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ry of the South and South West; or they will couplo the transit of slaves with conditions which will secure their emancipation in the States to which they shall be transported. It is vain to say that such measures will Ire uncon stitutional. Neither fanaticism nor power can be restrained by the privileges ol'a constitution in parchment. It has been already repeatedly upon, and a total disregard of it has been boldly avowed by the leading actors in the prevailing crusade against slavery. next cause of complaint, and of clanger and alarm is, that the balance of the Goverment is destroyed forever; and it is beyond the power of our opponents, them selves, to restore it, il they had the wish to do so. The admission ot •California into the Union reives them a decided majority in the Senate, and they have long had a majority in the House of Representatives.- Their majority in the first will be speedily in creased by the admission of new States lrom which slavery will be excluded —the last needs no increase to give them overwhelming power. Rat besides the natural increase of their present excess of numbers, the introduction of foreign ers will add to it, perhaps a quarter of a million per annum. Thus they grow stronger and stronger every day, and the South, proportion ally, weaker. It is as certain as it would be, if we bad a declaration from Heaven, that there never will be another slave State admitted into the Un ion. It is equally certain that the overwhelm ing power of our opponents will be exercised most despotically. The spirit by which they are urged on is two fold: first, the ambition of low-minded politicians, who are determined to govern and to crush all power in the Southern States. They aro governed by an ancient ha tred that has come down to them from the old federal party, but without the talent or urbanity of that party. That party was put down by the Union of the South and South West, and have borne v.'iui great restiveness their absence iroin power. Rut they were men of great tal ents and accomplishments, fit to govern. These are now cast off by their successors who have none oJ’their high qualities—rnen known to the nation by no distinction of talent or public ser vice—the Hales, the Giddings, the Sewards. These are the brood of the second element of the now dominant party, fanaticism. They are generated from the slime of this foul principle; unless you resist, you are to be governed by it. You are absolutely powerless. No tyrant lias ever existed whose power to do evil was so great, whose disposition to do good so small.— A popular tyranny of fanatics and low-minded politicians, a tyranny much the worse because it is many headed. A popular tyranny (even when composed of less foul elements) is more debasing than the tyranny of a monarch, in its appetites more inappeasible and gross, and in its duration mors lasting. It never dies. The gloomy expanse of time which it covers is never irradiated by a Trajan or an Atoninus. There is an eternal duration of its vicious qualities and its rapacious reign.” Good God! is the proud Southron to bow in submission to such a govern ment ! Where is the race of our great men ? Rut under the influence of the benumbing gov ernment, which is called our “glorious Union,” you have ceased to produce great men. Where are the Jeffersons, the Madisons, the Henrys and the George Masons, of Virginia; the Rutledges and the l’ickneys, of South Carolina; the James Jacksonsand the Win. 11. Crawfords, of Georgia? Gone! gone, and none to take their place;—none to rouse us to manly resistance against the in justice and the tyranny under which we suffer. No! It cannot be. There are such men, if the people will call them forth. The people must lake the subject in their oum hands. They must no longer look to their national politicians who have inhaled the pestilential air of Washington. They must throw off national party names, whos little factious politics have been put a bove their country’s cause. There must be nei ther democrats nor whigs: but wo must all be Southern men. We should Pave, if possible, nothing to do with the General Government.— We have, there, no longer a particle of practi cal power. Our own representatives have be trayed us. I admit that there are highly honor able exceptions ; but we have been shamefully betrayed by many of them. Without that aid which they afforded the enemy, the sad results which we deplore could not have been accom plished. Our presence in the Ilalls of Legislation gives to our enemy the countenance of forms which once embodied the spirit of a vigorous freedom; which gave us our share of power our share of re spect, a standing of equality in the nation. Rut un der the present operation of the government, these are all extinguished. Our own represen tatives have told us, that what our enemies were pleased to grant us, we ought to take, be cause we could get no more. 1 should be glad to bo informed what they have left us. Have they not taken all ? The great matter in con test, when the recent controversies began, was about the territory which we had conquered from Mexico. I say, which we of the South had conquered, for our opponents were opposed to tho war, opposed to the appropriations, and their section contributed only a few noble spirits who rose above their low aspirations. Have they not taken all? The only tiling granted to us was a law to restore to 11s our fugitive slaves, which it was never supposed could be execu ted, and which, we are now abundantly assur ed, they will not suffer to be executed. Nor was this a grant of anything; for we had the right before, and the recent law was only an ef fort to counteract their bad faith in the execution of the constitutional provisions. They have not, however, been satisfied with taking all.