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SOUTHERN SENTINEL. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA : THURSDAY MORNING, DEC. 19, 1850. To Our Subscribers. We should be greatly obliged to those subscribers who have not yet paid up for the current year, i: they would forward the amount due us, without the necessity of troubling then* with dons and agents.— The first of January is near at hand, and as weliave some bills to foot at that time, our patron.; would ob lige us by helping us to the wherewith. \\ e shall he most happy, if with this gentle hint, we are saved the unpleasant necessity of recurring to the subject. { Our Second Volume Will commence on the first of nest month, and we hope in our next, to furnish our readers with a prospectus of what we intend to do in the way of improvement. Our subscription list has largely in creased. and, as we promised in the beginning, its first fruits shail be in returned benefits to our pat rons. We hope that we shall have the countenance of our old friends through another year’s journey, and that, through their influence, we may be able to make many new acquaintances. If you are pleased with your paper, there will be no .harm in telling your neighbor so; on the contrary, we shall be your debtor, and we think your friend will be also. XT’ Hon. ITu. A. Hara'i.son has our thanks for two very valuable public documents. Gift Books. Our Saviour, with Prophets and A rosTi.Es.”— This is the title of one of the most splendid and valua ble works we have ever seen. Appleton & Cos. seem to have expended in its publication the utmost of their skill and taste, and as a mere specimen of the typographical art, it is a monument to these en terprising publishers. Nor is the jewel unworthy of the casket which contains it. The work contains biographical sketches, accompanied by superb en gravings of the following Scripture characters. The sketches are from the pens of many able divines, and the engravings by the best artists of the day. The following are the subjects: Our Saviour ; John the Baptist; ‘St. Matthew ; St. Mark; St. I.itke; St. John tile Evangelist ; St. Peter : St. Paul; St. Andrew ; St. Stephen ; St. Thomas : St. Barna bas ; St. Simeon ; David ; Solomon ; Isaiah ; Eze kiel ; Malaehi. For sale by B. B. deGraffenried. “Leaflets of Memory."—This is one of the oldest and most popular annuals. The volume for ISSI is the seventh of the series, and the most beau tiful which has yet appeared. The finest talents of the country have been commanded in the various de partments of editing, engraving, printing and bind ing. Altogether, it is one of the best gift books of the season. For sale by B. B. deGraffenried. “ Poets’ Offering.”—Hero is indeed a treasure. It contains the gems of all the poets of England and America, ancient and modern, beautifully illustrated and handsomely bound. For sa’e by B. B. deGraffenried. “Thf. iris” is another of the most beautiful books of the season. It is edited by Prof. John S. Hart, and its pages are filled w ith original articles from the pens of our most popular writers. In its ox ter n;d appearance, and in the beauty of its en gravincrs. it is not inferior to either of the others. * For stile by 15.15. deGraffenried. To Farmers and Planters. We invite your attention to the prospectus of “ The Soil of the South,” which you will find in another place. We presume it is scarcely necessary to exhort you to patronize a periodical, published in your midst, and devoted to the improvement of your interests. Most of the agricultural works published ia this country, are too far North for the great plant ing interests of the South. In view of the necessity thus created for a work of this character in the cot ton growing region, the Muscogee and Russell Agri cultural Society have determined on the publication of “The Soil of the South.''’ Upon your pat ronage and your exertion in its behalf, must depend the fate of the enterprise, and regarding as we do, agriculture the paramount interest ot the country, wo most cheerfully make this appeal in its behalf. The terms on which it is proposed to issue the work, place it at the command of every planter in the South, and when it is considered how important the work may be to the agricultural interest , and how much value it may be to each individual planter, it certainly would be but little trouble for each to interest him self so far as to induce his neighbors to become sub scribers. Os the merits of the publication, we need only* say, that the ability of the editors, and the char acter of those who we understand are to be its prin cipal contributors, give abundant assurances that 11 The Soil of the South” will be a most invaluable handbook to the planters, gardeners, florists and housekeepers of the South and South West. ITT* Our city readers can not spend these long evenings more pleasantly or profitably than in at tending the course of free lectures which Dr. Conger is now delivering in the large room over Mygatt's Corner. His subjects are, the mental and physical training of youth, the laws of health and happiness in connection with Physiology and Phrenology. To the parents and the youth of the community, his lec tures are of special interest, and, characterized by sound practical wisdom, they are calculated to do much good. The Campbells.—The lovers of good music among us will be pleased to learn that this unrivalled corps of vocalists intend paying us another visit about the first of January next. Murder. —Two dead bodies, a man and woman, in a decomposed state, were discovered in a wagon, near Thomasville, (Ga.) on the Till inst. Appear ances were clear that they had been murdered by blows from an axe. The name of the man. from pa pers found on him, was believed to be Durent or Duren Moore, and the woman Charity Gove. It is supposed that they were on their way from North- Carolina to Florida. The supposed murderer, a man named J as. \\ il liams, was pursued by two public spirited citizens of Thomas county, and overtaken at Hamburg, S. C. He was taken over to Augusta on Saturday morning, and, after an examination of the evidence in the case, was fully committed to jail, where he is now 6afely lodged. —Charleston Courier. The Great Ship and the World's Fair.