw may he modified or changed by the re sult of the Nashville Convention nowin ses | sion, and the action of the Georgia Conven ; tion, which will shortly meet for the purpose j of taking the same important question into consideration. ******* “The very important and vital character of the questions which are forced upon our con sideration, has led me to look solely to reme dies, not merely palliative, but effectual and permanent. There may be some temporary remedial measures within the power of the Legislature. If such can be devised, it will 1 give me great pleasure to co-operate with you in their application.” [From the Saturday Gazette.] The Tea Culture. We h •ive received the following letter, on the subject of tea culture in the United i States, from Junius Smith, Esq., the pioneer in naturalizing this valuable Chinese plant in our country: Golden Grove Tea Plantation, ) Greenville, S. C., Oct. 2, 1850. ) Messrs. Editors : The cultivation of the j Tea Plant in this country is in its infancy.— i The incredulity of many, who consider that j any thing which has not been established, never can be, is no detriment to anew un dertaking. On the contrary, it gives birth to greater caution and the expediency of ex perimental evidence at every step. The on ly apparent disadvantage springing from this safe and satisfactory manner of proceeding is the delay which occurs in reaching the main point. But to know absolutely, by ev idence which cannot be controverted, that your project is beyond the hazard of a failure, throws all querulous argument and fanciful conjecture to the winds. I have now been occupied three years in my present pursuit, and must be a blockhead not to have learn ed something by a steady devotion, for so long a time, to one object. The tea plant is siow in i?s growth, but when once well rooted in a congenial soil and suitable climate, no plant with which I am acquainted gives less trouble, or requires less attention in its cultivation. The cotton plant demands far more labor than the tea plant, seeing it is of annual growth ; where as, the tea plant, once established, stands for twenty years without replanting. The crop never fails; if any leaf of any shrub vege tates, the leaf of the tea plant is sure to be one ; nor does the amount of annual produce ma terially vary—some difference will arise from difference of season. The first tea plants 1 put out in a hard, arid, rugged soil, in 1848, in my one acre experimental tea garden, in the village of Greenville, are now fine sturdy plants, requiring so little attention, that I do not even visit them ol’tener than once in three weeks. Aly present plantation, upon a more extended scale, occupies my time and atten tion. Preparing the land, putting out plants, and planting a good supply of tea nuts, gives me full and most agreeable employment. It is to me a source of constant delight, more especially when 1 see nuts, planted on die sth of June last, already throwing up their young seedlings with modest reluctance, as if half ashamed to have left the Celestial Empire, and afraid to commit their present and future destiny to a stranger’s hand in a foreign land. But they grow finely, and be ing of the black tea species, add beauty and variety to my tea plantation. I now have the power and the pleasure of supplying a few for eign plants, both green and black tea, to those who are curious to cultivate. Seed lings of my own growth are not sufficiently matured to transplant safely. I have just received from China the last package of tea nnts expected this season ; and, reserving a few tor those who require a supply, shall probably finish planting this month for the current year. I have formed my tea beds generally 132 feet in length and five in width, each ►bed containing four rows of nuts. My laborers prepare the land and form the beds under my immediate direction, but every tea nut I plant myself. During a fortnight’s dai ly planting I have seldom felt fatigued. It is my amusement —my hunting ground—my exercise—my health—my delight! I hope to resume planting in April, but with all my exertions 1 have not been able to obtain one quarter the quantity of nuts I require of choice qualities. Hark! I hear the melody of a lady’s voice—“We have heard much of the cultivation of the ‘tea plant;’pray, sir, when are we to sec the tea ?” A steam en gine of a thousand horse power scarcely moves when it begins to move, but presently the heat increases, ’the valves open, the steam expands, and every revolution shows the augmentation of force and velocity, until the mighty monarch triumphs over opposing mountains, and rides majestic under the pres sure of a power which nothing can resist.