Newspaper Page Text
unnerved bv the gloomy suggestions of the
awe that was upon him, and by the impres
sive solemnity of the unfluctuating stillness
in all things, he imagined, on a sudden, he
heard a faint echo to his involuntary outcry.
In his grappling with the shadowy uneasiness
of his mind, a tierce craving after sound had
sprung up within him; but although every
thought, for some moments, had taken the at
titude of ravenous expectation, the full ap
peasing of the appetite startled him as from
a reverie. In the of his emotions,
hardly knowing what he did, he caught up
the flickering caudle, and bent breathlessly
forwards,peering into the darkness, as if what
he had heard was a visible, corporate object.
Again the sound reached bis ears. It seem
ed to come from a long out of doors,
and sounded, now that it was more distinct,
like the agony of someone in distress. He
hearkened a brief moment for a repetition
of it; then, moved by an uncontrollable sym
pathy, be shouted in reply, loudty and wildly :
“Halloa!” he cried, “Halloa! Here! This
way V*
The voice responding, and being nearer, he
darted to the window, undid the fastenings
with desperate haste, and flung open the
shutters. The sound sprang instantly into
animated distinctness. A fire had broken
out in some part of the city, and >vhat he had
mistaken, when muffled by the thick walls,
for a cry of suffering, was the distant clatter
of an engine, mingled with the shouts and
cheers of the men who were dragging it
along. It approached nearer, nearer; and
presently the tumultuous throng swept past
his window. He watched it until it was out
of sight; then hearkened to the uproar until
it had died away in the distance into a strain
of. unbroken monotone. The street lamp
had ceased to burn on the corner, and the
night was very dark.
Here! astened the window, and came back
to his seat. The feelings which had so over
po-. vered him a few moments before, and dif
fused such causeless apprehension over his
mind, had now utterly departed. In the
grate gleamed the smouldering remains of the
lire. The candle was almost out; but as the
ebbing flame shot up, by fits and starts, it
called a fantastic assembly of the multitudi
nous shadows from out of their hiding places
by day, and set them to dancing grimly up
on the walls, the floor, and the ceiling.
Before sleep visited the wearied eve-lids of
tides for the poor remnant of that adventu
rous night, and as he lay revolving in his
mind the strange occurrences of the prece
ding hours, his thoughts wandered, as it were
involuntarily, to the pitiable condition of Mrs.
M insby. The voice of reason told him
he had wronged her; but as benevolence,
awakening out of her long lethargy within
his soul, began to suggest an act of compas
sion, the latent selfishness of his nature in
terposed, and a tierce struggle ensued be
tween them. Finally, worn out with a con
test that mutilated his repose, he yielded the
point, promising to call in the morning and
extend the payment of the rent.
In this self-promise was involved a degree
of leniency never exhibited by him on anv
former occasion. Upon his tenants, he was
habitually very severe. If the rent was not
paid on the day appointed, lie had always
proceeded hitherto as far as the law allowed.
This profound indifference to the sufferings
of others, was a natural consequence of his
own early struggles and pecuniary difficul
ties. In extreme youth, thrust heartlessly
upon the c-old inhospitality of the world, pen
niless, inexperienced and an orphan, lie had
rarely met with a humanizing touch of sym
pathy. Out of the slough and the degrada
tion of deep penury, he had worked his way
up by small advances, yet with the most un
faltering perseverance, through a succession
of severely laborious exertions, to incipient
wealth. But at every step of his successful
progress, be bad been confronted by jealous
ies or by resentments. Ilis kindness had been
repaid with ingratitude. His confidence in
others had been abused. His feelings bad j
Been outraged. No wonder, then, that the j
fires of adversity had failed to purify him ; |
that his heart grew ulcerated; that his judg
ment became warped; that his sensibilities
were blunted; and that his whole nature was
narrowed into selfishness. No wonder he
had grown, under his peculiar vicissitudes, to
be stern, implacable, despotic, and unscrupu
lous ; that money-getting was his god; that j
avarice was his besetting sin; and that, ac- ;
customed from boyhood to roughness and ,
ill usage, ho should pay back the debt in his ,
intercourse with others. The softening in- ;
lluence which had, in the present instance, ■
stolen over his habitual obduracy, was there
fore the more surprising and incomprehensi
ble. Could it have been the effect of that
hideous nightmare from which he had recent
ly awakened, and of that overpowering ter
ror which had appalled him before he slept?