— The Portsmouth (Ya.) Pilot, of Monday, says : “ Orders were received at this navy yard, on Satur day morning, from the Navy Department, to ascer tain the cost and time required for preparing the big ship Pennsylvania for the world’s fair, and we under stand that Com. Sloat. with that systematic prompt ness which ever characterizes him, made up esti mates, with the aid of Constructor Hart, and sent them to Washington by the return mail of the after noon. It will, as we stated in our letter from Wash ington, require an expenditure of between three and four hundred thousand dollars ; and, while the time is too short for her to be in readiness to transport our American portion of the world’s fair, at the period designated for the reception of articles, (sth March.) it is probable that she can appear on the Thames as a man-of-war. Let this gigantic ship go, on this occa sion, with a picked crew ; let them be volunteers specially for the big ship, but, of course, uuder the strictest naval discipline, and let them all be Ameri cans—Cape Coders and Cherapeak? Bay men.” The State Convention. This body assembled in the State House ou Tues day the ] Oih instant, and at 11 A. M. was organ ized by electing Hon. Tin s. Spaulding of Mclntosh, ‘President; Hon. A. J. Miller of Richmond, and Hon. W. B. Wofford of Habersham, Vice Presi dents: and It. S. Lanier, Esq. of Bibb, Secretary. Oil motion of lion. Char. ,T. Jenkins of Richmond, a committee of three from each judicial district was appointed to prepare business for tile action of the Convention. That committee was & mposed as fol- , ; lows: Middle District —Jenkins, Lawton, Flournoy. Eastern District — Bartow, Coupe r. Smith. Southern District —Black shear, GEor.CE Wil : cox, Gatlin. South- Western District —Crawford, Taylor. Irvine. Chattahoochee District —McDougai.d, Clarke, Bivins. Coweta District — E. Y. Hill, Murphy, Slaugij ! TER. ’ Cherokee District —Ti mlin, Lawhon, Chastain ; j of Gihre r. j Western District — Hull, W. J. Hill, ICnox. Northern District —Gilmer, Baxter, Long. Oanulgee District —Kenan, Sanford, Mkri- I WETHER. Flint District —King, Williamson, Collins. The Convention then proceeded to the election of Doorkeeper and Messenger, which resulted in the | election of Moses N. Davenport of Clark,Door i keeper; and Jesse Oslin of Cobb, Messenger, i Mr. Calhoun of DeKalb offered a resolution provid i ing for the call of counties alphabetically to allow the j introduction of resolutions, the same to be read and j referred to the Committee of 33. After some dis | eussion, the resolution was adopted, and the roll be ing called, resolutions were introduced by delegates i from Chatham, Elbert, and Pike. On the 1-ltli, the Committee of 33 made its Re . port, which, after several amendments, was adopted, j We have not room in to-day's paper for the preamble ! of the report—the following are the Resolutions: Be it resolved by the People, of Georgia in Can 't vent'wn assembled , Ist. That we hold the Arneri | can Union, secondary in importance only to the rights and principles it was designed to perpetu- I ate. That past associations, present fruition, | and future prospects, will bind us to it so long as I it continues to be the safeguard of those rights ! and principle's. | 2d. That if the thirteen original parties to the j contract bordering the Atlantic in a harrow belt, j while their separate interests were in embryo, | their peculiar tend nicies scarcely developed, | their revolutionary trials and triumphs stiil green | in memory, found Union impossible without i j Compromise, the thirty-one of this day may well yield somewhat, in the conflict of opinion and policy, to preserve that Union which has e.xten | ded the sway of republican government over a j vast wilderness, to another ocean, and propor j tionally advanced their civilization and national greatness. 3d. That in this spirit, the State of Georgia i has maturely considered the action ot Congress | embracing a series of measures for the admis | sion of California into the Union, the organiza j lion of territorial governments for Utah and j New Mexico, the establishment of a boundary between the latter and the State of Texas, the suppression of the slave trade in the District of Columbia, and the extradition of fugitive slaves, and (and connected with them) the rejection of propositions to exclude slavery from the Mexi can territories and to abolish it in the District of Columbia; and whilst she does not wholly ap prove, will abide by it, as a permanent adjust ment of this sectional controversy. 4th. That the State of Georgia, in the judg ment of this Convention, will and ought to resist, oven {as a last resort ) to a disruption of every tie which binds her to the Union, any action of Congress upon the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia, or in places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompatible with the ! safety, domestic tranquility, the rights and honor i of the slaveholding States; or in any act sup j pressing the slave trade between slaveholding States; or in any refusal to admit as a State any territory hereafter applying, because of the exis tence of slavery therein ; or in any act prohibit ing the introduction of slaves into the territories of Utah and New Mexico ; or in any act repeal ing or materially modifying the laws now in force for the recovery of fugitive slaves. sth.'That it is the deliberate opinion of this Convention, that upon the faithful execution of ; the Fugitive Slave Bill by the proper authorities, I depends the preservation of our much loved 1 Union. The Convention—its Labors and its Fruits. The Convention has met, deliberated and ad journed. Its proceedings arc now a part of Geor gia’s history, and identified as wo are by birth, edu cation and devotion to her soil, we blush in the ac j knowledgment that they will constitute no very bright chapter in that hitherto untarnished record. Standing as her sons will, in future generations, aloof from the turmoils of the times in which it was enact ed, how must they wonder at the blindness, or be amazed at the recklessness of their forefathers, in committing themselves and tlieir country to a policy so short-sighted, so suicidal. When they read that the Legislature of Ihe State gravely and deliberately resolved that the consummation of certain events by tlie general government would be regarded by j Georgia as an outrage upon her rights, and ns such : resisted “at all hazards and to the last extremity,” j they will commend the wisdom and applaud the ; spirit c>f our law-makers ; but when, upon a subso : quent page, they will learn these anticipated evils I were actually inflicted, and that we shrank from the •! execution of our purpose, their cheeks must tinge l with shame and mortification. We publish in another place, a brief sketch of tlie proceedings of the Convention, together with the resolutions which were adopted, and we submit it to j tlie silent judgment of every candid mind, are they ! worthy of the crisis? do they meet the necessity I which originated the call of tlie Convention, and j i which exists in unabated force to this clay ? Indeed, j ; we may well ask, what are even the boldest or most 1 j stringent resolutions worth ? Who regards them ; j I wh ;|f foe is intimidated ; what friend is encouraged j by them ? Georgia lias already resolved with all ! the solemnity of legislation—and yet, what has Geor- | ! gia done ? We resolved once that the admission of j California was a wrong, and when that wrong was completed, wo failed to apply the remedy. What avails it, then, that we have now resolved that the re peal of the Fugitive Act, or the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, would be in violation of our right.