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SOUTHERN SENTINEL
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING, DEC. 26, 1850.
(tjr \\'e go to press one day earlier than usual, to
allow all hands a ‘'merry Christmas.”
O’ lion. JosF.ru \V. Jackson has our thanks for
a valuable public document.
Chriktm.\3 and New N ear Gifts. Alarge
and handsome assortment of splendid annuals, juve
nile books and toys, are offered for sale by 15. 15.
deGraffenried, at liis I>xik store under the Post
Office. Mr. Geo. Strltper, on Randolph street.
Mr. John R. Strutter, on Broad street, and Col.
T. M. Hogan, Broad street, all have on hand any
quantity of all sorts of Christmas presents, toys, candy
“fixins,” &c. eke.
Arthur's Home Gazette.—We regard this as
the best weekly family newspaper in the United
States. Its columns are devoted exclusively to fam
ily reading, and every thing calculated to exert per
nicious iniluences or engender improper taste*, i*
carefully excluded. The Editor, T. S. Arthur, is
one of the most distinguished writers of the country,
and his Gazette abounds with his happiest produc
tions. IVc think that many of the excellent moral
tales published in this paper arc calculated to he pro
ductive of much good around the family fireside.
The last number contained a long and most interest
ing life sketch, called the “Way to prosper,” which
of itself is worth the subscription price, to every pa
rent and young man.
Address T. S. Arthur & Cos., Philadelphia.
Our Platform for 1851.
\Tc stand upon the line which divides the old
from the new year. The past, with its experiments,
its reverses and its successes, is in the retrospect 5 the
future is bright with hopes before us. The year
which is just closing, is the first of our connection
with the press. The life of an Editor and publisher
of a newspaper was with us an experiment, altogeth
er, and we therefore announce our arrangements for
the second volume with feelings somewhat diilcient
from those with which wo commenced the present
year.
The emotion most prominent is one of thankfulness
to the many friends who have sustained us by their
i'pnrobation,and exertions in our behalf. To the pa
tron:'of the Sentinel, one and all, we return our
ti.nnks with “ a merry Christmas and a happy new
year.”
In reviewing our brief editorial career, wc find a
few indiscretions to regret, but not one intended
wrong to repent. So far as we knew how, we have
endeavored to serve our country and our readers.
Thoso who condemn us, therefore, for the past,
must condemn us still; those who have honored vs
with their approbation, shall have no cause of offence
in the future.
It has been our single aim to subserve wliat vve
honestly believe to he, the good of our country,and
this end vve have steadily pursued without reference
to the men or parties who agreed or differed with us.
This shall still he our object, and in its pursuit vve
shall acknowledge no personal influence, no party
dictation.
While politics will occupy a prominent place in
our columns, vve intend by no means to devote our
exclusive attention to that subject. The diversified
interests of the South, whether industrial or profes
sional. physical, social and educational vve recog
nize all these as objects worthy of our labors, and
they will therefore receive a large share of our at
tention ; and as far as the circumstances of our posi
tion and the limits of our sheet will allow, we shall
endeavor to make the Sentinel a faithful chronicle
of all that transpires of interest in the social, political
and business world around us.
We shall aim, moreover, to furnish our readers
with a valuable family newspaper. We shall devote
a considerable space in our columns to interesting
matter of a miscellaneous character. M ell selected
tales, articles of valuable information, gems of poetry
jind wit, will ordinarily make up the outside contents
of the paper.
Jfere. then, is our platform, broad enough, strong
enough an l honorable enough to hold all our old
patrons and any number of thousands besides.
TK RMS.
1 copv, per annum, (it paid strictly in advance,) S2 50
1 “ ’ 44 (otherwise,) - ~ - 300
TO CLUBS.
f> copies, (strictly in advance,) - - -10 00
j 2 !• - - - - 20 00
In all cases of club subscription, the money must
accompany the names, or the full price will be charged.
TO ADVERTISERS.
There is now no better medium of advertising than
that afforded by our columns, to the merchants and
business men generally of Columbus. Our cireula- j
tioi, is already large in the district of country which j
trades to this place, and everyday is extending our ;
circulation. The Sentinel, too, finds its way to the :
family’ fireside, as well as to the counting-room, and is
read by thousands whose names are not among it*
subscribers. Our rates are those customary at other
offices in the city. Wc will make most liberal con
tracts with those who advertise by the year.
or It JO it OFFICE
is as extensive as can he found in the Sia,c, em
bracing every variety of plain and fancy type, cm- j
h. llishments, Ac. Ac. It is our intention to Jo work j
ns well, as promptly, and o;i as good terms as can be j
obtained in any office in the country. It our friends !
hereafter send to the North to have their jobs exe
cuted. it shall not be our fault.
One final request of our patrons. It is in your
power to do us an essential favor with very little
trouble to yourselves. There is scarcely one of you
who can not Induoe a friend to subscribe; some may
procure five, others twelve subscribers, without the
hast inconvenience. But will you do it ? Ah.
there’s the rub, and all the trouble is in making up
vour mind to do it. Make the ctiort; we no
more.
ET Hon. llf.nry W. Hilliard declines a renom
ination for Congress in the second Congressional
(district in Alabama. We commend his forethought.