— In a similar manner my tea engine works on from small beginnings, and will, l trust, ulti- j mately charm, delight, and gratify every tea ! loving lady in the Union. \ T our ob’t servant, Junius S.niTn. Anecdote of n French Soldier. During one of Napoleon’s memorable cam- j paigns, a detachment of a corps, commanded i by Davoust, occupied the island of Rugeti, which they were suddenly ordered to evacu ate. They embarked with such precipita tion that they forgot one of their sentinels, who was posted in a retired spot, and so deeply absorbed in the perusal of a newspa per containing an account of one of the emperor’s splendid victories as to be totally unconscious of their departure, After pacing to and fro for many hours upon his post, he lost patience, and returned to the guard-room, which he found empty, On inquiry, he learned with despair what had happened, and cried, “Alas! alas! I shall be looked upon as a deserter; dishonored, unhappy wretch that 1 am.” i His lamentations excited the compassion of a tradesman, who took him to his house, | did all in his power to console him, taught I him to make bread, for he was a baker, and j after some months gave him his only daugh- i ter, Justine, in marriage. Five years after- ‘ wards a strange sail was seen to approach i the island. The inhabitants flocked to the beach, and soon discovered in the advancing ship a number of soldiers, wearing the uni form of the French army. “I am done for now, ‘mv bread is baked,’” cried the dis mayed husband of Justine. An idea, however, suddenly occurred to him, and revived his courage. He ran to his house, slipped into his uniform, and seiz ing his fire-lock, returned to the beach and posted himself on sentry at the moment the French were landing. “Who goes there 1” he shouted in a voice like thunder. “Who goes there yourself?” replied one in | the boat. “Who are you ?” “A sentinel.” “llow long have you boon on guard?” “Five years,” rejoined our man. Davoust laughed at the quaint reply, and gave a discharge, in due form, to his involun tary deserter. ] Love’s Last Request. “Farewell, farewell,” I cried. “When I return thou’lt be my bride—till then be faith ful, sweet, adieu, in silence oft I’ll think of you.” The glistening tears strained her bright eyes—her thickening breath is choked with i sighs—her tongue denies her bosom’s sway— “Farewell!”—l tore myself away. “One moment stay,” she stammered out; as quick as thought I wheeled about. “My angel, speak! can aught be done to comfort thee when lam gone? I'll send thee specimens of art from every European mart — I’ll sketch for thee each Alpine scene, to let thee see where I have been. A stone from Simplon’s dreadful height shall gratify thy curious sight. I’ll climb the fiery Etna’s side to bring home treasures to my bride; and oh, my life, each ship shall bear a double letter to my fair.” “Ah, George,” the weeping angel said, and on my shoulder fell her head—“ For con stancy my tears are hostage —but when you write please pay the postage.” Interesting Facts. Why have white veils a tendency to pro mote sun-burn and freckles? Because they increase the power of the sun’s light. Why does a flannel covering keep a man warm in winter, and ice from melting in summer? Because it both prevents the passage of heat from the man, and to the ice. Why does a person with a cold in the head, catarrh from the eyes and nose, expe rience more relief on applying to the face a linen or cambric handkerchief, than one made of cotton? Because the linen, by conducting, readily absorbs the heat and diminishes the inflam mation, while the latter, by refusing to give passage to the heat, increases the tempera ture and the pain. Why is loose clothing warmer than such j as fits close? Because the quantity of imperfectly con ducting air thus confined around the body, resists the escape of the animal heat. SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: ; THURSDAY MORNING, NOV. 28, 1850. JIT Mr. JOHN’ It. SLATON is lult authorized to act ns Agent for this paper. His receipts for sub scriptions will be good at this office. Jlascom's Sermons. —Mr. deGraffenried has laid on our table a copy of this valuable work. The recent death of this eminent divine, gives additional interest to the productions of bis pen. Those who have listened to his eloquence, will not wait to he in vited to avail themselves of this opportunity of pur chasing a volume embracing some of his most dis ! t.ingnished pulpit efforts. O’ Anew paper, tri- weekly and weekly, has been established in Montgomery, Ala., called the State Register. The Register is “ Whig /” in politics. O’ Anew Post Office has been established at Centre Hill, Stewart county,Ga., and E. B. Swi.nnev, Esq., appointed F. M. IT We regret to learn that the Rev. Mr. Bkr minc.iiam, who for several years has had charge of the Catholic Church in this city, has been summoned by his Bishop to a field of more active labors. He is re moved to the Diocese of Charleston, S. C. Mr. Berminciiam has been highly esteemed in this city as a Minister, a Christian, and a gentleman. Apology. Onr readers do not, of course, expect us to write, nor do they earc to read, editorials this week. The time for talking has passed, at least for the present, and this week will be a very acceptable breathing spell, alike to editor and reader. Least of all should it be expected that we had so far recovered from the disasters of the 25th its to be able to write to-day. The Result. * Veni , vidi, the remainder is not applicable just now. The battle has been fought, the smoke has cleared up, and we have come out second best. Be low will be found the result of the election so far as we have heard from it. It is useless to attempt to console ourselves for the result in this county ; we did our best, and we have been defeated ; ves, de feated, but not in despair. We don’t intend to stay wliipt, and we give the victors fair notice that we in | tend to do some of the crowing next. lime. A cause j like ours is sure to succeed, and in the present aspect I of affairs, the day of our triumph is not far ahead. Southern men, don’t give up the ship! “Truth crushed to earth will rise again.” City. Harris'Jlalloca.Glenn's. Total. So. Rjotits. A. Iverson, 517 00 158 139 807 M. J. Crawford, 511 00 156 132 790 J. IT. Howard, 515 00 157 132 80-1 W. Y. Barden, 511 00 155 132 798 Submission. N. L. Howard, 788 00 31 87 906 A. McDougald, 793 00 28 87 90S T. Wooldridge, 773 00 32 87 892 A. C. Morton, 778 00 29 87 891 At Harris’ 10 maj. for subs. Submission Majorities, Talbot—2oo, Upson—4oo. Marion —175 reported, Bibb—l6o. Stewart—l2s reported. Monroe—loo reported. Pike—majority not known. Richmond—majority not known, Harris—majority not known, Chatham—l6o, Butts, Twiggs and Cobb, are reported to have given Southern Rights majorities, South Carolina, —The State census of South Carolina gives the following as the population of tho State: whites, 280,385, slaves, 358,714. In 1840 it was, whites 257,117, slaves 298,115, Tire.