- ? If those who resolved meant to act, i why not have turned their resolutions into an ordi- j nance, declaring that upon the happening of certain j events, our connection with the Union was at an ! end, without the luecssity of again convening the! people for that purpose ? But even the Resolutions do not go far enough. I Look at the equivocations, the ifs and the ands , the i soft places for tender consciences, and the gaps ! i which cunning politicians have left open for their es- : cape when the evil day comes. Why so many quali fications and provisions and reservations, if we are honestly to toe the mark which is chalked out for our future action? We confess that we doubt; aud although we expect to stand shoulder to shoulder with those who have adopted this platform, yet we shall do so with the constant expectation of being de serted when ihe test comes. There are exceptions, of coarse, but we have no idea that the federal Un j ionists as a body, either intend, or ever will dare, to stand by even these resolutions in all the length and breadth of their import. If they are honest in their professions of devotion to the Union, and we do not doubt that most of them are, they will never sacri fice it for some of the causes which are enumerated in their catalogue of mala prohibits. Take, for in stance. the abolition of slavery in the District of Co lumbia : they are ready for battle;*should this be done in opposition to the wishes of tlie slaveholders there; I but with their consent, they will not object to its being done. Well, now, in the name of reason. v.-Jiat have the wishes of the slaveholders of Columbia to do,either with the rights of the South, or the powers of Congress ? If we have rights in the District, the will of all the slaveholders there can uot divest us of them ; and if Congress has the power to legislate as contemplated, that power can not depend upon the j whims of a few property holders ; or, if Congress has | not this power, all the slaveholders in the universe i etui not create it. No; our delegates were either ! deceiving themselves or deceiving others. They do not mean to dissolve the Union when Congress does thus and so : they only mean to make a platform for the Constitutional Union Party,” aiul if that platform helps them to elect their own men to all the offices, it will have answered .the end of its creation, and may be laid away as thunder, fund us officio — till the next races. Centralization. We can but regard with apprehension the indi cations too numerously afford el in the legislation of this day, of the truth, that our government is rapidly being changed from one of confederated sovereign ties to a grand consolidated power. The national legislature is daily in the exercise of powers of which its originators never dreamed. The whole genius of our constitution has been changed, and though the transition has been so gradual, and it may be, so imperceptible, as to have marked no par ticular epoch in our history with the traces of revolu tion, yet, when we compare the operations of our government of to-day with its earlier history, and the manifest intentions of those who framed it, we are struck with the progress which federalism has made in so short a time. N<>r is the legislature in advance of the co-ordinate departments of the government. The vast increase of executive patronage, which is be ing augmented at almost every session of Congress, is rapidly investing that office with a degree of influence which is altogether incompatible with the framework of our institutions. The Judiciary has arrogated to itself power, which is to be measured alone by its own decrees. Even the laws of the Union exist by virtue of its sanction, and states’ rights are proper subjects for its adjudication. Thus, in every depart ment of the government, consolidation is steadily and rapidly gaining strength. The most alarming of those indications is furnished in the idea which is now becoming quite fashionable, even in the South, that a State can not secede from ; the Union. That tlie general government may force ’ a sovereign State to remain in the Union is the most j monstrous pretension of Federalism ; and that it i finds countenance at all, argues, certainly, a remark i able tendency to consolidation. What is the general | government more than the agent of tlie States, crea | ted for certain purposes, and invested with certain i powers? VYbo has ever maintained before that this i creature of the States possessed any powers beyond those which were delegated in its creation ? And who gave to it, pray, the power to whip Georgia into line when she chooses to leave it ? Is it credible that Georgia would have conferred such a power upon the general government ? and if she did not, who did ? Had South Carolina, or Virginia, or Massachusetts, either singly or together, any right to invest the central government with authority to coerce a State to remain in the Union ? Twenty-five years ago, there was not a man in the State who questioned that secession was perfectly within the discretion of any member of the Confederacy. We hope there are but few who doubt it now ; but that there are even a few, is enough to open our eyes to the progress of federalism. Men talk now of their allegiance to the general government, and deny that they owe any to the State in which they live. So reasons Henry Clay, and it is a legitimate deduction from his federal con struction of tlie government. It is of all doctrines yet avowed, the most hostile to states’ rights. In tlie language of Mr. Soule, “ our first, our second, and our last allegiance” is due to our State,and in a con test therefore between Georgia and the Federal Gov ernment, no matter whether right or wrong, we are Georgians. This doctrine is denounced as seditious and unfriendly to the Union. So far from it, it is on- I ly when the principles of State sovereignty have been invaded hy the central government that the Union has ever been endangered. Tlie govern ment might, last forever, and grow stronger as it grew older, if State and Federal authority moved in their prescribed orbits—but, once array the powers of the two in hostile position, by the attempt to -ex tend the jurisdiction of either over unauthorized ground, and tlie inevitable result is a collision which must end either in the dismemberment or consolida tion of the republic. Slavery in the District. The recent Convention at Milledgeville has placed this subject oil an improper basis, in that, it recog nizes in Congress the right to abolish slavery in tlie District upon the petition of the slaveholders to that effect. This position is as untenable as another which we have sometimes seen assumed, that Con gress may abolish slavery in the District with the permission of Maryland. and Virginia. We hold that Congress has no authority to do any such thing, and that it would be an outrage upon the rights of the South, though every slaveholder in the District, in Maryland and