South Carolina.—The bill providing for a State
Convention, passed the Legislature on the 16th inst..
by a majority of forty to three in the Senate, and one
hundred and one to ten. in the House. At the re
quest of the newly installed Governor. Gen. Means, a
salute of one hundred guns was fired in Columbia,
in honor of the passage of the bill ; and upon the re
ceipt of the intelligence in Charleston, a similar dem
onstration of joy was made in that city. The Legis
i. lias chosen Rangoon Curves. Wade Hamp
ton. R. W. Barnwell, and John P. Richardson.
deputies to the Southern Congress.
Virginia.—Gov. Floyd has sent to the Legisla
ture now in session, a special message, called forth
by the recent developments of Northern sentiment
on the subject of the fugitive slave bill, iu which he j
makes the following recommendation :
I would recon m -ml the adoption, by the Logisla- ‘
tnre of resolutions inviting all the States of the !
Union to unite in sending delegates to represent the
whole people in a General Convention, which ought
to assemble at an early period—not later than May—
at Baltimore, or some other convenient central point,
for the purpose of bringing to an end all sectional con
trover-i .-s relative to slavery. To secure that end.
the principles which should govern the action of the
Convention ought to be announced in the resolutions
by which it is called. All should be invited to unite
in this v.iovem “it who are in favor of the perpetua
tion of the Union, and wh >, to attain this result,
are in favor of the fugitive slave bill, honestly and
cordially enforced —who arc opposed to its repeal or
essential modification, and who are adverse to any
farther agitation of the slavery question, either in
Congress or in the States. With this the South will
be content—less than this can only eventuate in the
dissolution of the Union. The action of such a con
vention, if successful and fully sustained by the non
slavcholding States, would satisfy and quiet the j
South —if unsuccessful, it would prove that the
friends of order and the Union are impotent to con
trol the fanatical passions which arc now urging on
a speedy dissolution. It is a measure which ad- j
] dresses itself to no particular party, and refers to no I
j political organization, hut asks the cordial support of
j every true patriot in all sections of our widely cx- !
; tended republic, and which alone seems adequate to 1
| redress or avert the terrible evils under which the ,
j country now labors, or of which it is apprehensive. :
To render this measure effectual, and to relieve j
1 the deliberations of the convention from the tram
mels by which it might otherwise bo embarrassed, I
would farther recommend that sueli resolutions lie ;
accompanied with the sincere and earnest appeal of :
the Suite of Virginia, speaking through her Legisla
ture to her sister States of the South, entreating
them to postpone any extreme action in relation to
pr*wnt difficulties, until the result of the delib
eration* of such a convention could he known. The
restrictive measures which the Legislature may ad
opt. might he made dependent for their continuation
upon the ultimate action of this convention.
By the adoption of this course, it appears to me,
the Union might be preserved and perpetuated in
fraternal harmony, or the South enabled to present
a united and unbroken front tothe assaults of fanatical
adversaries. The first must be the sanguine hope of all
lovers of freedom and their country, the last must
bo the sole refuge of Southern independence only
when all the brighter hopes are proved by this last
effort to be futile and vain. The motto of the South
must he, ns it has been, Union, if we can, independ
ence, if we must.
I have the honor to be,
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
JOHN B. FLOYD.
Congress.— Very little of interest lias as yet trans
pired in this body, and from present indications, we
may predict as much for the remainder of the ses
sion. The leaders are beginning to arrange for the
next Presidency, and until that campaign is past, more
thought will be given to that subject than to legisla
tion. No decided demonstration has yet been made
by the North, and it is probable that, with the view
to harmonize the great “ Constitutional Union
Party” until the next presidential contest is over,
nothing very decided may be done. The letter
writers are already beginning to whisper of secret
conferences between the President and Mr. Seward,
the purpose of which is conjectured to be, to shut
the Senator's mouth far the present, with some of
the crumbs of comfort for his Northern friends.
The Cholera Again. —The steamer Amazonia,
at St. Louis on the 6th, with 300 German emigrants,
from New Orleans, lost thirty passengers by cholera
during the passage up. The steamer Columbus, also
with emigrants, lost twelve by cholera during the
trip up. The steamer Duchess, at Louisville on the
9 th, from New Orleans, had five deaths by cholorn
among the deck passengers.
Humbug.—The great Turkish Ambassador for
whose benefit Congress was making such liberal ap
propriations. turns out after all to be only a Lieuten
ant in the Turkish Navy, who was-sent to this coun
try by the Sultan for the purpose of studying naval
architecture.
States’ Rights.
We adverted last week to a few of the indications
of the change, which we think our government is
undergoing, from one of confederated States to a
grand central power. And we then alluded to the
fact, that while in the earlier days of the Republic,
its friends had anticipated most danger from its
centrifugal force, that is, its tendency to separation
among its members, it is now apparent that wc have
more to apprehend from its centripetal , or the ten
dency to a consolidation of power in the general head.
The statesmen of the last century feared, that when
the outward pressure, which had forced the colonies
into confederation for purposes of mutual protec
tion, was removed, they would rebound into their
original independent relations to each other; the
statesmen of this day are beginning 10 apprehend
that the Union which was thus formed, may lie
transformed into a sovereign unit, obliterating State
lines, and annihilating State rights. \\ e confined
our remarks in the preceding article to the indica
tions of this truth, as developed in the operations of
the government. We attempted to show, that in
the executive, legislative and judiciary departments
of the general government, there was an increase of ;
power and pretension, altogether incompatible with i
! the genius and security of our institutions. Leaving .