Or bad conscience, that vigilant sentinel of
the soul, been sounding in his ears an alarm
of danger, and been moving him to an act of
mercy ? Or was it one of those mysterious
interpositions of an overruling Providence,
the wisdom of whose ways is above human
comprehension, that had softened the heart
of the stern man, and put it into his mind to
do a strange benevolence, in order that the i
memorable promise to the righteous, that
they should never he forsaken, and that He :
would be with them in the sixth and seventh
trouble, might be fulfilled ? Who shall tell ? i
When Giles next awoke, it was far in the :
morning. A volley of rapid and impatient
knockings at the shop door, startled him out ■
of a sound sleep. As he roused himself to
let in his bewildered clerk, who, having been
there twice before in vain, had now begun to
think his employer either dead or crazy, he
could not help observing that every other
place of business, excepting his, was open,
ad had gotten the start of him by several
Carts and drays were rumbling
through the streets in a full tide of prosperi
ty, and an eager crowd was pressing along
the pavement, to and from market. In his
ill humor at the loss of so much time, two
; little negroes, who, on their way home with
baskets of sundries, had dared to stop at that
unfortunate corner to pitch pennies, became
1 the unexpected recipients of his sullen boun
ty, by way of a present of kicks and cuffs,
j that dispatched them in a hurry towards
! their respective destinations.
[ TO BE CONTINUED. ]
; GEN. SCOTT’S ACCEPTANCE.
Sir : I have had the honor to receive from
your hands the official notice of my “unani
mous nomination as the Whig candidate for
the office of President of the United States,”
together with a “copy of the resolutions
passed by the convention expressing their
opinions upon some of the most prominent
questions of national policy.”
This great distinction, conferred by a nu
merous, intelligent and patriotic bod)-, repre
senting millions of my countrymen, sinks
deep into my heart; and remembering the
! very eminent names which w r ere before the
convention in amicable competition with my
own, l am made to feel oppressively the
weight’of responsibility belonging to my
new position.
Not having written a word to procure this
distinction, l lost not a moment after it had
been conferred, in addressing a letter to one
of your members to signify what would be,
at the proper time, the substance of my re
ply to the convention; and I now have the hon
or to repeat, in a more formal manner, as the
occasion justly demands, that i accept the
nomination, with tiie resolutions annexed.
The political principles and measures laid
down in those resolutions are so broad that
but little is left for me to add. 1 therefore
j barely suggest, in this place, that should 1, by
! the partiality of my countrymen, be elevated
! to the chief magistracy of the Union, 1 shall
J he ready, in my connexion with Congress,
j to recommend or to approve of measures in
regard to the management of the public do
main so as to secure an early settlement of
the same favorable to actual settlers, but con
sistent nevertheless with a due regard to the
equal rights of the whole American people
in that vast national inheritance ; and also
to recommend or approve of a single altera
tion in our naturalization laws, suggested
by my military experience, viz.: giving to all
foreigners the right of citizenship who shall
faithfully serve in time of war one year on
board of our public ships, or in our land forces,
regular or volunteer, on their receiving an j
honorable discharge from the service.
In regard to the general policy of the ad
ministration, if elected, I should of course
look among those who may approve that pol
; icy for the agents to carry it into execution ;
and I should seek to cultivate harmony and
fraternal sentiments throughout the Whig
party, without attempting to reduce its mem
bers by proscription to exact conformity to j
my own views. But I should, at the same
time, be rigorous in regard to qualifications
for office—retaining and appointing no one
either deficient in capacity or integrity, or in
devotion to Liberty, to the Constitution, anil
the Union.
Convinced that harmony or good will be
tween the different quarters of our broad
country is essential to the present and future
interests of the republic, and with a devo
tion to those interests that can know no
South and no North, I should neither coun
tenance nor tolerate any sedition, disorder,
faction, or resistance to the law, or the
Union, on any pretext, in any part of the
land ; and I should carry into the civil ad
ministration this one principle of military
conduct—obedience to the legislative and
judicial departments of government, each
in its constitutional sphere—saving only, in
respect to the legislature, the possible resort
to the veto power—always to be most cau
tiously exercised, and under the strictest re
straints and necessities.
Finally, for my strict adherence to the
principles of the Whig party as expressed in i
the resolutions of the convention, and herein \
suggested with a sincere and earnest purpose j
to advance the greatness and happiness of the i
republic, and thus to cherish and encourage j
the cause of constitutional liberty throughout j
the world, avoiding every act and thought that
might involve our country in an unjust or un
necessary war, or impair the faith of treaties,
and discountenancing all political agitation
injurious to the interests of society and dan
gerous to the Union, I can offer no other
pledge or guarantee than the known incidents !
of a long public life, now undergoing the se- j
verest examination.