—The Savannah Georgian, 23d inst., says : About a quarter past eight o’clock hist evening, a fire broke out in a dwelling on Bay-lane, between East- Broad and Houston streets, owned by Mrs. Mather. The alarm was given, and our Fire Companies were promptly on the spot, but the fire was not conquered till after ten o’clock, and not before it bad destroyed some twenty to twenty-five tenements. The two blocks, bounded by Bay-lane on the north, St. Julian street on the south, Houston street on the west, and Broad street on the east, with the'exception of two or three buildings on Houston and one on the corner of Bav lane and East Broad streets, were entirely destroyed. A Bov Shot. —We learn from the LaGrange Reporter that a couple of young tnen, named Jesse Borders and Thomas .Tones, in Harris county, hav ing gone out hunting, and finding game rather scarce, proposed a sham fight. The engagement was exciting, the firing frequent, and the ramrod being acciden tally left in the gun of .Tones, was discharged into the body of young Bordf.rs. lie died from the wound a few days after. This is another sad warn ing against the careless use of fire arms. U” The lion. Richard M. Johnson died at Louis ville on tho 19th inst. The Fair. Last Wednesday, Thursday and Friday were the three gayest days we have ever seen in Columbus. Wednesday (the 20th) was the day appointed for the first Annual Fair of the Muscogee and Russell Agricultural Society, and the notes of preparation which had been heard for several days previous about our streets, had excited general expectation of a rich show. The rain which fell in torrents during the preceding night, and which continued during the forenoon of Wednesday, threatened a disappoint ment, hut when the doors of the new Temperance Hall, which had been fitted up for the occasion, were thrown open, the crowd was there, ladies and gentle men, from town and country, eager for the exhibition, and truly it was a feast worthy of the general curiosity which it had excited. There was not so large a collec tion of stock or of agricultural products as we had ex pected to see, but this was owing to the infancy of the Association and the short notice which had been given of the exhibition. The display of fancy arti cles, needle-work, drawing and painting, the pro j ducts of the dairy and of the manufacturer's skill, | more tlir made up for what was wanting in the other departments. The exhibition in the room de signed forthe ladies surpassed, in brilliancy,beauty, taste and ingenuity, any thing of the kind we had ever seen before. We have not time to particular ize, nor would we venture to discriminate in our no tice, where every thing we saw was an object of ad miration. We must say, however, that in any sort of an cutrprise, the people of Columbus can hold their hands with “the rest of mankind,” especially when our ladies have any share in the undertaking. In consequence of the indisposition of the speaker, and tlie inclemency of the weather, the annual ora tion was postponed to 11 o’clock, the next day, at which time it was delivered by William 11. Chambers. The exhibition continued during the re mainder of Thursday, and the succeeding day was set apart for the distribution of the premiums and the reports of committees. On Friday morning the throng reassembled and the premiums were awarded. W e must, not omit to mention a part of the perform ances which contributed very largely to the enter tainment ; we mean the excellent singing of the Glee Club. The first premium song, written by Mrs. Caroline Lf.e Hentz, and the second, by Dr. C. T. Cushman, were repeated several times to the audience, and each time with hearty applause.— We shall endeavor to publish in our columns both of these admirable productions. We have been unable to procure a list of the Premiums awarded. We shall publish them next week. Cox. Quitman. Ft is said that a writ has been issued by the Feder al Court now in session in New Orleans, demanding the appearance of Gov. Quitman at its bar, to under go an examination in regard to his alleged connection | with the late Cuba invasion. Rumor says that this | writ lias been received in Jackson, Miss., and that the | Governor refuses to answer the demand, and tlircat i ens to call on the people of Mississippi for protection; j and that Judge Giiolson, of the U. S. Court, now in session at Jackson, declares bis determination to use all the authority vested in him to execute the writ. llow far its attempted execution may inter fere with State sovereignty, and the extent to which the people of Mississippi will sustain tlieir Governor, are questions which may be fraught with very grave