— They have mode that all, a wicked instrument for the abolition of the constitution and of every safeguard of our property and our lives. Our danger is well expressed by a member from Massachusetts, in a former Congress, when the subject of slavery was incidentally agitated, who said: “It was not with them (the South) a question of policy, of political power, but of safety , peace, existence .” I have said they have mado tho appropriation ofthis territory an instrument to abolish the con stitution. There is no doubt that they have a bolished the constitution. The carcass may re main, but the spirit has left it. It is now a fetid mass, generating disease and death. It stinks in our nostrils. The constitution, when we en tered into the compact of union, was a well bal anced scheme of government, securing the rights of all parts of the Union ; a government of equal rights and equal powers. What is it now, and what is it to be in tho hands of our oppo nents in future? Have wo any power? Shall we not certainly be bereft of even the semblance of it, when New Mexico, Utah, Minnesota, and a dozen other States excluding slavery, shall be admitted into the Union, and no slave be al lowed to enter it ? The parchment on which the constitution is written may remain; the forms may remain, as a delusion to mankind, as the cover of tyrannical acts destructive of Southern rights, safety, honor and peace ; but there will be no constitution securing these objects. The a buse of the name and forms of the constitution has been already seen. We have been told— and even by representatives of the South—that Congress, in all the atrocities that characterized the late session, has not violated the constitu tion. What do those who thus speak, mean?— In their sense the Constitution of the Roman commonwealth was not violated by the Roman emperors. The forms of the commonwealth were preserved for ages after the Republic had ceased to exist. According to these acute rea soned, the constitution of free Rome was not vi olated when Caligula made his horse a Roman consul. A constitution means, ex r i termini, a guaran tee of the rights, liberty and security of a free people, and can never survive in the shape of dead formalities. It is a thing of life, and just and fair proportions; not the caput mortuum which the so called constitution of the United States has now became. Is there a Southern man who bears a soul within his ribs, who will consent to be governed by this vulgar tyranny— by the Hales, the Giddings, and the Sewards ? Will the high-toned Virginian to submit to it ? No one who is a genuine son of the Old Domin ion will submit to be governed by it. [to be continued.] £39“ In some persons “old maidenhood” nev er commences, for they never grow old. Youth of heart may exist tor a hundred years or more. SOUTHERN SEiNTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING, DEC. 5, 1850. ter Mr. JOHN ii. SLATON is duly authorized to act as Agent for this paper. Ilis receipts for sub scriptions will be good at this office. Our Hook Table. Mr. B. B. deGraffenried lias laid on our table several specimens of the largo stock of new books which lie lias just received. Among them we notice the following: “ Nineveh and its Remains; by Austin ll emit Latard, illustrated with plates, maps and woodcuts.” This work is fine of the most attractive issues of the day. Asa record of discoveries it is equally wonder ful and important. Its pages teem with interest to tho antiquarian, the bible reader, nnd the reading public gcerally. It is printed in I’utnam s best style. “Egypt and its Monuments; by Francis L. Hawkes.” This work presents a comprehensive and authentic, and at the same time popular view of all that has been brought to light by modern travel lers, illustrative of the manners and customs, m-w, architecture, and domestic life of the sr.eient Egypt ians. “History ej Spanish Literature; by George Ticknor, t£6a.” A genuine acquisition to American literature. The author is better acquainted with the subject of which he writes than any other author in America, and he lias here given to the reading pub lic, in a most attractive style, the benefit of his own long and laborious researches. “ White Jacket; by llf.rmon Melville.” The author of Omoo and Typee needs no introduction to the reader of light literature. It is enough to know be lias again appeared, and in a style well worthy of his reputation, to ensure for him a general and cordial welcome. Mr. deGrafff.nried has recently received a verly large nnd well selected lot of books and stationery. Give him a call, under the Post Office. O’ We invite the attention of our city readers to tho card of Mo.\s. deßoncaud, which will be found in another column. M. deßoncard comes with the most satisfactory testimonials as to character and pro ficiency, and we doubt, not, those who desire to become acquainted with the French language, would do well to embrace the opportunity thus afforded. Who wants a Home ?—Read Mr. Jas. A. Wig gins’ advertisement of “ another lovely residence for sale.” “Invocation of tiif. Muses.” —The time of dedi cating the new Temperance Hale has been post poned from the 17th of this month to the Btli of January. In consequence of this postponement, the time allowed the competitors for the prize cup for the best original ode, is extended to the 20tb inst. Georgia Skill and Alabama Cotton. —At the recent exhibition of the South Carolina Institute , Mr, E. T. Taylor, of our city, received the first premium for a Cotton Gin made at his establishment in this place, over a strong competition from this State and South Carolina. Mr. Brown, connected with Mr. Taylor’s manufactory, took a gold medal for his Gin Saw Filer, an invention which reflects great hon or upon Mr. 8., and which we regard one of the most useful of the day. To James R. Jones, Esq., of this city, was awarded the highest premium for a bale of cotton, raised on his plantation in Russell county, Ala., and ginned on one of Taylor's gins. Mr. Jones was also the successful competitor for the premium awarded for the best bale of cotton, at the late Fair in this place. “Wo understand that the bale which was exhibited at Charleston will be sent to the World’s Exhibition in London. Election Returns. We have received returns from seventy-two coun ties, of which sixty-four give submission, and eight, Southern Rights majorities. In many of the coun ties heard from, we have only the result stated, with out giving tho majorities, so that wc can form no satisfactory estimate of tho aggregate vote. As soon as all the counties have been officially reported, we shall publish the entire returns. The l*nst, tho Present, and the Future. We have just passed through a campaign of most exciting interest; the people of Georgia have deter mined for the present the questions which were be fore them, nnd we may now, in the calm which imme diately succeeds the storm, dispassionately survey the whole ground with the hope of deriving from the contemplation some important truths for our future good. And when we say our good, we mean tfte good of the people of Georgia and of the entire South. We have been most unnaturally divided ; we have permitted our differences to grow into breaches, our breaches to