Feeling myself highly fortunate in my |
associate on the ticket, and with a lively j
sense of my obligations to the convention, |
and to your personal courtesies,
1 have the honor to remain, sir, with great j
esteem, vour most obedient servant,
WINFIELD SCOTT.
To the Hon. J. G. Chapman, President of
the Whig National Convention.
GEN. PIERCE’S OPINIONS IN 1838.
That our readers may learn something
more of Gen. Pierce’s views on Abolition,
we give below an extract from a speech de
livered by him in the U. S. Senate, in 1838.
The following resolution was before the
Senate:
“Resnlred , That the intermeddling of any State or j
States, or iheir citizens, to abolish slavery in this District
or any of the Territories, on the ground, or under the j
pretext, that it is immoral or sintul,or the passage of j
any act or measure of Congress with that view, would he !
a direct anci dangerous attack on the institutions of all 1
the slaveholding States.”
mr. pierce’s remarks.
Mr. Pierce, of New Hampshire, rose and
said the Senate had come at length to the
ground on which this contest was to be de- !
termined. The District of Columbia was I
now emphatically the battle-field of the Ab- j
olitionists, and the resolution immediately
under consideration, with perhaps some
modification in phraseology, would present
the true issue here and to the country —an i
issue which would raise, not a mere question j
of expediency, but one of a much higher
character, in which the public faith is direct
ly involved.
That my position, said Mr. Pierce, may be
distinctly understood, some explanation is ;
perhaps duo to the State which I have the j
honor, in part, to represent; especially as there |
is a manifest disposition, in certain quarters, |
to pervert our votes and misrepresent our
motives.
I have given to the resolutions all the con
sideration which I am capable of bestowing,
and have listened to the debate which they
have elicited with interest and profound at
tention.
If the grave objections suggested on the
other side were sustained by an examination
of the resolutions themselves or a course of
sound argumentation, they would ensuro my
opposition. What are they ? The first that
reached my ear was, that they contain la- I
tent nullification. I have waited to hear the
particular resolution, sentence or phrase
pointed out in which this heresy is supposed
to be concealed, and I have waited in vain.
Having, then, assertion on one side, and what
j appears to me to be the plain reading of the
resolutions and the frank and unqualified de
claration of the mover on the other, I must be
excused if 1 don’t take the alarm.
We have next eloquent disquisitions upon
1 the liberty of speech and the freedom of the
! press. To every sentiment uttered upon
these subjects I yield my cordial assent ;
i but why introduced on this particular occa
sion, I have been at a loss to determine. —
Would any man here abridge the liberty oi
speech or assail the freedom of the press? I
take it not. Is there anything in the resolu
tions to sanction the invasion of either ? Not
a syllable. That tiiese are privileges most
dear to every American is freely admitted
bv all. Why such a variety of changes have
been rung upon them in this debate, others
may determine. It is not my province to
judge of motives, and I would take occasion
only to remark, that no man shall make up
an issue upon a subject for me. I oppose
the Abolitionists, for the very reason that I
entertain a sacred regard for these in com
mon with all other rights secured by the
Constitution.
But it is further urged against the resolu
tions, (said Mr. Pierce,) that they are mere
abstractions. Sir, it is quite immaterial what
name you apply to them ; sufficient is it that
they meet the case, that they encounter the
abolitionist upon sound and tenable ground,
and furnish a conclusive answer to his im
portunities. To say that the petitions refer
only to this District, and that the principles
asserted in the preceding resolutions are con
sequently without application, is perfectly
id.e. It is impossible to read a single num
ber of the leading abolilion periodicals, with
out perceiving that their object reaches far
I beyond this District, and stops at no point
j short of emancipation in the States. And
yet, sir, 1 suspect that you would find few
i intelligent Abolitionists, who would assert
that Congress has the Constitutional power
to interfere with slavery in the States; but
admitting the want of power here, they hold
it their duty, as individuals, to persevere in
the cause. Regarding the institution of sla
very as morally wrong, or sinful, if you
please, they consider themselves, as citizens
of the Union, responsible for its continuance,
wherever it may exist within our borders.
This feeling has its origin, to some extent, in
a misapprehension of the structure of our
government, and this error the preceding res
olutions are calculated to correct. They as
sert, in effect, that the citizen of New Hamp
slfre is no more responsible, morally or | olit
ically, for the existence and continuance of
this domestic institution in Virginia or Mary
land, than he would lie for die existence of
any similar institution in France or Persia.