; the government, if wc analyze the state of popular ■
sentiment, we shall find there equal grounds for the i
apprehension which we feel on this subject. The
people, North and South, are willing to eoneed#
more tothe federal, and claim less for the State gov
ernment, than they were in our earlier history. Mon
are more liberal in their construction of the powers j
conferred by the Constitution upon the general gov- j
eminent, and they are less tenacious of the rights
which were reserved to the States, than they used to j
be. Some politicians seem actually to predicate
j their opinions and principles of the idea, that the
j federal government was the original fountain, and
the States the recipients, of power ; in other words,
that the States are the creatures of the general gov
ernment, and not the general government, of the
States. Not that they are really so ignorant of the
true nature of our institutions, but they have been so ,
accustomed to look to Washington as the seat of
power, and to the government there as the great dis
pensatory-chief of political benefits, that, in their esti
mation. State authority lias been completely over
shadowed. The b< neficiaries and expectants of gov
ernment patronage in the various departments have
grown into a mighty multitude, powerful in numbers,
intelligence and influence. Beginning with the
Presidential chair, and embracing every office of honor
or emolument at home and abroad down to the poor
cst consulship or tTio most insignificant post ofiioe in
the country, they all, like so many magnets, are at
trading the attention of tens of thousnnds of our
people. Compared with this glittering array of
tempting prizes, how uninviting appear the few petty
crumbs at the disposal of the States. These things
have told like magic upon public sentiment, and its
! fruit is ripening in the increasing indifference to
State, and the growing regard for national, authority.
Nor is this feeling attributable only to the influences
of which we have been speaking. Misguided patriot
ism has deluded many honest minds into the uneon
scious ombvacement of this pernicious sentiment.
The proud position to which our country lias, under
the direction of Providence, attained among the na
tions of the earth ; the universal respect which is paid
to her name: the brilliancy of her military achieve
ments -. her unprecedented progress in wealth and
power her gigantic proportions, and the splendor of
j her operations—all these have very naturally invested
| the Union with a charm which spell-binds the j
j hearts of her justly proud sons, and, forgetful of its
origin and nature, they have insensibly yielded them
selves the subjects of a false idolatry for its greatness.
We need not, however, spend time in support of j
the proposition, that in this respect, public sentiment !
has undergone and is undergoing a very material and
a dangerous transformation. We say, a dangerous
transformation. For great as may be the evils
which some anticipate from a disruption of the ties
which now hold these States together, they are light
compared with the disasters which must result from
their consolidation. Destroy the already weakened
conservative influences of State sovereignty, obliter
ate the lines which now mark State distinctions, and
concentrate in one the powers of all, and the wildest
federalist would start from contemplating the fu
ture. Then, indeed, might demagogues bewail the
flight of the eagle of liberty from our shores; then, in
deed, might they lament the failure of the latest and
noblest effort in behalf of the rights of man in this our
; Western world.
Southern Independence.
The only real independence of the South is to he
j attained in the proper development of her resources.
There is no good reason why Georgia should ever
j look to a market beyond her own limits for seven
tentlis of all that her people consume. We have the
raw material, the capital, and the labor necessary for
the production of almost every manufactured article we
! use. All tlie heavier cotton fabrics are already raau
■ ufacturcd on Southern machinery, in sufficient quan
j titiesto meet our own demand, and to supply a very
respectable export trade. The superior quality of
i these fabrics is attested by the fact, that they are uni
versally preferred when brought into competition
with the same article manufactured at the North.
The same causes which give us the advantage in the
manufacture of the coarse fabrics, ensure a similar re
sult in the competition for all the finer articles.
These last, however, will not lie made so long ns \r#
are enabled to employ all otir spindles to a greater
profit, in supplying the demand for the former.
When, however, our manufacturing capacity shall
have exceeded that demand, the South will immedi
ately become the rival of the North in the manufae
ture of the finer fabrics, and in such a rivalry, it re
quires no extended calculation to determine the re
sult in our favor.
The Cotton manufacture is, however, but a single
j item in which the South is rapidly acquiring inde
pendence of the North. We are beginning to forge
our native metals, to make our own flour, raise our
own meat, manufacture our own shoes, print our
own books, fit up our own carriages, and supply
many of our most common wants, for which wc have
been accustomed to look altogether to Northern skill
and enterprise.