Virginia, should ask for such legislation. That district is sacred for gov ernment purposes, and no power may with impunity interfere, to make it less a home for Southern than Northern Representatives. If the people of the District arc tired of their slaves, let them manumit them and employ white servants, if they choose. Nobody will gainsay their right to do so—but they can not say, nor can Congress say in obedience to their wishes, to the slaveholding Representative when he goes to Washington with his family : you shall not bring your servants with you. We place it on another footing. Congress has no power to degrade the South by condemning her institutions, and this is certainly done when they arc excluded from a District alike the property, aud designed equally for the use, of all the States. If those who reside within the limits of that territory are unwil ling to bo subject to the rights thus attaching to the States, they know their remedy ; they can seek homes elsewhere. This, then, is one article in the creed of the “ Constitutional Union party” to which we can not subscribe. And we dissent in no spirit of determined opposition. We wish to see the people of Georgia united, but on no such rickety platforms. P. S.—The foregoing was written immediately up on the receipt of the Report of the Committee of 33, as it was originally introduced. Subsequently, the Resolution relating to the District of Columbia was so amended as to obviate the objections to which we have alluded. O’ Gen. J. 11. Means has been elected Governor of South Carolina. Virginia Senator. —Hon. James M. Mason has been re-elected United States Senator by the Legis lature of Virginia, by the overwhelming majority of 112 to 42. Thus has the Old Dominion honored herself in the triumphant vindication of the course which her Senator pursued in supporting the rights of the South. Private California Accounts. —The New York correspondent of the Philadelphia Pennsylvanian says : “ I have seen private letters from responsible par ties in California, which give any thing but a flatter ing picture of the condition of things there, which is not at all enlivened, I assure you, by the verbal ac counts of the passengers, on board the Europa, who have come direct from San Francisco and the ‘ dig gins.’ The cholera was prevailing to a great extent, but it was the opinion that its ravages had hardly yet begun. Tales of privation and suffering are related of the most terrible character, and sufficiently shock ing to make one’s hairs stand straight up.” FitF.E Negroes in Kentucky.—A select com mittee of the Kentucky Legislature have reported a bill prohibiting slaves emancipated in the State from j remaining there, under a penalty for the first offence j of five years’ imprisonment in the penitentiary, and ! for tile second, confinement for life. It was referred i to the committee on the Judiciary, and it, or a simi- j lar bill, will, it is said, be enacted into a law under tlie requirements of the Constitution. • [communicated.] To the Editor of the Columbus Enquirer : In looking over your paper a few days ago, I was struck with surprise to find the following paragraph: ‘•We are told by our cotemporaries that they j have nailed the secession flag to the mast. Be j it so. That flag might wave in triumph over; oilier heads, but in this good old commonwealth ; it will stand, like the Missouri Senator when he j put his ba!l*in motion, solitary and alone. But j we, too, have nailed our flag to the mast. Not j the b'aek piratical looking ensign of disunion, not j the blank and trouserless looking image of se cession—but the glorious old flag that has float ed over every battle-field of the country from the days of the revolution until now. Arnold attempted to pull it down—Aaron Burr, like others that have come after him, finding the country too large for his dimensions, made the same effort, and failed. The failure in Georgia is now complete, and we have the'consolation of knowing that, so far as she is concerned, that flag will continue to wave, over the land of the free and the home of the brave.” I am one of those who have felt, that the South has been wronged and insulted—griev ously wronged and insulted. I had felt, too, that the only way to escape wrong and injury and insult for the future, was to raise the flag of se cession. When I read that paragraph I was startled—yea, startled at the idea that I and .those with whom I think and act should occupy, in the opinion of any of our country men, the po sition of Benedict Arnold. 1 shuddered at the thought that my name, humble as it is, should go down to posterity linked with all that could make it hateful. Ido not desire for it an im mortality of infamy. It would be painful to leave to my children such an inheritance. But a man to whose opinions many of our fellow citizens look for their estimation of men and measures—a man occupying a position re quiring of all others the most intelligence, hones j ty ami truth—has spread broadcast over the land the imputation upon a large, or, (if it suit you better,) a small portion of his fellow citizens, that they are like Benedict Arnold. Surely, Mr. Editor, you did not consider well the import of your words. Are you prepared to say to your readers that we have, like Arnold, be trayed, or desiri and to betray, our country into the hands of her enemies? Are you prepared to hold up to the hatred and detestation of the country, those who feel that safety for the South is to be found only in a separation from the North ? Are you prepared to say that those who favor that measure deserve at the hands of ! the South, and of every good man, that execra tion and that punishment which all admit that Arnold deserved at the hands of the colonies? If you are, then it becomes your duty, as a good citizen, and particularly as a faithful sentinel upon the watchtower of liberty, to have every one of them hung—either with or without a trial. But you are mistaken in your history, Mr. Flournoy. It was the flag of secession that Arnold attempted to pull down—it was the spirit of resistance that he attempted to crush. Let us examine the facts. Arnold had been for some time engaged in resisting what was claimed by Great Britain, and believed by many of the colonies, to be the rightful and legitimate author ity of the government. He had declared for se cession—there were then in this country, ns well as in England, many who thought aud said that for this he was a traitor, and deserved to be hung. There were then many who said that Great Britain had done nothing but what she had a right to do, and to which tlie colonies were in duty bound to submit. There were then many who said that though the colonies had not received at the hands of the mother country that full measure of justice to which they were entitled, yet there was no cause for re sistance. There were then thousands who said that they were living under the best and purest government in the world, and that under it they were the most prosperous