consequences. [communicated.] Mississippi Semper. Mr. Editor : For the cause of agriculture, per mit me through your paper to call the attention of planters to the Mississippi Scraper, which I exhibited at our Fair, in juxtaposition with the one which ob tained the premium. The premium plough, in its construction and operation, was nothing more nor less than what is familiarly known in this community and vicinity as a east half shovel, attached to a scooter stock. Os its merits I need not speak ; but if it is entitled to any, I claim not only the same for the seraper, but a vast dval more. The ad vantages of the scraper as a labor-saving plough, need no comment by me, as its utility has been es tablished by men of much practical experience and judgment. I claim therefore for the scraper its usefulness as such. I claim also the advantage of working the same description of plough, with an extra bolthole, if not the identical shovel which obtained the pre mium, upon flic same stock; and also that of the scooter plough ; all of which will do as good work as ;f especially stocked for either. These statements I frequently made during the Fair, and my im pression is that some of the committee were pres ent on one occasion; but in this I may be mista ken. Ido not charge the committee on agricultural implements with having done me intentional injus tice, hut that it was purely an oversight, which I feel as ready trf forgive, as it doubtless will be their ; pleasure to admit. j Our other city papers friendly to the interest of agriculture, will please copy. Respectfully, B. A. SORsBY. Nov. 25,1850. Minutes of Points, Decided in the Supreme Court of the. Slate of Georgia, at Milledgeville, Nov. Term, 1850. Weeks vs. Sego, Adm'r — -from Richmond —l. j When an application, by a temporary Adminis- 1 trator, for permanent letters, is refused on the ground that the decedent died testate, an appeal ! by him is sufficient, though the heirs at law may ! not join \v|th him. 2. Upon the trial of such an appeal, the ap plicant for letters is the moving party, and en titled to open and conclude, where testimony is introduced on both sides. 3. By a marriage settlement, tho wife hns authority and power, “ with the consent and ap probation of her trustees,” to devise the proper- j ty secured to her. Held, that the consent and approbation of j the trustee is a limitation upon the power of devising, tfnd it is essential to the validity of a will made by the femo covert. J. Schley, for Plaintiff in Error. A. J. Miller, for Defendant in Error. Kent vs. Hunter, Ex’r — -from Warren —.l. Where a Plaintiff, after the Court below ruled out his testimony, voluntarily preferred a non suit, which was granted. Held, that the Plaintiff having voluntarily gone out of Court, a writ of error cannot be sued out to the occasion rejecting the testimony. Cone, for the motion. L. Stephens, contra. Gilmer vs. Allen—from filbert-^ rj. There is no statutory authority in Georgia for an agent of a claimant to give a forthcoming bond for proper ty levied on by attachment. 2. If the declaration alleges that it was done by an agent,.it need not aver that this authority was under seal. Van Dtizer. for Plaintiff Cobb, for Defendant. Johnson rs. the Slate—from Wilkes —l. The fact that a Grand Juror is excused from further attendance, does not deprive him of the right to act as a Juror, provided it does not make the number exceed 23. Miller, representing Barnett, for Plaintiff. Sol. Gen. Weems, for Defendant. Most Shocking Murder. —We learn from the Herald, that Maj. Milton J. Tarver, an esti mable citizen of Macon county, was murdered in a most cowardly manner at his own door, about four miles from Auburn, on the night ot the 18th instant, by a man named John Hunt. Hunt had been in town during the day, and on reaching home at night, he went to Maj. Tarver’s house, and commenced a quarrel with a Mr. White, who was in his employ. Maj. Tarver ordered him out of his house, remarking that he did not allow such conduct, and told Hunt he would put him out, and in making some effort to do so, was stabbed in the lower part of his abdomen, which proved latal on th# eve ning of the 20th. Hunt was arrested in Columbus, Ga., on the 20 th.— Montgomery Advcrliser. [From the Charleston Sun. Nov. 25.] Meeting of the Legislature. The Legislature of this State convenes this day at Columbia. Matters of much importance will be brought before that body, but as far as re lates to the question of Southern rights, and tho proper mode of maintaining them, there is in the Legislative Halls, as among the people at large, no difference of sentiment. South Caro lina is, as she always has been on the great Southern platform, “One and indivisible.” Our Legislators will, however, have matters of inferior, but not of little importance, to engage their attention—such as the electien ot Govern or, United States Senator, also a Chancellor and a Judge, to supply the vacancies occasioned on those benches by thedeatbs of Chancellor Cald well and Judge Richardson. There are also several other offices to be filled, the periods of service of the present incumbents having expired. On these subjects there will, of course, be a difference of opinion as to the eligibility of candidates, and we may expect active can vassing. Columbia will, therefore, for the next three weeks, be a place of much attraction. Steam Packets to Europe. The project of a line of steam packets be tween Charleston and Liverpool has been taken up in earnest by some of our most substantial and public spirited citizens, and under auspices which justify the strongest hopes of a successful result. Facts and estimates have been furnish ed by gentlemen of large experience and emi nent practical ability, which demonstrate that, as a mere pecuniary speculation, this enterprise offers assurance of a fair remuneration, and that without going beyond onr present abundant materials of commerce, which now give profit able employment to the commercial marine of a section which devotes its gains to the support of an embittered and systematic hostility, not only to our prosperity, but to our very existence.