There have been two causes which have mainly
operated heretofore to repress the spirit of enter
prise and prevent a more varied investment of cap
ital in the South. The first is the fact that the re
munerating prices which Cotton lias commanded,
and the exhaustless supply of new lands finely adapt
ed to its culture which have constantly boon opened
at little cost, have made planting the most profitable
investment of capital. The second is the circum
stance that our sparsely settled country has afforded
no reliable home demand for manufactured articles,
while the want of transportation facilities has com
pletely precluded us from the competition in foreign
markets. Time is rapidly obviating both these ob
stacles, and as a consequence, the South is rapidly
assuming a prominent place among the manufactur
ing districts of the globe. Those who claim to know
the capacity of our country for the production of
cotton, and the extent of the demand which exists
for it, have estimated that its average market value
must l'ange considerably below the prices which it
now commands ; and at the same time it is evident
that the lands adapted to its culture must in the fu
ture become more valuable from the fact that they
have been mostly appropriated, thus at once increas
ing the cost of production, and reducing the market
value of the raw material. Again, our population is
rapidly increasing, thus creating a home demand,
and our already extended and constantly expanding
system of internal improvements is bringing
every district of our rich interior into direct, cheap
and easy communication with our shipping ports,
thus opening to our trade, the markets of the world.
Besides, the gradual increase of our own population,
and the constant stream of immigration from the
more densely peopled quarters of the earth, are creat
ing the demand for a subdivision of labor and the dis
tribution of capital. Our capital, too, is growing eve
ry day. It cannot all find employment in land and
negroes, and it is seeking new modes of investment.
These suggest themselves on all sides in our rich
mines, our numberless streams, and our heavily tim
bered forests.
Thus tho South is beginning to manufacture, as
well as to cultivate, the raw material. We hail it as
an omen of increasing prosperity, and would foster
the spirit as the certain harbinger of that real inde
pendence in which arc centered our hopes of the
future greatness of the South. But while wc are
thus gratified at these indications of activity and
enterprise, wc never wish to see manufacturing be
come the predominant, controlling interest in the
South. We are satisfied that agriculture, above all
other industrial pursuits, is conducive to personal,
social, and political virtue and happiness. Tlii.s is a
truth every where, and is of itself a sufficient reason,
for our preferences ; but there is another argument
! peculiar in its application to the South, why we
hope to see agriculture the paramount interest among
; our people. Wc believe the perpetuity of the sys
i tern of negro slavery depends upon it. and upon the
i peace and perpetuity of that institution, we believe
the prosperity of the South is based. With it, the
j South must sink or swim, prosper or decline. This
is more especially the case with reference to our
climate, our soil and our productions ; but it is like
wine true with reference to our political institutions.
Remove the conservative influence which Southern
| slavery exerts upon Northern polities, and in ten
! years the North would be an anarchy, in twenty, a
j despotism. And so it would he at the South. It is
| the anchor which secures Republicanism to our soil.
Wc wish our people good speed, then, in the work
of constructing roads, damming rivers, and building
towns, but at the same time we wish to sec our plan
ters reclaiming their old lands, renovating their ex
hausted fields, and elevating and dignifying the agri
cultural pursuits. An enlightened people, devoted to
the interests of the soil, constitute the most reliable
basis of Southern independence.
[communicated.]
La Reunion Les Janes Dansense.
“On with the dance ! let joy be unconfined !
No sleep till morn, when youth and pleasure moot,
To chase the glowing hours with flying feet.”
On the evening of Friday, the 13th, the young
gentlemen constituting the club, gave their first par
ty of the season, which, for well attendance and
pleasantness, has bad no superior. The saloon was
fitted up in a neat, and appropriate style, suitable to
the occasion; the arrangements for the convenience
of tlie guests met with the decided approbation of
every one present, and frequent expressions of admi
ration were made for the taste exhibited by the gen
tlemanly manager. The ornaments of decoration
were properly arranged, and the brilliancy of the
chandeliers added new lustre to the many happy and
smiling faces assembled. The weather was propi
tious, just such as had been fondly hoped for—the chil
ling North wind lulled to repose, and not a cloud to
obscure the silver rays of tho moon. Tothe beauty
of the night, which was fortunately selected, must
be attributed, in a great measure, the number of
guests —though the known fun always to be enjoy
ed at a reunion of the club, served to draw tlie
voting people out. As before stated, the attendance
was large for the occasion, and the young gentle
men conducted themselves in a manner proper and
polite, with the strictest regard to decency and
I propriety,
The club is rather select in its nature, being com
posed entirely of young men whose stations in society
entitle them to the respect of every one—and as
long as they retain that position, may prosperity at
tend them.
The music was excellent, and the fair goddess,
Terpsichore, with her smiling countenance and eyes
glowing with celestial light, presided over the dance.
More than one silent spectator was enraptured
with the graceful and eylpli-like movements of the
beautiful lasses, as
“They tripp'd it on the light fantastic toe/’
to music's sweet strains of soft, harmonious melody.
The propriety of such joyful recreations should be
doubted by no one; for what is more conducive to
health and pleasure than the exercise of dancing ?
To him from behind the counter, with care and toil
laid aside, and to Iter from close confinement
and study, neither of these great privileges should
be denied. Let us for a moment remember that— j
“Dames of ancient days
Have led their children through the mirthful maze,
And the gay graucl-sire, skill’d in gestic lore,
Has frisk'd beneath the burden of three score.”
Nothing occurred to mar the pleasures of the j
evening, and at a late hour the guests dispersed; not. i
however, without some reluctance at the cessation of
enjoyment. The pain at parting was soothed in an- j
tieipation of another reunion of the same kind, and
the attention of all was engrossed with the idea of
dancing the “old year out and the new year in.”
The queen of night, yet silently reigning, served to
guide them to their homes, and
“Os all that did chance, ‘twere a long tale to tell.