and the most happy people that the sun shone upon ; and that a separation from Great Britain would bring upon them ruin and desoktion ; and so strong were these feelings and opinions that when the resist ance men and secessionists did take up arms to resist the aggressions of the mother country, multitudes were found joining the government against their countrymen, and aiding i( in tlie at tempt to coerce their fellow-citizens into submis sion, or, as they perhaps said in those days, into “acquie; mice.” But Arnold went on for a season supporting the flag of resistance and se cession, and though denounced by the govern ment and the “acquiescents” as a traitor, he con tinued to rise higher in the estimation of his countrymen and the world. But the tempter came. Ilis virtue was not strong enough to sustain him in fighting and suffering in the cause of liberty and right. The glitter of wealth and the patronage of power Held out to him allure’ merits too strong for tiis virtue to resist; and in an evil hour for his fame, he joined the gov ernment and the “acquiescents,” He attempted to pull down the flag of secession, and as you say, Mr. Editor, he failed. Then, and not till then, the world felt disposed to exclaim— ‘‘Oh for a tongue to curse the slave, Whose treason, like a deadly blight, Comes o'er the councils of the brave, And blasts them in their hour of night! May life’s unblessed cup for him Be drugg’d with treachery to the bjfnn, With hopes that but allure to fly, With joys that vanish while he sips. Like Dead-sea fruits that tempt the eye, But turn to ashes on the lips ! Ilis country’s curse, his children’s shame, Outcast of virtue, peace and fame, May he at last with lips of flame, On the parch’d desert thirsting die, While lakes that shone in mod ory nigh Are fading off untoueh’d, untasted, Like the once glorious hopes he blasted ; And, when from earth his spirit flies, Just Prophet, let the damn'd one dwell Full in the sight of Paradise, Beholding Heaven, but feeling Hell.” Who would have ever dreamed of applying j this curse to Arnold while he was sustaining the j ’ flag of resistance and of secession ? Who does ! i not feel the justice of the join • at b to fl'ig^^^^^P There is, sir. something the history of traitors, which has ad- j dressed itself to your notice. It is a sublimely beautiful trait in the human character, that in every age and every country, the heart instinc tively draws the distinction between the traitor against power, oppression and wrong, and the traitor against liberty, justice and right. To the one, the power and the rage of tyranny can bring no ignominy—to the other, its power and i its wealth can bring no honor—nay, they cannot ; shield him from infamy. Emmett suffered as a traitor against the government—yea, as a traitor against the Union; and venal editors were found who denounced him as a traitor for at ; tempting to tear down the “glorious flag of the I glorious Union.” They have passed into obliv ion, but human nature has vindicated his name j and embalmed his memory as a champion of lib erty ; and when all else of her history shall have, passed into oblivion, the name of Ireland will be remembered to mark the land where Emmett raised the “flag of secession” in defence of the liberties of his country. Arnold lived and was rewarded as the traitor against liberty and right, but of all the traitors against liberty that the world has produced, the deepest and most damning infamy rests upon the name of him who joined the government and the acquiescents, and attempted to tear down the flag of secession. And the power and the wealth and the honor of the mightiest nation of the earth, were not able to save him from ail infamy leas deep, dark, and damning, than that only of hint whose name has, by com mon consent, passed into a tefm to express the superlative degree of all that is base in the hu man heart. It may be an instructive lesson to j you, Mr. Editor, to learn that the name which ! will go down the tide of time next in honor to j the Saviour of the world, is die name of the traitor against the government; not one of the law and order party, but the man who raised and sustained the flag of secession, and dissolv j ed the glorious Union-, now known as the father j 1 and savior of his country: and that the man | who joined the acquiescents and attempted to j betray him, and to tear down his flag of seces | sion. goes down to posteritv second in infamy J to him only who betrayed the Saviour of man j kind. Both of these traitors were only aiding the-'legitimate authority,” and both of themre ! eeived their reward. Kossuth and Bern, and hosts of the gallant j j sons of Hungary, though denounced and huh?* ed as traitors and “exiles from homo,” And a ! place in every heart that loves liberty and right : through this wide world. But Georgev! where ’ is he ? And the acquiescents of the revolution!— Those patriots who worshipped at the shrine ot power, and denounced resistance to the mother country as treason; the law and order party i who loved the Union, and branded as traitors all | the advocates of resistance and secession ! i Where are they ? Where is the man who boasts j j of his descent from them I Who tells of their ! 1 deeds of daring, and of their sacrifices and suf- | i ferings and privations in the cause of their conn- ■ : try? They are looked upon at best as mis-| ! guided men, wanting in a due appreciation oi i | right and justice, as blinded by their reverence ! for power. A century has not passed away— | they have escaped infamy only by finding obliv j ion.’ But when will the memory of those rebels i and traitors be forgotten or cease to be remem bered with veneration ? Who is there in this country that is not found to trace back his an cestry to one of them ? Who would not rather trace his pedigree in the history which tells him that his ancestor was hung by the British and the acquiescents as a traitor to the government, than to hunt it in the statute book which tells | him that though his ancestor died not a death i of violence, yet his name is preserved in the j confiscation act as a traitor to liberty and to | right ? But let us examine a little farther thi3 parallel \ between us and Arnold. Suppose that the conflict between the North and the South should come. Suppose that you should join with the North to coerce into submis sion those whom you have said a thousand and thousand times had suffered wrong, insult and injury. Suppose you and your Northern allies should succeed in crushing the resistance.— What would be our fate? We should have no ! country to which to flee for protection, like Ar nold. We might say, like the Exile of Erin— j 5 “A home and a country remain not for me.’’ And where would you be? You and your . j Northern Allies might scatter us as exiles and ] fugitives into the four quarters of the globe, you ! might write us down in vour newspapers as trai- I tors, and your government by its Statute Books ! might so declare us, you might receive your re ward, but all coming time would mark your government as a tyranny, you as its pliant to.)