— That the effect of sttclt an enlargement of our means of foreign trade would form anew era in the commercial and business prospects of onr city, we need not undertake to demonstrate. It is manifest that within the Union steam com munication affords the only hope of saving a remnant of onr foreign trade from the devour ing influence of that centralization of which the South lias been so long tire victim. It is equally manifest, that out of the Union, the power of the South to maintain her independence, and give full value to her vast resources, will be essential ly aided by a preparation equally adapted to the exigencies of war and peace. It would be an assertion of our independence by a means most effectual for maintaining it. It is not merely, therefore, as a tempo rary or pecuniary advantage to onr citv that this project addresses itself to the cordial ap proval and support of the people of South Car olina. It has the highest public considerations in its favor. But we do not propose to enlarge up on these now ; we address ourselves to Charles ton. We appeal to our merchants and our cap italists, to consider what would the effect up on our foreign trade of a regular, efficient, and rapid communication with those countries of Europe which are the greatest consumers of our produce, and furnish us in turn with the varied and valuable results of their manufac turing industry. It will make Charleston the pioneer of the South in ocean steam navigation, as she was before the pioneer of the Union in the application of steam to internal commwni cation by railroads. It will confer upon our city not only honor, but substantial superiority. It will at once place her beyond the ready of competition, as the great shipping market of the South-Atlantic and Southwestern States. It is indeed seldom that a measure is recom mended by so many and weighty considerations. | The advancement of our industry, and the | protection of our institutions, and of our inde ( pendence, are all directly’and deeply interested | in the completion of this enterprise; and we are persuaded that our capitalists could in no way more effectually serve the city, the State and the South, than by giving it their united and ener getic support. The time for the enterprise has fully come. We trust that the men will not be found wanting.— Charleston Mercury. Platform of the Nashville Convention. The following are the preamble and resolu tions, adopted at the Nashville Convention. On the question of their passage, the vote stood for the Address—Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, South Carolina, and Virginia. Against it—Tennessee. We, the delegates assembled from a portion of the States of this confederacy, make this ex position Oif the causes which have brought us together, and of the rights which the States we represent are entitled to under the compact of the Union. We have amongst us two races, marked by such distinctions of color, and physical and moral qualities, as forever forbid their living to gether on terms of social and political equality. The black race have been slaves from the earliest settlement of our country, and our rela tions of master and slave have grown up from that time. A change in those relations must end in convulsion, and the entire ruin of one or both races. When the constitution was adopted, this rela tion of master and slave, as it exists, was ex pressly recognized and guarded in that instru ment. It was a great and vital interest, involv ing our very existence as a separate people then j as well as now. The States of this confederacy acceded ta that compact each one for itself, and ratified it as i States. If the non-slaveholding States, who are par ties to that compact, disregard its provisions and endanger our peace and existence, by united and deliberate action, we have a right as States, there being no common arbiter, to secede. The object of those who are urging on the- Federal Government in its aggressive policy upon our domestic institutions, is, beyond all doubt, finally to overthrow them, and abolish, the existing relation between master and slave, We feel authorized to assert this from their own, declarations, and from the history vs events in this country for the last few years. To abolish slavery or the slave trade in the District of Columbia —to regulate the sale and transfer of slaves between the States —to exclude slaveholders with their property from the admit California under the circumstances of the hold to be all parts of the same system of measures and sub ordinate to the end they have in view, which is openly avowed to be, the total overthrow of the institution. We make no aggressive move. We stand upon the defensive. We invoke the spirit of t}ie constitution, and claim its guaranties. Our