Os tlie dancers and ures.-es, and who was the belle.”
SHACK V.
[From tlie Marietta Advocate.]
TO TIIE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA.
I have executed the trust committed tome,
hr your General Assembly, to represent you in
I the Southern Convention, and whether this has
j been done wisely or not,. remains fortune to
! devedopc. What was done by that body isbe
j fore you. I accepted tho office', with the hope
i that something might be accomplished to save
j the Constitution from desecration and your rights
j from abuse, and that all might he accomplished
lin peace and with honor. At its first meeting,
the Convention set forth the wrongs which the
Southern States had suffered, as well as those
which then threatened them: it also promulga
ted the rights to which they were entitled under
the Constitution, and a willingness on their part
to acquiesce in a partial infringement of them,
for the sake of the quiet of the .country. Its
proceedings received the general approbation of
the people, and I believe none were found to
object to the resolutions then adopted. They
were consistent with constitutional rights, honor
and justice. They proposed a wrong to none.
Ilad the federal authorities, in the measures then
before Congress, respected your rights, and leg
islated in the spirit of the early days of the con
federacy, you would now have had no ground
of complaint against your Government, and all
would have, been quiet and peace within your
borders. Instead of that, however, the policy of
Congress has been such as to exclude you with
your property from an immense territory,in which
you had an equal interest with those who enac
ted the exclusion.
The Southern Convention, at its late session,
has set forth the injuries you have sustained,
with the dignity and calmness which became
the representatives of an enlightened and free
people ; and desirous of sustaining Ihe Constitu
tion and the Union, it lias refrained from recom
mending’ to you, hasty action, even under the
pressure of the grievous wrongs which you suf
fer. It may be, that by presenting an unbroken
front, the slaveholding States may yet induce the
States not interested in the institution of slavery
to refrain from their unjustifiable aggressions
upon their property, and” to restore rights of
which they have been unwarrantably deprived.
With this View, it is recommended that a more
authoritative Congress or Convention be held, at
such time and place as the States disposed to go
into so necessary a measure, may designate.
The deliberations of such a body of men as the
people would doubtless select, could not fail to
result in much good to the country. They may
give sufficient strength to men in the non-slave
holding States, who are friendly disposed towards
the Constitution, to subdue a power which threat
ens it and the Union with destruction. If they
should fail in this, then measures, adopted by
such an assembly, under a solemn conviction of
their necessity, will likely receive the sanction
and ratification of the States represented, and
exert a happy influence in producing unity of
feeling and action among the aggrieved people.
The Convention asserts the right, in the
States, severally, to resume the powers delega
ted to the Federal Government, whenever it may
seem to them proper and necessary. This right
results from the nature of our political organiza
tion. The Government was not formed, when the
Constitution was agreed to by the Delegates of the
States, 1n the Federal Convention. It was not
until the people of nine States—the people in
each State acting in their sovereign capacity
adopted the Constitution, that the Government
was formed. States not adopting, wore not
members of the Government, though their Dele
gates, in the Convention, agreed to and signed
the Constitution. Tlie States parted with no
right which belongs to sovereignties, except such
as are specially relinquished in the Constitution.
They did not surrender the right of resuming
the powers delegated to the Federal Govern
ment, when that Government ceased to bo one
of protection and became one of aggression.
An argument might be drawn in favor oftlie
right, from the fact that no words of perpetuity
are used in the Constitution. There is a striking
difference between the Constitution and the Ar
ticles of Confederation in this respect. The lat
ter (the Articles of Confederation,) contain this
declaration, “And the articles of this confedera-
I tion shall he inviolably observed by every State.
and the Union shall he perpetual” It is fair,
therefore, to argue that ihe omission of these and
similar words, in the Constitution, was intention
al, and to obviate objections, which might he
made by States, to the adoption ofa Constitution
which imposed an interminable obligation to a
Government that might abuse its powers.
But in another aspect of the case it would
seem that the right is unquestionable. It is un
derstood that the people of some of the States,
more cautious than the rest, were not disposed
to leave the matter to argument or inference,
and in their act of adoption, reserved this right.
This reservation having been acquiesced in. bv
admitting such States to a participation of tlie
Government, is a recognition of the principle as
to all, for there can be no higher duty resting on
one State than on another. Mutuality of obli
gation is an essential principle of a contract.
Hence, when by the stipulation, one party has
the option to rescind, the other is not bound, and
it is a mere question of interest and moral pro
priety, with each party, whether he will keep
tho engagement.
In matters of government, however, the safe
ty of the people is the supreme law, and the
people of a State ought to he well satisfied that
the exigency demands the exercise of the pow
er which the resolution asserts, before they re
sort to it. This consideration renders it a mat
ter of great importance that the Convention re
commended should be held. Though the right
belongs to the States severally, yet inasmuch as
there are fifteen States whose interests are more
or less affected by the aggressive measures of
the Government, they, or as many of them as
are solemnly impressed with the magnitude of
tho injury atul injustice they have sustained,
should hold a common council to determine
whether so extreme a measure should be resort
ed to, or whether the object desired can be ac
complished in some other manner.