!, and usas the victims of your treachery. But let us reverse the picture. Suppose that in that conflict we should succeed, that we should be able successfully to resist the North and their Southern allies, and to establish our independence, you could flee to the North and find refuge and protection as Arnold did in En gland. It is the policy of governments which i seek to trample down the liberties of others to i reward, but not to trust traitors, and even the ! power of despotism cannot command further the j esteem of the most vile—the vilest man in En j gland considered himself better than Arnold. I You might then flee to (lie North and receive rewards at the hands of the government, but even the fugitive slave and the free negro would make you a'by-word of reproach and contempt. I write these things not because I believe you will ever place yourself in that situation, for I be lieve that when the conflict does come, you will be with'the South; but I have written them to show you how much more your course, will lead you to a resemblance to Arnold than ours—and i that resemblance will be in no wise diminished | by the remembrance that the time has been I when you were numbered amongst those who felt there was no treason either moral or legal in resisting the aggressions of the North, even to a dissolution of the Union. I do not charge against you as a wrong, that you have changed your opinions—you no doubt thought you were right then—that you have changed your opinions does not prove that j you were wrong, but it does prove that having j been satisfied you were wrong once, you ought S to feel that you might possibly be wrong again. | You ought at least to pay the compliment to | your own intellect, to suppose that weaker minds without corruption entertain opinions sufficient ly plausible and attractive to have for years mis led his stronger intellect. A man ought to be cautious about charging with corruption, those who entertain opinions which he has abandon ed. Such a charge is an admission of his own i corruption, or of their superiority of intellect.— Men are corrupt when they advocate opinions which they have sense enough to know are wrong—a weak man may honestly advocate them because he has no better sense. If then i you have advocated these opinions, knowing i they were wrong, you are not to be trusted, for want of truth—if because you knew no better, you are an unsafe guide, for want ot intellect. But again, when men change their opinions from conviction they are prompt to announce tiiat change and to show to others the lights which have led them into the path of truth. I have never heard that you have announced any such change, or that you gave any reasons why you were wrong then, and right now. On the contra ry, so far as I have been cognizant ot your course, you have addressed yourseli to the task ot de nouncing as the deserters of party those who have adhered to the principles you have practi cally abandoned, but dared not denounce—a course which certainly paid a high compliment to the principles, but a very poor one to your own honesty and fair dealing, and to the intelligence of your readers. But even ifyou had announced your change it would, by no means, prove that you are right. Unfortunately every change of opinion and of action is not from wrong to right—increase of years does not always bring increase of wisdom, nor are the selfish suggestions of age, always, j more pure than the generous impulses of our I younger days : your own observation has perhaps | furnished you with abundant evidence of the truth of this remark. History furnishes us not a few examples of the transformation of the ! youthful Christian into the gravheaded debau j chee, and there have been those who have spent i their old age, in deriding as the thralls of weak and superstitious minds, those pure and beauti ful precepts of Christianity, which had warmed I and purified their own youthful minds, and in i the preaching of which to their fellow men their j early lives had been spent. These things ought to impress upon your : mind the justice at least of being charitable.— [ Although you have not so far as I know ever ; admitted it in words, yet your present course ! admits that you have been wrong once, or that you <tre dishonest now. May you not be j wrong now ? May not others differ with j you in opinion, or pursue a course of ac tion different from yours, without being guilty of the treachery of Arnold ? If you feel that i we are wrong, it is your duty as an Editor to give ; us arguments and facts to show 11s our error.— But if you believe us such traitors as Arnold i was, it is your duty to continue to denounce us and have us all hung. Surely there is patriot- i } ism enough in this country to hang every such j I man. I will conclude by calling to vour attention j | and recommending to your consideration some j remarks said to have been made by a young British officer to a voung American who was an acquiescent, one of the law and order party who j loved the Union, who thought that resistance ; was treason and who had joined the government i I to aid in tearing down the flag ofsecession and j in forcing his fellow countrymen to submission, 1 and who for Ins loyalty received a colonel’s commission. A&?r some remarks upon the war, he says : ! “ Great Britain is destined to lose her colonies. Her ministers would have abandoned the cause before this, but for the encouragement held out by the native loyalists. . . • Mv% own loy alty, I trust, will always be unimpeachable ; but, my friend, the regard which I lee! for you, prompts me to wish for your own sake that you tiad drawn the sword with vour own people rather than against them; The American loy alists must and will he abandoned to their fate. They will be the greatest losers in the contest. They will forfeit their homes,and their mem ories will be stained with to the most distant periods. It is. perhaps, fortunate for them, as tending to Irssett this reproach, in the minds of all just persons, that the greater num ber ofthem. particularly in these Southern col- j onies, are native Britons. It was natural that j they should side with their natural sovereign, j j But for the wines of the soil, there can he no | such excuse. Abandoned by Great Britain, they j will be doomed to an exile which will lack the : consolation of those who can plead tor their course, all the affinities ot birth, and all the obli gations of subjects born within the shadow ot the throne. 