widen into angry dissen sions; but when the heat of the campaign shall hare subsided, and the excitement of the contest shall hare been forgotten, we must again feel, as we ought always to have felt, that we of the South are one people—one in interest, one in destiny, nnd that our happiness nnd prosperity depend upon our re maining one in feeling, and one in action. Let us then as sensible men, glance at the causes of the recent contest, inquire how it was that we became di vided, nnd how we may become united. The last session of Congress assembled under cir cumstances of unrivalled interest in the history of our government. The war with Mexico had ended in the acquisition of a vast domain upon our West ern frontier, and at once a struggle commenced be tween the North and South for the supremacy in that territory. Or rather, tli North immediately commenced the work of appropriating to herself all the fruits of our common acquisition, and the South in self defence, attempted to counteract the move ment. Under these circumstances the last session commenced, and upon its action depended the settle ment of the issues between the two contending sec tions. Accordingly, Congress immediately entered upon the great work before it, nnd after many months spent in angry discussion, a series of meas ures were adopted under the name of a compromise. What those measures were, we need not here recap itulate—they are known to the entire country. This comp remise was hailed by one part}’ at the South as a settlement of all the differences between the two sections, on terms which, though they were not en tirely satisfactory, were such as we might honorably acquiesce in for the sake of peace. By another party it was regarded as a sacrifice of the rights of the South, and spurned as an insult to our wounded honor. Upon this issue the respective parties went before the people, and they have decided at the ballot box in favor of accepting the so called compromise. So far then as the action of this State upon any of the features of that compromise is concerned, the ques tion is decided. Our people have determined that there is nothing in the admission of California, noth ing in the abolition of the slave trade in the District, nothiug in the bills giving territorial governments to Utah and New Mexico, nothing in the Texas bill, which outrages the rights of the South, nnd of course therefore that they inflict no wrongs which demand redress. Those questions then are at rest, but the country lias not yet experienced that peace which was promised from their settlement. The North and the South are not yet reconciled, ’and upon the ap proaching session of Congress will devolve the labor of adjusting new difficulties. Anew compromise is demanded. What is now the subject of controver sy ? We have positive assurances that at this session, bills will be introduced to repeal or essentially modi fv the fugitive slave act, t apply the Wilmot provi so to Utah and New Mexico, and to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. We cannot of course foresee what is to be the fate of these measures—they may pass or they may Rot; it is enough for us to know that the wrong has been threatened, and as wise inen let us prepare to meet it. Shall we ac quiesce in this new compromise “for the sake of peace ?” Wc hope not, and we hope that here is a platform upon which every man in Georgia may “staucl. Let us forget our past differences, let us ban ish all recollection that we have ever stood arrayed against each other. Southern men surely do not in tend to yield every thing 5 they certainly intend to make a stand some where, awd wc ask if we are to retreat further than this ere we begin to resist? We have been afforded in the late election, the strongest evidences of the devotion which our people feel for the Union, and we are willing to allow full weight to that attachment, but strong as it is. we do not sup pose it is blind or without reason. “We arc not to be led by a love of the Union to sacrifice file South.— We are not to immolate upon its altar, the interests of our homes nnd families. We owe no allegiance to a government which exists but for our oppression and ruin. Let us then rally hero. Our outposts have been already abandoned. We have been driv en beforo the enemy, not because of his strength, but b‘c-.-use wo have been divided. We thought that the time for resistance had fully come, but the people have thought differently. In the name then of our common cause, let us cease to differ, and let us unite as one people, upon one common platform of resist ance to future wrong, and proclaim to our common enemy, we have borne enough , we will bear no more. The Moral. The consequences of the recent election, do not end wilfi the mere triumph of one, and the defeat of the other party. Nor indeed is it quite so clear, as might at first appear, who have been the victors, and who the defeated party in the contest ; or rather, it is not yet certain, that the principles of either party have shared the fortune, good or bad, of the leaders. Those who rallied under the banner of Southern Rights have been defeated, and those who claimed to be the friends of the Union have succeeded, in the mere contest for supremacy in the approaching convention ; but the cause of the South is not lost, nor is the cause of the Union more secure, on that account. The defeat to us has been no less; to our opponents, victory brings no triumph. In the final settlement of the great issues which distract tills country, tho result of a popular election in Georgia is of but little real importance. Those issues sooner or later must be met, and th'e deliberations of the con vention which is shortly to assemble at Milledgeville, may modify the time and the manner of their settle ment ; but the ultimate result is the same, whether a spirit of resistance or of submission prevails in that body. Tho former might postpone, the latter cer tainly will hasten, the denouement; but the evil is radical, vital, incurable ; ami whether it be met with prompt, energetic action, or by a spirit of quiet ac quiescence, the result is the same. We believe that tho days of this Union are numbered, and no elec tions, conventions or platforms can save it. No barrier which we can oppose to the flood of North ern fanaticism can stay its- onward rush, no spirit of compromise can arrest it, no appeals to the former great*css and the future promises of the Union can restrain it. Disunion, sooner or later, is inevitable, and to apply tho immortal words of