The Convention further recommends, that all
parties in the slaveholding States refuse to go
into a National Convention to nominate candi
dates for the Presidency or Vice Presidency, tin
i der any party denomination, until our constitu
tional rights are secured. The paramount in- j
J terest of the Southern States, involved in the i
j legislation of Congress, is their interest in slaves, ;
I and all legislation in reference thereto, except
for protection, being unjust and unconstitutional,
candidates for these distinguished offices should
be selected who are sound in their views on this
subject. It is important that this recommenda
tion should he observed and that aiiparties at the
south should second it, because the Union of
the states depends on arresting the fatal pro
gress of fanaticism. We have woful experi
ence to prove that candidates who are dumb on !
this subject are not to be trusted, no matter wliat j
latitude they hail from. Ambitious men are j
sometimes more attracted by the allurements ot j
office, than by the great and sublime principles i
of moral and constitutional right. Such men j
will look to the power and court it, which can
gratify their aspirations. The servility of such j
nsen has fostered fanaticism, until it has become j
too powerful for the constitution. As Ions? as
mere office is looked to, thq evil will continue
and increase. As long as party nominations are
made, increased energy will be given to its al
ready almost irresistible power.
These various matters are before you for
your consideration. To what I had the honor
to submit to you in July last, it is scarcely ne
cessary to add anything. Your rights have
been most grossly violated. Your Government,
combining with the inhabitants of an immense
domain, of which you were equal proprietors
with the people Os oilier states, has deprived
you of the power of carrying your property
| there. The arm of the Government is as strong
to restore your rights in California, as it was to
wrest from Texas her territory. Whether you
will insist on it as the means of future safety,
is for your own determination. The change ot' ;
the Federal Constitution is resolved on—and if
you meekly submit to such wrongs as have been
inflicted on you, it wHI soon be accomplished;
indeed, destruction may come without the
change, for the Constitution is set at open deti- :
ance in the hails of the national Legislature, and
that, too, in reference to a matter affecting your ,
vilal interest.
In conclusion, I will say. that in serving you.
T have endeavored to sustain your rights; and
aided in the adoption of such measures as, in
my judgment, if they meet with the general fa
vor of the south, will promote their security.—
These measures, you know, are of no authority.
They can have no influence for good, unless sup
ported by a people who have the pride which
honor inspires, the patriotism which attaches
them to the Constitution, and the spirit which
will embolden them to maintain it.
CHARLES J. M DONALD.
Marietta, 2d Dec., 1850.
Florida.—The Governor of Florida, on Satur
day. Mdi inst., communicated to the Legislature
of that. State the resolutions of the Nashville
; Convention,“ for the earliest action” of that
’ body. The resolutions were referred to the
| committee on federal relatiohs, and 500 copies
ofthe proceedings were ordered to be printed
I for the use of the Legislature. From the tone
I of the Tallahassee papers, we would infer that
the Legislature will provide for the election of
delegates to the Southern Congress.
We also notice that Messrs. McGehee and
Dupont, the delegates to Nashville from Florida,
were received with distinguished honor by the
i Legislature.— Carolinian.
\ a <
Southern Congress.
The Bill just passed by the Legislature, provi
ding for the appointment of deputies to a South
ern Congress, and for calling a Convention ofthe
people of this State, direct eighteen deputies to
be elected, four by the Legislature at its present
session from the State at large, and two from
each of the Congressional Districts by the peo
i pie, on the second Monday in October next.—
| The Governor is authorized in concert with the
| Governors, or other proper authorities of other
■ States joining in this Congress, to appoint the
i time and place of meeting. The Governor is al
j so directed to communicate a copy of this Act
j to the Executives of each ofthe slaveholding
I States, and to urge upon them the desire of this
i State, that they should send deputies to meet our
I own at Montgomery, in Alabama, on the 2d day
j of January, 1852.
‘l'lie members of the Convention are to be
elected on the 2d Monday in February next, each
election district being entitled to a number of del
egates equal to the whole number of its Senators
and Representatives in the Legislature. All free
white males of the age of 21 and upwards, are
eligible to a seat in the Convention. The Gov
ernor is to assemble the Convention, which is to
meet at Columbia, whenever the Southern Con
gress shall have been held. But if the Conven
tion is not convened by the Executive before
the next session of the legislature, then that
body is to fix the time of* its meeting.— Charles
ton Sun.
The Memphis Eagle notices two preg
nant facts: Mr. Jones of that vicinity died,
freeing his slaves, 80; his brother selected a
place for them in Illinois; the negroes were un
willing to go ; they were at Memphis, their pas
sage paid, and the boat ready to leave ; “ at this
juncture, the negroes gathered around Mr.
Jones and pleaded long and earnestly for per
mission to remain;” finally he consented, warn
ing them that, if they went, they were free, if
they staid they were slaves: they protested
that this was exactly what they desired; he no
seiner consented,“than the rejoiced darkies
broke out into cheers, turned their teams home
wards and trooped out of Memphis as jolty a
crowd as ever was seen;” they had “grand re
joicing on their arrival at their home, and are
now at work as busy and cheerful as bees.”
We have always believed that there is no labor
ing class in the world as happy, contented and
comfortable as the negroes ofthe South.