1 would to God. for your sake, that you had been a foreigner, of had never drawn weapon against your people. True loyalty is to the soil, or rather to the race. lam persua* ded that one is never more safe in his principles j than when he takes sides with his kindred. | There is a A'irtuein the race which strengthens ■ and secures his own ; and he is nevermore in : danger of proving in the wrong tiiaft when he | takes sides with those who wrong his own peo ple. At all events, one may reasonably distrust the virtue in his principle, when lie finds him | self called upon to sustain it by actually drawing the sword against his kindred.” [Reported for the Charleston Courier.] Neio-York Cotton Market, December 11. Cotton has declined one quarter to three eighths, since the receipt of the steamer’s news. The sales of the day amounted to SCO bales— middling Uplands quoted at 13 cefits. The to tal sales for the week were 7000 bales. Rice— -400 bids, sold during the week. Prime Carolina brought 3E Naval stores are improving. Flour j has advanced six cents per barrel. From Texas.—The steamship Palmetto, at I New Orleans, brought Galveston papers to the j 29th ult., with the important fact that the Legis i lature had accepted the Pearce boundary bill. The Houston Telegraph states that claims to : a large amount against the State have been pre- I sented at Austin since the passage of theboun | dary bill, and hundreds of them that have here j tofore lain dormant will be placed before the i next Legislature. The Telegraph entertains the ! opinion that the whole of the ten millions will I be required to pay the debt. ‘Plie sugar crop this year will not yield so j much as last, owing to the drought, hut the I quality of the new is much better, and will j command a price sufficiently higher to recoin -1 pense the planter. Arrival ot the Empire City. Ne-w York, Dec. 8. The. steamer Empire City arrived here to-day. ; She brings three millions of gold dust, and over three hundred passengers. She also brings dates from Jamaica to No vember 20th. The cholera is raging at a terrible rate at Kingston and Port Royal, five thousand persons having died of that disease. It is also raging fatally in the uplands. California. The Pacific News gives the result of the State election in this new State as follows: Senate —Democrats 9, Whigs 7 ; Democratic majority 2. Assembly —Democrats 18, Whigs 14, Indepen dent 1, Doubtful 3; Democratic plurality 4. Joint ballot —Democrats 27, Whigs 21, doubt ful and Independent 4; Democratic majority 2. The friend we conversed with yesterday says there is no chance for Fremont’s re-election to the Senate, as he and Butler King are the two most unpopular men in California, in conse -1 \ queues oftheir outrageous misrepresentations j about the quantity of gold to be found in quartz rock, &c., m the State. He also added that the ! report about Fremont’s immense wealth is all humbug—that his immensely valuable gold mine 1 is all moonshine—all told for effect. 1 The. “First Public School in California,” un der the charge of JVIr. arid Mrs. Pelton, is highly commended in the News. The number of pu pils was 140, and it seems in the land of gold the 1 schoolmaster is poorly paid. Col. John B. Weller and J. M. Crane, Esq., were promising candidates for United States Senator in opposition to Col. Fremont.— Mobile. A dxerliser. ’ 7 DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE. ARRIVAL OF THE AMERICA. . New York, Dec. 11, 1850. ; The Steamer America arrived this morning, . bringing Liverpool dates to the3oth lilt. 1 Liverpool Cotton Market. Brown and Shipley’s circular reports the Cot ; ton Market depressed throughout the week, and ; a decline of 1-8 to l-4d. The sales of the week have amounted to 20,000 bales. Fair Orleans 1 are quoted at 7 7-Bd. Mobile 7 3-4d. Uplands 7 5-Bd. Middling 7 1-8 to 7 3-Bd. Advices from Havre to the2Bih ult., report the , Cotton market dull—prices unchanged. Provisions are dull. Coffee heavy in Liver c pool and London, previous prices barely main > tained. Sugars is in limited demand, prices are 1 six pe.nce lower. New York, Dec. 13. Warlike News from Europe. Advices received from Boston this morning, state that intelligence from Europe by the Ameri ca, one day later than before published, announ , ; ces that continental affairs wore a warlike as pect and open hostilities appeared inevitable.— It was asserted that the Austrian Government had demanded the evacuation of Hesse Cassel , in 24 hours Arrival of the America—European News. Our telegraphic commut'd cations from Halifax, which have.been interrupted by a serious con flagration at that place, furnish the outlines of news one week later than that received by the Asia. Cotton has declined one-eighth of a pen > nt on the pound, caused, unquestionably, by the j very well grounded apprehensions of serious po ; j litical troubles throughout Europe. The synopsis of news is exceedingly clear, though brief, and presents an interesting intro duction to those details of the intelligence which we shall publish on the arrival of the mails. In England.it appears that the anti-papal feeling has grown into a feverish national excitement. The country appears to be deeply agitated by the question, which animates not only the peo ple at large, but Parliament itself. The posi | tion of that Catholic gentleman, Lord Beaumont,, is significant of the. feelings of a large propor tion of the nobility, while the riot at Birkenhead demonstrates the character of the antagonism among the people. While the agitation is going j on, the power at Rome hears of the opposi tion to its will with an assumed or philosophical ; calmness, that translates the adverse feeling of England as the offspring of wounded etiquette. The ‘Times newspaper, the organ of the popular will and of constitutional order, takes sides against the movements of the Pope, and thus ex hibits by its position an index of what may be expected from the people generally. The pow er of the crown will probably be called into r ; quisition to banish the papa! power, in the new ! form by which it has been introduced on Pro testant ground. What eise may result from this action, on the part of England, time alone can determine. The affairs of Europe generally, if they grow into hostilities, have some effect upon this curiosity in politico-polemic history. The position of the great States of Europe, ; however, is the most remarkable consideration j at the present time. By the arrival of the Asia, we announced that the King of Prussia, on the ! ! 21st ultimo, had made a speech which was be lieved to have favored the war party. Further ; intelligence confirms this as a fact, while it as- I ! sures us, also, that all parties concur in the be- 1 lief that the chances so? the’ maintenance of peace are exceedingly slender. The dUturJi arttes between the soldiery of the conflicting powers is less important, than the fact that Prussia has a large force under arms—has ne gotiated a loan,through Rothschilds, often mil lions pounds sterling, and that France has been notified by tier official and special agent, who has returned to Paris, that Prussia can make no more concessions. Hen , then, we have, also, Russia declaring that Prussia, at war with Aus tria, is at war with her likewise —leaving Eng land and France to take up such positions as maybe most conducive incase of hostilities, to their respective interests. France, distracted by internal ambitions of a ! peculiar kind, and uncertain ot its own lutiiie,at I this juncture is bound hand and toot, b\ those, | who, in checking the possibilities oi L. Napoleon s j cnreer s check her wholly and entirely. hen ■ she refuses to supply an army, she refuses to en- I ter upon a contest, defensive or offensive. Vet I the busy Palmerston has views—when did he have them not !