one who spoke under similar circumstances in ’76, “lf.t it come.” The spirit of injustice at the North might have'been checked for a moment had the banner of resistance prevailed in the recent election, but only for the moment; now, however, the triumph of submission here will but swell the stream of oppression there, and wo shall, consequently, be sooner hurried to that point at which the entire South will unite to maintain her rights and her existence. Who, then, are tho victors in the recent struggle? Not those who have been deluded into the hope that the Union, which they truly loved, might be preserved by a policy of compromise and concession; nor those who have dreamed of securing our rights by measures of constitutional resistance in the Union. These aro doomed alike to and sappointmcrif, and the fruits of the election belong alone to those who have looked forward to a dismemberment of the Union as afford ing tho only remedy for the evils of the past, and the only security against those which ar* threatened in the future. What effect is this election to produce upon the popular mind at the North? Our movements have been watched with no less intense anxiety there, than throughout the South. Much aa we may have squabbled here about names, and devotion to the Union, and treason to the South, the North has not been an inattentive or an uninformed observer of the true nature of our differences. They have noted and correctly interpreted the motives which have operated and controlled in our election. Our suc cess would have been construed as a determination to submit no longer to their “foul domination,” and they would have wavered in their purposes of future outrages. Our defeat has been interpreted as the expression of the decided disapprobation of a majority of our people, of all resistance, and they will presumo upon the strength of our devotion to the Union, to increase their demands of the South.— The spirit of encroachment will be emboldened, anti slavery will become more clamorous, and we shall be sooner driven to the point of necessary resistane. Such is to be tb effect produced upon the popular mind at the North, and if we will anticipate the ac tion of our approaching convention, we shall not find there any more satisfactory evidences of that security to the Union, which our opponents have promised as the result of their election. Should the convention adjourn immediately, with out taking any action, this will be confirmation to the North of our disposition to submit to any and every outrage which may be imposed upon us, rather than endanger the peace of the Union by our demands of justice; and we have seen how far the integrity of the Union is already threatened by the prevalence of this opinion at the North. On the other hand, if the convention should undertake to act at all, ii must adopt strong prospective resolutions. No platform of abject and unconditional submission can be ad opted in that convention, though there should not be a Southern Rights man in it. Some line must be drawn, some stakes driven down, some ultimatum made, and when this is once done, the question of re sistance is settled. We can draw no lines, plant no stakes, make no ultimatum, which Northern fanati cism will not sooner or later transcend, and thus, if true to ourselves, the time must come when the South will resist. As to what resistance means, men may speculate and differ, but to our mind any thing which stops short of a total separation between the two sections, is inadequate and therefore only provisional. We may commence with non-inter eourse or any other of the expedients which have been suggested by an anxious disposition to save the Union, but they are only expedients after all, and at last must come to the only mode of resistance which deserves the name—separation, complete, total and forever. And thus, we repeat, in the settlement of these great issues, it matters but little how a popular elec tion in Georgia may have resulted. The ball is in motion, and it will never stop till the South has been vindicated and her rights secured, or until her hopes have been finally eclipsed in the gloom of bondage. Fire in Pike Cos., Ala. —Two children burnt, to death. —The Montgomery Adverti ser learns that the dwelling house of Mr. James P. Pope, in the vicinity of Indian Creek Post office, Pike county, was consumed by fire on Sunday evening the 10th inst., togeth er with two of his children. The Advertiser says: The family, consisting of Mr. and Mrs. Pope and three children, (one an infant,)itad retired to bed. When they awoke and dis covered the fire, it had progressed so far that Dir. aud Mrs. P. had barely time to escape from the burning building, Mrs. P. carrying with her the infant in her arms. The other two children, a daughter about seven and a son about four years of age, were on a small bedstead under the one upon which the fa ther and mother were sleeping, and in des pite of the exertions of the father to save them, they perished in the flames. North Carolina Legislature. —This body was opganized on the 19th inst., by the election of Weldon N. Edwards, of Warren K as Speaker of the Senate, and James C. Dobbin, of Cumberland, as Speaker ol the House of Commons. Loth democrats. Hog Slaughtering. The Louisville Journal of Friday last, says: Hogs bring better prices in our market now than at Cincinnati. Four dollars were the figure yesterday at which heavy hogs were held, and $3 75 was freely offered. We did not hear of any sales. We notice sales ol green hams at 5 1-2 cents and learn also that this price was refused for a large lot. From well informed sources we learn that it does not admit any longer of a doubt that there is not only a great falling oft in thenuin ber of hogs, but also in their quality. Not withstanding this, present prices tire consid ered entirely too high. Ifog slaughtering commenced at St. Louis on Monday. The Intelligencer quotes 275 a -S3 25 as tho extreme range of the market. Light hogs, weighing 200 pounds or less, 2 75 a $3. Those weighing 220 to 250 pounds or over 3 a 83 25. The Louisville Courier, of Friday, also says; Sales of hogs at Cincinnati yesterday at 83 85 net, also sales at 81. The number of hogs slaughtered at Cincinnati up to Wed nesday last is 9,675. We find the following in the Eutaw Whig, of the 29th ult: Cholera at Selma, Ala. —As there have been several reports in tho neighborhood, of sickness and mortality in Selma, we publish the following extract from a letter, dated the 25th inst., which has been furnished us by the kindness of a friend: “Wc have had and still have a great deal of sickness about Summerfield and Selma.