The other fact cited by the Eagle exemplifies
the double distilled hypocrisy of the Abolition
ists. A negro tailor in Memphis was trying to
buy himself; he went to Ohio to solicit aid from
the Abolitionists; he returned without being
able to get the first red cent from those “ deal
friends of the slave;” lie has a profound con
tempt for them; says they are “mighty mean
white folks:” declares he can raise more money
in Memphis than in all Ohio; and is working
away in the belief that Abolitionists “talk con
siderable when it aint gwine to cost nothing.”
Massachusetts. —This state is a Whig state,
hut Massachusetts Whiggery is not pro-slavery
Whiggery. It is not Fugitive slave law Whig
gery! Slavery and the slave law may be popu
lar in Georgia*, but they are not so in Massachu
setts. ‘* * * * * *
Any party in Massachusetts that attempts to
i niri contrary to the earnest and conscientious
j convictions of our people, in regard to slavery—
j that attempts to foist upon them a set of doc
i trines which they abhor, under the specious plea
| that fealty to the Constitution demands it of
: them, or by any other plea—will go down to the
j dust, “ unwept, unhonored and unsung.” Mas
j saehusetts will ever maintain her distinctive
i character. Her people are a Union-loving, law
! abiding, liberty-loving people.— Boston Allas. j
The following is the law recently passed j
! by the Vermont Legislature, nullifying the Fugi- j
five Slave act:
AN ACT relating to the writ of habeas corpus to
persons claimed as fugitive slaves, and the
right of trial by jury.
It is hereby enacted by the general assembly
ofthe state of Vermont:
Sec. 1. The- same power is hereby given to,
and the same duties imposed upon, the circuit j
judges of the several judicial circuits of this]
State which are given to and imposed upon the I
judges of the supreme court by the provisions olj
chapter thirty-eight of the revised statutes,
tied of “ Habeas Corpus .” ■
Pec. 2. It shall be the duty of State’s attorney*
within their respective counties, whenever an*
inhabitant of this State is arrested or claimed asß
fugitive slave, on being informed thereof, difl
gently and faithfully to use all lawful means fl
protect, defend, and procure to lie
every such person so arrested or claimed
fugitive slave.
Sec. 3. The application of any State’s
ney in writing to any one ot tries judges ot
supreme court, or to any circuit judge, sigtHi
bv said State’s attorney in his official
stating in substance the name of the pristflH
and the persons detaining him, if known,
that tic? person Lrr and, claimed or imprisofl
is arrested, claimed, or imprisoned as a
slaw, shall be sufficient authority to authH9|
the issuing ofthe writ of h"hr-a:; corpus, sflj
vi.fed in said chapter thirty-’ iglit ofthe rcflflj
sta:u . and .-aid writ may sign. .1 : flflf
of said judges, or tlm clerk of the snnr-
countv cm;r.and said writ shall T* madflnß
to the supreme or county
A ‘
made: and
i writ nutv be made returnable
either of the judges aforesaid.
Sec. of all
■ c’Uiv.- r>il;i-> in fids B'';.- in thei^HHHH
1 ‘ v ” ho ‘had know, or
eon to ncdev . that a- if
is about to be arrested or claimed as a fugitive
•slave,* forthwith to give notice thereof to the
State’s attorney of the county .in which such per
son resides.
Sec. 5. Whenever the writ of habeas corpus is
granted in vacation, as provided in this act, or
as provided by existing laws, if, upon the hear
ing ot the same before any one of the judges a
foresaid, the person imprisoned, arrested, or
claimed as a fugitive slave, shall not be dischar
ged, such person shall be entitled to an appeal to
the next stated term of the county court in the
county where such hearing was had, on fur
nishing such bail, and within such time, as the
judge granting the writ, on hearing the case,
shall adjudge to be reasonable and proper.
Sec. <>. The court to which such appeal is
taken, and any other court to which a writ of ha
j beas corpus in behalf of any such person claimed j
or arrested as a fugitive slave is made refurna
b!e,may and shall,on application of either party
to such proceeding, ailow and direct a trial In
jury on all questions of tact in issue between the
; parties, in the matter aforesaid: and the taxable
! costs of such a trial shall be chargeable to the
State, whenever the same would be otherwise
! chargeable to the person arrested or claimed as
a fugitive slave.
Sec. 7. The .several circuit judges shall have
the same powers now vested in the judges of j
the supreme court, by virtue of an act in amend- |
ment of chapter one hundred and three ofthe j
revised statutes, leiating to persons confined in !
! close jail on executions of tort, approved Nov.
1 13, A. I>. 1848.
Sec. 8. This act -hall take effect from its pas
! sage.
Approved Nov. 13. 1850.
The Con toy Prisoners all Released.—The
Washington Republic, announces that informa
tion has been receive! at the Department of
i State of the issuing of orders, hv the Spanish
1 Government, for the rel ase of ail the remain
der of the Contoy prisoners. This will remove
the only cause for the agitation of the Cuba af
: fair, which some of still used
j as a reason why Spain eH /] be despoiled of
i that island. ■ /
ml
Slavery in California.