—and the French ambass'n-r.of has been impressed with the belief that they are of vast importance. Russia and England have both contrived to interfere with the reforms in stituted by the Sultan of Turkey—and both, in the event ofa general war in Europe, would be’ very happy to keep one eye on Turkey in Eu rope, and one on Turkey in Asia, solely for the’ ultimate purpose of doing something national and grand in India. Russia, by a war, can ei fect its purpose in the East, tar better than she can in time of peace; and thus the whole game appears to be as pretty a one as diplomacy has Contrived in modem fiinea. Prussia is patriot ic for united Germany—Russia will be patriotic for herself—Austria may be patriotic on Russian account, and England would tain be patriotic for Franco. France stands alone, without a motive. Should the disturbances of die twenty - fiflii ultimo, or the position ot the forces m Hes se, lead to an outbreak more premature that] po litic, it is not unreasonable to.suppose that the general conflagration has commenced in earnest. Much will depend upon the action of England in case events are not precipitated; and as she >ia*< much to lose by a war of such a nature, it not to be doubled that she will make a se\ei> struggle.to maintain peace. Ihe neutrality ot France mav aid her —but the actixe coalition o. the two powers will be necesirry to bring about so desirable a result.— N. Y. Herald. CO M M E RC I A L. GOTTON MARKET. COLUMBUS, (GA.) Dec. 18. Cotton.—Our market, like all others, is still de -1 pressed in prices, under the had appearance of the I news from Europe—but at our present quotations, !10 1-2 to 11 1-2, all is freely taken. Holders are I offering but little, and much of the receipts are stored on planters’ account. COLUMBUS COTTON “STATEMENT. COIll!KITUD I$V lll’Mi:,. I’ATTKX & ISUXCK. For the Week ending Salurday, Dec. Id, Stock „on hand Oct. 1 033 Received this week 1143 Received previous] v 21943 30,024 Shipped this week 2577 Shipped previously 5352 Stock on hand 22,095 Columbus Prices Current. CORRECTED WEEKLY BY BUTT & BANKS. ” ~~ $ cts~ Q cts. ’ Bacon —Hams, per pound, 00 © 121 Shoulders, “ 1 8 © 10 Sides, “ 1 10 © 11 > Bagging—lndia, per yard, 00 © 18 Kentucky, “ 00 © 1C Bale Rorr, per pound 00 © 9 ’ Butter —Goshen,jper pound, 00 © 25 Country, “ 1 13 © 23 . Candles—Sperm, “ 45 © 50 Adamantine,” 33 © ‘ 40 Castings, per pound, 00 © 5 ’ Cheese, “ 121 © 15 • ! Coffee —Rio,per pound, 13 © It ) ■ Java, “ 16 © 17 . 1 Feathers, “ ! 35 © 40 Fish—Mackerel, No. 1. per barrel.... 14 00 ©l6 00 “ No. 2, “ ... 9 00 ©l2, 00 ; “ No. 3, “ ... 00 ©9 00 i Flour —Northern, “ ... GOO © 700 1 Western, “ ... 6 00 © 700 City Mills, “ ... 5 25 © 6 25 Country, per cwt., 2 50 © 3*oo Fodder—per cwt., 100 © 00 ’ Grain —Corn, per bushel 75 © 85 Wheat, “ 118 ©1 40 . . Oats, “ 43 © 55 f Gunpowder—per keg, .. 5 00 © 7 00 Hides —per pound 8 © 9 Iron —Swedes, per pound, 5 © 6 1 Hoop, “ 7 © 9 s Nail Rods,” 6 © 7 , Lard —per pound, 10 © 121 Le^| — “ G © 8 LimP—per barrel, 2 50 © 3 001 Molasses —Cuba, per gallon, 30 © 33 New Orleans, per gallon, 35 © 40 Nails—per keg, 500 © OO Oils—Sperm, per gallon, 1 00 © 2 00 Linseed, “ 100 ©J 25 Train, “ 00 © 75 Paints—per keg, 200 ©72~50 ’ Potatoes—Sweet, per bushel, 50 © 75 Irish “ 00 © 2 OO Raisins—per box 400 © 00 - Rice—per pound, 61 © 00 j Salt—per sack, 150 © 00 . Shot-—per bag, 175 © 00 ’ Soap—-per pound, 6 © 8 s Spirits—Brandy, French, per gallon., 1 00 © 400 ? Gin,Holland, “ “,1 150 © 00 Gin, American, “ “ I 45 © Go , Rum, Jamaica, “ “ 250 © 00 Rum.N.E., “ “ 45 © GO Whiskey—lrish, “ “ 300 ©3 50 Monongabeta, “ “ i1 25 ©1 50 Western, “ “ i 30 © 32 , Steel, Cast—per pound ; 23 © 00 German, per pound,... 16 © 00 American, “ ... 121 © 00 Tallow—per pound, 8 © 10 Teas—Green, per pound, 1 00 © 1 25 Black, “ “ 50 © 75 Tobacco—per pound, 121 © 75 [ Twine—per pound 20 © 25 Vinegar—per gallon, 40 © 50 ’ Wines— Madeira, per gallon, 1 50 © ICO Sherry, “ “ 250 ©3 00 Champagne, per basket,.... 12 00 ©lB 00 j Malaga, per gallon, 50’ © 75 , Port. “ “ 2 59 © 3 50 1 Claret, “ “ 350 ©5 00 MARRIED, ■ In Wynnton. on the 11th inst., by Rev. Dr L Pierce, Maj. Daniel B. Biro, of Jefferson County, (Fla.,) to. Miss Mary V. Butt, of the former place. At Chunncnuggee, Macon county, Ala., on.. Tuesday morning, 26th ult., by Rev. James Heard, Dr: uv M-. Hunter, of Mobile, to Mrs. Mary F. Williams, of the former place. On the 12th inst., by the Rev. John Star, Dr. John Green, ta Miss Frances Gibson, of Russell eountv, Ala. ■ 1 At the same time and place, by Rev. John Star, Mr. Henry K. Garrett, of Muscogee county, Ga., to Miss Mary S. Gibson. DIED, In Vincville, (Ga.,) on the sth inst., Garten Sr irks,. son of Jane and Thomas Hardeman, Jr., aged fifteen months. OBITUARY. “Leaves have their time to full, And flowers to wither at the north wind’s breath, And stars to set —but all, Thou hast all seasons for thine own, O Death.” Died, in Wynnton, Ga., on the 23th of November► Mrs. Mary A. B. Pierce, wife. 01 Dr. H. R. Pierce, in the 22d year of her age. Seldom in the dispensations of Providence are we called upon to chronicle the . death of one whose loss is so deeply felt. This be reavement has thrown the veil of sadness over many 1 hearts ; where but a few days ago was the smile of joy, 1 the tear of sorrow may be seen. She had but few equals and no superiors. Her character was cast in the finest mould of female excellence. Asa wife, she was devoted—her husband's will was hers ; his sighs found a response in her bosom, and his comfort washer happi ness. Asa friend, her attachments were strong and deep. She was above deception ; benevolent—:n her the poor found sympathy ; a heart always open, a hand always ready to help. But she is gone. A little while ago, her husband rejoiced in her companionship. How sad the change ! Sorrow fills his heart, and with sol emn tread he goes a “mourner about the streets.” Though she never made any public profession'of re ligion by uniting herself to the Church, yet her habits were decidedly pious. Her love for ner Bible was manifested by its constant I perusal. Its promises were precious to her ; she found ! comfort and peace in them ; her faith in them lighted ! up her wav, and she resigned herself to the will of her i Maker. She expressed herself willing to die. Thank ; God! though grief has settled upon the heart, yet, | through it nil, the consolation con es to the bereaved and : stricken—That sue is at rest. May Godin his mercy j sanctify this affliction to the saivatipa ot ail. and bring I them to the homo of the good ! < T. F. P. Augueta papers will copy.