— Mr. King, pastor of Valley Creek Church, died on last Friday with cholera. He got home the day before, having lost two negroes between Mobile and Selma with cholera. Mr. Cato preached Mr. King’s funeral on Satur day and died on Sunday night with cholera. Since the above was put in type we have been shown a private letter to a gentleman in this place, dated 25th ult., which substantiates the above, and further states that Mr. Class. Mrs. King, (the wife of the deceased,) and one of her slaves, in the vicinity of Summer field, had also been attacked with the same malady. We learn from the same letter that Mr. King had been on a visit to Louisiana for some negro property —that coming up the Alabama river on his return, two of the ne groes were attacked with cholera, one of whom died before reaching Selma, and the other at Selma. Not seeing any mention of the matter in the Selma paper of the 29th, we conclude the disease has abated. — Montgomery Advcrliser. Odd Fellows’ Statistics.— The follow ing view of the operations of the Odd Fel lows’ Association is prepared from the official returns made to the late session of the Grand Lodge of the United States. Several States failed to make returns : Revenue of Subord’e Lodges, 81,200,396 74 Contributing members, 174,485 00 No. of initiations this year, 30,579 00 No. of brothers relieved. 23,882 00 No. of widowed families relieved, 2,327 00 Paid for relief of brothers, 345,007 62 Paid to widowed families, 42,801 01 Paid for education of orphans, 7,348 44 Paid for burying the dead, 67,595 90 Whole amount of relief, 462,252 97 Congress—President’s Message, Baltimore, Dec. 2, 1850. Congress has organized, and the Presi dent’s Message was sent in at half past two o’clock, to-day. It approves and will sus tain the Compromise, and all laws under it. It favors Internal Improvements; recommends that provision be made for retired officers of the Army and Navy; also a reduction of postage to three cents on letters, to be pre paid; also ad valorem duties—modifications not increase of the tariff. The receipts into the Treasury for the last fiscal year are four millions over the expenditures. We aro at amity and peace with all nations. Texas Accepts the Bribe. We have received several exchanges from different parts of Texas within the last two or three days, and there can be no longer any doubt that she has accepted the bribe held held out in one hand, while the sword was extended to smite her in the other. Thus has a State which the South took to her bosom and warmed into life and vigor, been-the first to sting her to the heart. Without Southern valor, Texas never could have achieved her independence in the first place; and without Southern aid, she never could have entered the Union. She has rewarded us, by suffer ing herself to be bullied out of 103,125 square miles of her territory —a scope of country large enough to make two such States as N. Y ork, avowedly for frce-soil purposes. Is this the entertainment to which she invited the South ? That Texas had a technical legal right to dispose of this territory, we never doubted ; but that she could do so in justice and good faith to the South, we ahva\\s utterly denied. The cession can be looked upon in no other light than that of a stupendous and monstrous fraud upon the other slaveholding States. [Montgomery Advertiser. Northern Sentiment. The following is from the N. Y. Express, whose editor, Mr. Brooks, has recently been returned to Congress from that city. It is valuable as the testimony of an honest wit ness of the true State of feeling at the North. Strange indeed is the infatuation which blinds the South to the real aspect of affairs on the subject of her vital interests. How long are we to slumber ? When are we to be aroused to the reality of our danger ? The Express says: Two powerful States in this Union, central States, too, New Y ork fciud Ohio, have two Senators in Congress—New Y T ork, Mr. Se ward, Ohio, Mr. Chase; pledged, Mr. Seward, to abolish slavery in the District xf Columbia, at all hazards; Mr. Chase, to repeal all the peace measures of the last session of Con- j gress. It is not to lie disguised or denied that | these two members do not move their own vo- j lition, but it is known that they are backed : by powerful masses in the powerful States j from whence they come. The New \oi k State Convention at Syracuse had in it a ma jority so rash that even at the expense of the existence of the Whig party it persisted in j endorsing every thing Mr. Seward had done, i and therefore especially not endorsing what | the President, of the United States, from New Fork,- and eleven of its members of Congress ’ had done, the very reverse of Mr. Seward’s I doings. In Ohio, the abolition party that elected Mr. Chase again hold the balance of power in the State Legislature, and there is scarcely the probability of electing a Sena tor there who will not, in the main, second and carry out the propositions of Mr. Chase. The repeal of the fugitive slave law, or that sort of a modification of it which would repeal the constitution, it is not to be dis guised, again, has been made, to a great ex tent —almost to a universal extent—the test in the recent elections in the Northern States. There is a fair chance that if a direct vote cannot he evaded in the very House of Rep resentatives which passed the bill, that House will virtually repeal the law. It is very true that in the Senate no bill of repeal can pass; but a successful repeal in the House alone is calculated seriously to embarrass every Union man in the slaveholding States, and to give every disunion man the strongest sort of a weapon to assail the Union with. His declaration that the Northern people are Nullifiers, and that they are unfaithful to the constitution, can scarcely be resisted, if such a bill of repeal passes the popular branch of the Government by Northern votes. ‘i’he question is,now—-if these things are to be done, or to be attempted to bo done with success in such States as N. York and Ohio, and in New England—whether consent, af fection, common interests, the real bonds of our Government, can keep a Government thus working together. Grant that force can keep us together, but force is costly; force means a large standing army; a urge standing army means despotism; and force is civil war. The more a reasonable man reflects, the more he will see that when our thirty-two States do not like to live to