The N. O. Delta ofthe It th instant, publishes j
the extracts of Mr. FreaneVs letters to the Pic-J
ayunc, in reference to the state of parties, and of
the slavery question in California, and makes
the following comments on the subject:
Respecting the defeat of Fremont, we think
it is probable that Mr. Freanen is correct. That
gentleman has proved a great tiilure in the .Sen
ate, and in political life, and life sooner he retires
into his proper sphere, that in Which lie has a
chieved deserved distinction, the better it will be
for himself and for the young State, wind’ needs
an energetic, cool, and experienced statesman to
represent its interests in Congress. -
But as to the truth of the Soufee* party, we
are not prepared to ere At\ Mr. jflanerV pre
dictions. We know tint thV ScuJß was badly
treated in the organization of jibe jjtate Govern
ment of California, and,that a ‘fair representation
was not accorded to tljat portion of the popula
tion which holds to Southern institutions and
rights, in the general s ramble, which the Con
gress of the United S/‘ res dignil ed, by consider
ing an organized ins’ li testa tiop of the popular
will. The South wail cwowdei out ofthe Con
vention which made the present Constitution of
California —crowde&lmt too ‘-y l>olilitai adven
turers, who went i'i In onr Jwn section, and
who, tor personal n/’flrandizfment, weft willing
to surrender the h Qgr and interests ot States
in which they were Mini. It
justice of this *- c 'S’- 1 has r- ■
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COMMERCIAL.
COTTON KARXET.
COLUMBUS, (GA.) Dec. 25.
Cotton.—Our market lias improved since our last,-
and we now quote 11 to 12 1-4 cts.
COLUMBUS COTTON STATEMENT.
CORRECTED BY KV.-'K, PATTKN & BltiCE.
For the Week ending Saturday, Dee. 21.
Stock on hand Oct. 1 533
Received this week 3557’ ” .
Received previously 29386
-—32,953
Shipped this week .-...4624
! Shipped previously j !7229
— 12,553
! Stock on hand 21033
Columbus Prices Current.
CORRECTED WEEKLY BY BUTT & BANKS.
S CIS rfs
Bacon—Ham*, per pound, j 00 ’ i-A
Bagging per yard Ot) jy
R.t p R i^Kentueky, “ <K) © if,
1 calk .. per pound, 00
j 11 rTLRt-fJosla'n. per pound, 00 03
1 / Country, ‘ 1 18 © 25
L ANDiJk s _Sperm, per prui.id, j 45 © 50
* Adamantine, 1 * 33 ,-9 40
! k, ls Ti*G S ,pei-pound 7. 00 fj i
y; ,IE 2pE, per pound p jj
Cor* EF —Rio, per pound, T 9 (t. 14
J Java, “ ]Vf Cc 17
“ yTHF.rvS —per pound,, 1 3$ fa 40
* ls mi —Mackerel, No. 1, per barrel,. .. 14
“ No. 2. “ .. . 9(H) 712 W-
Pri
ri flprr.—Northern, per kirrcl, 6 00 ® 7 (K)
/ FrTd h ••• 600 ®7 00
/ City Mills, ... 5 25 © 6 25’
J Country, per and vt., 2 50 © 3 00
jlodder—per cwt ./ 100 © on
( orn.per l.udid *75 © 85
\ M * ieat > “ 1 18 © 1 40
I tints, “ 45 ©
II rlin r0VVDEE p c'j kC 4 •••••• 500 ©7 00
llßDEf.—porpound,...l i 8 y
Irfox—Swedes, per pound, 1 5 © j;
/ Nail Rods,” 1 f, © 7
/liAßn—per pound io © j-i
/LEAD-pcr pound,...! I 6i ©
I i-iiME—i>orbam*!,. ,i o rn o nn .
I pergallon, 30 *33
I- T New Orleans, per gallon, ! 35 © 40
Nalls—per keg, 500 © 00
Oils—. Sperm, per gallon, 100 ©2 00
Linseed, “ 100 ©j 25
p Jrain > “ 00 © 75
Paints—per kpg 2 Os) ©2 50
1 otatoes Sweet, per bushel,. 50 © 75
p Nish “ (i 0 ©o 00
Rice—per pound 6}-© 00
Salt—per sack, 150 © 00
Shot-;—jier bag,. 175 © on
Soap—per pound 6 © 8
SrißiTs—Brandy, French, per gallon, 1 00 © 4 Ot)
Gin, Holland, “ “I 150 © 00
tun, American, “ | 45 © f,o
Rum. Jamaica, “ •* ,2 50 © 00
o. rrrT hmn.N. E., <‘| 45 © 60
idteel, Last—pef pound ! 23 © 00
German, per pound,., .j 16 © 00 j
American, “ ... 121 ru> I
Trrs°' V r ~ PCr P 'f :rf “ ‘ 8 © If) I
1 las Green, p<(r pound, 100 © ]OS I
Tobacco—-per pound, i 121© 7-5 1
1 wine—per pound, i 20 © ok I
Vinegar—per o-dlon, : 40 © m I
wines—-Madeira, per gallon, I 50 (ft 4 oofl
pj, . Vj .. „ 250 3 (>O J|
AJafigi, “ 50 © 7.fl
“ “ 250 © 3 stfl
FNmt, “ 3 50 © 5 ofl
Liiainpagae, per basket,.... 12 00 ©lB o^H
WniSKEY—lrish, per gallon, 3on © 3
M o rio n galiehuner^allon-^^^BjißfcJjiM