gether, it is wisdom to part—if possible, with out arms or civil war. The theory of our Government is acquiescence, not arms. The strength of our Union is the loyalty of affec tion toward it, not the bayonet, nor grape shot. To say nothing of what the South must feel, and of the inevitable alienation that must follow this constant war upon Southern rights, or, if you please, prejudices, but cer tainly interests, a state of things is about to be created, nay, for a year past has existed in this Government, under which, if contin ued, a strong Northern party will demand a dissolution of the Union. Already the whole abolition party say it is better to dissolve the Union than to obey the stipulations of the constitution in the matter of fugitive slaves. Dissolution is even now preferred among large masses to the execution of the constitu tion. A dissolution of the Union is inevitable, if this exclusive negro agitation cannot be stopped. When government ceases to con fer any benefits upon those for whom it was i- sdtuted, the quicker it is dissolved the bet ter. This feeling already ex : s'slo an alarm ing extent in every slaveholding State; and hence the value of the Union is now counted as a party question in the Southwestern States. The question w ill soon he agitated here, if every interest of the white man is to he neglected, and only the negro is to he leg islated upon. To talk of having common consent, affection for, or devotion to such a Union, is to talk the most flagrant nonsense. If wo cannot crush the agitators and the agi tation which is making the Union odious, the Union is already gone, save in its forms and phrases. Its spirit will depart, and its corpse only be in your hands. Causes of the Whig Defeat in Massachusetts. The Atlas, the principal whig journal in Boston, thus explains the causes of the re cent whig defeat in Massachusetts. The At las does not seem to agree with the anti agitators of the South that the anti-slavery party is an unimportant faction, and that Dan iel Webster can wield the State as he lists: “In 1818, the democratic party were in power in this State. They had the Governor and the Senate, and the House was about tied. The following year they committed themselves in favor of the annexation of Tex as, slavery and all. The whigs met them on that and other issues, and they were routed in every department of the Government. During Polk’s administration the}’ continued to lose ground, until for three years the whig party had a Unanimous whig Senate, and stood about six to one in the House. The nomination of General Taylor in 1848, took from us at least 20,000 whig votes ; but the truly wise, humane, and national policy which Gen. Taylor, when he came into power, pur sued, was fast bringing these 20,000 votes back to our fold again; and had that great and good man lived, we should have carried Massachusetts this fall by a larger majority than has been given the State since 1840. We state these facts to show that the slavery question is the most powerful element in our popular elections. Our people do not desire to go out of their way to meddle with 4he in ternal policy of Southern States. They do not ask to infringe upon the provisions of the Constitution, but they do mean to oppose sla very wherever they can do it morally, legally, or constitutionally, and they will thus act. It is with them a moral and religious principle, and party lines fall before it as hoar frost be fore the rays of the morning, sun. Any one who has studied the political history of Mas sachusetts must be struck with this great fact. We need not, however, go to the history of the past to show this. We have it before us in the result of the election last Monday, and Mr. Webster never made a greater error than he did in supposing that this sentiment was merely a “ prejudice,” a sickly sentimentality j in favor of Freedom and humanity, and that all we had to do was “ to conquer our preju- j dices.” To conquer one’s prejudices is no easy task. To conquer a nation’s prejudices requires ages; and he is not a prudent politi cian, who, upon entering upon a popular elec tion, takes not into consideration the prejudic es of the people. They are to be respected. But in Massachusetts opposition to slavery and the Fugitive Slave law is not a prejudice— it is a principle. Adherence to the ordin- . ance of 1787 is not a prejudice, but a princi ple, also founded upon the great law of na ture, that men are born free and slavery is wrong. We say take our late election. Look at the result in the eighth, district. Mr. Mann was opposed by the Whig press in his district— by two of the Whig presses in this city, pre vious to the nomination of Mr. Walley, and by all of them afterwards. He was opposed by Mr. Webster and his warm and active friends. The democrats nominated a candi date against him, and the whigs put up as their candidate a gentleman whom to know is to respect and honor; and yet the people elected Horace Mann to represent them, over the heads of all others, and in spite of all oppo sition. These are facts. The only r other candidate chosen to Con gress out of Boston, is Hon. Grin Fowler. His majority is about thirty-fire hundred. He also was singled out by the democratic papers and two of the whig papers in this city for es pecial immolation. He had spoken too strong ly of anti-slaverv. He had spoken in favor of applying the Wiimot Proviso even to Green land, if that country should ever be annexed to our own. lie had in Congress made an is sue with Mr. Webster upon this very question. It so happened that Mr. Fowler was the representative ol Mr. M ebsters own district Marshfield being one of the towns compris ed in district number nine. r l he issue was put to the people, and they decided in favor ot Mr. Fowler by a majority so overwhelming as to astonish every one. Thus we have the fact, that in an issue fair ly made between Mr. Webster and Mr. I owl er, or rather between the principles of the 7th of March speech and the old principles of the whigs of Massachusetts, Mr. Fowler carries Mr. Webster’s own district by thirty-five hun dred majority, and Mr. Webster’s own county by four thousand majority, and Mr. Webster’s own town of Marshfield by fifty majority out of about two hundred and thirty votes. We state these things, that the people may in some degree appreciate the strength of anti-sla verv in this State. For unless the real state of the case is understood, it is folly tp begin talking about redeeming the State next year. The Pulpit nml Politics. One of the most lnmented developments of the late Northern elections, is the extent to which the pulpit has been degraded to stump speaking on. the slavery question. With the strictest impartiality, we must exonerate the Catholic church. With equal discretion and good sense, it has kept aloof from our political squabbles, and especially from the mischievous agitation of this Fugitive Slave law. The foun der of Christianity tnurrht his disciples neutral ity in politics,and obedience to the laws; but of late years, too many of our Northern churches have mingled in the dirty work of politics, and seldom to’ any good purpose. In the late elec tions. tli< ir intermeddling has been absolutely mischievous in its tendency, in open violation of the law, and in direct opposition to the safety of the Union, and the safety of society. A Presbytery in the western part of Pennsyl vania, and we believe the Presbyterian Synod of Pittsburgh, have placed themselves in direct hostility to the Fugitive slave law; and instead of recommending obedience and respect to it, openly gave countenance to resistance and bloodshed, as the “higher law” of conscience and religion. Tin's monstrous and destructive heresy has extended, more or less, through all the Northern states. It has divided churches societies, and families, and has finally carried some of our most important elections to the most deplorable issues. The Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, of this city, with all the fanatical des peration of Garrison himself, recommends a bloody, treasonable resistance to the execution of the. law ; bloodshed, and even murder, being holy in his eyes, if resulting from such resist ance. llow far these mischievous and wicked doctrines, in the disguise of “conscience” and religious duty, affected the elections in New York, we have no means of judging; but we have no doubt that they exerted a powerful in fluence. At a preachst's’ meeting held in Brooklyn on the 9th instant, consisting of Methodist minis ters of New York, Brooklyn, and Williamsburg, they resolved that the fugitive slave law was inconsistent with the constitution, the objects of the Union, and “iniquitous and unrighteous in its provisions, and in flagrant violation of the law of God but they do not go to the extreme of open rebellion, urging only “all wise and pru dent means for the repeal of said law.” Their proceedings were, notwithstanding, a mischiev ous interference in political matters, with which, as a church, they have no business to intermed dle at all. As citizens, they have full liberty to pass any resolutions they please: hut as a church, they ought to abide by the limit* of the New Testament. In Massachusetts, the doctrine of nullification is a sort of religious principle, or fanaticism. The same spirit of bigotry and intolerance which burnt the witches artel drowned 1 lie Quakers among the early Puritans, may be traced to the judgment pronounced against. Mr. Webster in the re-election of Horace Mann. The sermons of such preachers of politics from the pulpit as the Rev. Then. Parker, of Boston, advising the same bloody resistance to the execution of the fugitive law as Beecher and Fred. Douglass, have done the work. The people of New En gland are a religious people—always have been. But many have got that bright idea of modern philanthropy into their heads, that Southern slavery is a sin, and that a “higher law” than the Constitution and the laws under which they live and are protected requires that they should aid the. fugitive to escape, nr snatch him off by violence from his master, rather than submit to the law. This is Christianity run into hypoc risy or fanaticism, and conscience turned to treason. It is this religious abstraction, preach ed in the churches, that resistance to slavery is obedience to God, which has given the late ex traordinary impulse to nullification in Massa chusetts, which has carried the State elections, and in the issue between Mr. Websfes and Ho race Mann, has resulted in the prostration of the great statesman upon the very altar of the Constitution. In the We stern States, the same principle of religious fanaticism has contributed to similar re sults. The defeat of Mr. Buel, for Congress, in the Detroit district, Michigan, is a striking exam ple. Gen. Cass resides in Detroit; Mr. Buel re presents that district in the present Congress. At the last session lie voted for the Fugitive Slave bill, and, as (lie political and personal friend of General Cass, it is understood that that vote was according to his wishes. Good fai h to the Compromises, obedience to the laws, and the harmony of the Union, suggested the re-election of Mr. Buel as the test of the appro bation of the people. lie was defeated by the nullifiers, who settled upon the whig candidate, pledged against the law. The churches, with some exceptions, took the field with the nullifi ers. The re-capture of a fugitive slave at De troit, added fuel to the excitement. Fermons on the Sabbath day were devoted to the condem nation of the Fugitive law, as violating the feel ings of humanity and the injunctions of holy writ. The doctrines of treason, and the in stincts of prejudice, thus clothed in the drapery of religion, were successful; and Cass shared in Michigan the fate of Webster in Massachusetts. These two prominent cases are sufficient to show the disastrous power of the churches when they become the blind instruments of dema gogues and fanatics, traitors and nuliifiers, in their political schemes. It is degrading to the church and dangerous to the “State to mingle with such allies in any political contest what ever. In these two cases the mischief will soon be apparent. If the strength of Cass and Web ster at home is thus paralyzed by nullification, what reliance have the South in the future for bearance of ‘he North? The fact of the election of Horace Mann, a raving abolitionist, and of the defeat of Buel, on the platform of the com promises, with all the attending circumstances, is better calculated to widen the jealousy, dis trust, and disaffection to the Union, in the South, than all the other results of the late elections combined. It will embolden the nullifiers to a more violent agitation in Congress upon the sla very queeticn, at a time when the Southern temper is not in the mood for trifling- It weak ens the handy of the lovers of the Union, and leaves it, to a* great extent, to the rnercy of the abolitionists. Had Webster, Cass and Dickin son been sustained, the case would have been widely different. It would have enlarged the i confidence of the South, encouraged the con servatives, and crippled the agitators beyond the power of further mischief.— N. Y. Herald. Latest train Fir John Ross. EXTRAORDINARY FLIGHT OF CARRIER PIGEONS. We have learned from a private source’ that on Friday last two of the carrier pigeons taken by Sir John Ross when he left the port of Ayr, and some of which were to be dis patched home in the event of his either find ing Sir. I ohn Franklin or being frozen in, ar rived at Ayr, finding their way at once to the dove-cote which they occupied previous to being taken away. The birds we understand arrived within a short time of each Other; but neither of them, we regret to be informed, conveyed anything in the shape of a letter of note of any kind. One ol them, indeed,- which may have had some document attach ed, was found to be considerably mutilated; is legs having apparently been shot away.— The time they were liberated by Sir John Ross is of course uncertain, but taking into? consideration the well known powers of flight possessed by the carrier pigeon, it cannot have been very long since they left our gal lant countryman. The arrival of authentic! news from the Arctic regions will bo looked forward to with additional anxiety 7, from the’ probability which has now arisen that some tidings have been heard of Sir John Frankfirf.- Independent, however, of the interest which otherwise attaches to the extraordinary flight of the pigeons, it will lie regarded by natural ists as a most remarkable incident. We dot not recollect of any 7 parallel to it. The dis tance the creatures must have traversed can not be far short of 2,000 miles, and as they travel bv sight, and not by scent, the fact is the more extraordinary. Sir John Ross we be lieve, took five pigeons with him, which, it may be remembered, were stated in the last accounts received of him to have been at that time all alive, so that there arc still three to be accounted fur.— North British Mail. SOUTH CAROLINA LEGISLATURE. Columbia, Nov. 20. In the Senate, resolutions were submitted bv Mr. J. F. Marshall, on the Southern ques tion, and referred to the Committee on Fede ral Relations. The following Preamble and Resolutions were offered by Mr. B. F. Perry 7 , and order ed to be printed: “Whereas the recent legislation of Con gress on the subject of slavery, and the con tinued aggressions of fhc North on the rights of the South render it. necessary that all tho Slaveholding States should take common counsel and action for their own security and honor; and whereas the Nashville Con vention have recommended a Southern Con gress for the purpose of considering our grievances and prescribing the mode and measure of redress: * Be it, therefore, Resolved, That this Legis lature do hereby concur in the proposition to convene a congress of the Southern States for the purpose of obtaining security for tho future, as well as indemnity for the past, and the Committee on the Judiciary are hereby instructed to report a bill for the election of Representatives on tho part of South Caroli na to such Congress. Resolved, That in case any of tho South ern States should refuse or neglect to ap point delegates to a Southern Congress, then it shall bo the duty of His Excellency tho Governor, to send delegates to such States, to urge the people and the Legislatures there of, to unite with the other Southern Stales, in a Congress of the whole South. Mr. Wilkinson ottered the following reso lution: “ Resolved, That the Governor be reques ted to ascertain from Federal authority tho purposes for which additional troops have been sent to Charleston, and whether they are intended to remain there.” W 1 iich was immediately considered and adopted. Proceedings of the Mississippi Legis lature. Jackson, Miss., Monday, Nov. 25. The resolutions censuring the course of Gen. Foote, Senator from this State, which have been under discussion most of the timer since the session commenced, were to-day passed in the House by a vote of 50 yeas to BO nays. Absent or not voting, 14. Tho resolutions are now under consideration in the Senate, hut no vote has yet been taken on them in that branch of the Legislature. The Joint Committee has reported a bill in the Senate, calling a convention, to bo held in November next, tho members to bo chosen at the September election. The bill will, without doubt, pass the Legislature. In the House, a bill has been introduced, expressing satisfaction with the Adjustment bills of Congress, and declaring that seces sion is not justifiable, except in the event of the Fugitive Slave law being repealed, slave ry abolished in tho District of Columbia, &c. The bill was to-day indefinitely postponed. Governor Quitman has to-day sent in a message recommending the organization of the militia without delay 7. It will give rise to a prolonged discussion. TERRIBLE STEAMBOAT EXPLO SION. From tho Montgomery papers, we learn that the st e: m?r Antoinette Douglass explod ed her boiler at Tate's Shoals, on the Alaba ma River, on the 2Gth ult., killing and wound ing nearly 30 passengers. Over 700 bales of Cotton were lost, and nearly all the pas sengers’ baggage. The following is a list of the passengers : List, of Killed and Wounded. —J. A. Gold son, Augusta; Samuel Montgomery, bar keeper, killed; S. L. Bennett, Marengo; W. Hazard, Selma; Adolphus Carter, do ; E. F_ M atts, Dallas; A. G. Tuttle, l’ike county 7 W. Foster, Montgomery; Edward McCord,. Mobil e, since dead; E. C'rossman, Bridge port ; John Cole, Marion ; T. H. Locket, do; John Hart, Wilcox; E. B. Wall, Marengo; N. M. King, Georgia; E. W. Roberts, do; 8. A. Nelms, Perry county; S. A. Watts* Dallas county, badly wounded; N. A. Mc- Millen, Wilcox county, C. C. Sellers, do ; John Kelly, do; Dr. Caldwell, E Parkman* Selma ; E. L. Schrocebel, Mobile ; A. J, Mar tin, Dallas; T. P. Officer, first clerk, Jas. M emyss, Mobile ; Ily Adams. Benj. Oppan heim, W. B. Taylor, Wilcox co., slightly wounded. Passengers not injured. —Commodore E. W. Moore, Texas ; Wm. B. Weaver, of Wea ver, Mullin & Cos., Mobile; R. N. Philpot, lady and child, Columbus, Miss.; A. J. Free man, Georgia ; Aaron Ready and daughter, Wetumpka ; Mrs. Latting, child and servant, New Orleans; James Bankhead, Nashville, Tennessee; C. G. Forbes, Hayes, Jolly, lady and two children, Ga.; Wm. Roland, do; H. W. Carter, Montgomery; T. M. Clayton, Washington City ; Thomas McDowell, Mo bile; Jerry Fall ; Straughan and son ; Capt. George E. Stewart, Aberdeen, Miss.; W. W. Divine, Miss.; N. Bussy, Dallas county ; D.