Why ? Because tiiese are matters over
which the States, respectively, when delega
ting a portion of their powers to be exer
cised by the general government, retained
the whole and exclusive control, and for
which they are alone responsible.
Now, let tiiese doctrines be universally
understood and admitted, and von take one
great step towards satisfying the consciences
jof honest but misguided people, in one
! section of the country, and quieting the irri
tation, for which there has been too much
cause, in the other. This we have attempted
to do. We are bound to go further, and
frankly declare to these petitioners that so
long as slavery shall continue in Viginia or
Maryland, it is in vain for them to expect its
abolition here ; that we are forbidden to le
gislate upon this subject, under existing cir
cumstances, by obligations hardly inferior to
the Constitution itself; that Congress can
not abolish slavery in this District against
the wishes of the inhabitants, without a gross
breach of public faith, and ati outrageous in
fraction of |irivate rights-
POLITICAL ITEMS.
Mr. Cai.houn’s Opinion of Gen. Pierce —John
C. Calhoun was a man whose judgment of charac
ter was of the highest order, and whose opinion was
justly regarded by the American people of the great
est importance. Judge Douglas says that, in a
conversation which he had with Mr. Calhoun, some
three years since, Mr. C. remarked that “he looked
upon Frank Pierce, as one of the most reliable men,
as a statesman and patriot, that the country had
produced.”
Whig Dejection Meeting. — We copy from the
Boston Courier , of Tuesday, the following call for a
whig rejection meeting to be held in Faneuil Hall
on the 7th of July :
“The Whigs of Suffolk county, (Boston, Chelsea,
North Chelsea, and Winthrop,) opposed for the
present, to sustaining the nomination made at Balti
more on Monday, 21st ult., and in favor of carrying
out the wishes of a majority of the whigs of the
Union, should it be found practicable, are invited,
one and all, to assemble in Faneuil Hall, on Wed
nesday, July 7, at 8 o'clock, P. M. A glorious
meeting is expected— one that cannot fail to do hon
or to the whigs of the whole country , and may re
dress the wrongs that have been done them by the
late doings and decision in the convention at Bal
timore.”
Electors Withdrawn.—We learn that W. S.
Parham, substitute whig elector in the 6th Dis
trict of this State, declines serving in that capacity;’
and it is reported that the elector, Isaiah Garrett, of
Ouachita, also declines.— N. O. Delta.
Virginia. — lt is said that Mr. Horace Lacy and
Mr. Wellford, the Whig Elector and Whig Assist
ant Elector for the Fredericksburg District, have
resigned in consequence of their objections to the
nominee of the Whig Convention. It is now cer
tain that James Lyons, one of the Whig Electors for
the State at large, has thrown up his commission.
[ Richmond Examiner.
Mr. Toombs made a speech in the House, July
3J, opposed to Gen. Scott as the nominee of the
Whig party.
The Whig Rebellion. —The following members
of the House of Representatives, heretofore W higs,
will not support Scott:
Thomas L. Clingman, of N. C.; James Aber
crombie, of Alabama ; Charles Allen, of Massachu
setts ; Edward C. Cabell, of Florida; Lewis D.
Campbell, of Ohio ; Charles J. Falkner, of Va.;
Meredith P. Gentry, of Tennessee ; Joshua R. Gid
dings, of Ohio; John W. Howe, of Pennsylvania;
William F. Hunter, of Ohio ; Horace Mann, of Mas
sachusetts; Alexander 11. Stephens, of Ga.; Robert
Toombs, of Georgia ; Amos Tuck, of New Hamp
shire ; Alexander White, of Alabama.
The position of Stephens, of this State, and Out
law, of N. C., is yet considered to be doubtful at
Washington.
The National Era, the abolition Journal in M ash
ington, in its comments on the resolutions adopted by
the Whig Convention which nominated Gen. Scott,
says of the fugitive slave law and slavery agitation :
“ The question is clearly left open , and the whig
resolutions contemplate two ways in which it might j
he legitimately renewed : in one, for the purpose of i
amending the law so as to prevent evasion ; in
the other , of so amending it as to correct abuse, j
The opponents and supporters of the law are left j
equally at liberty to agitate this subject.' I'’ 1 '’
Illustrating a Speech. —The Boston Trans
cript gives a humorous account of the first stump
speech in favor of General Scott, by a young gen
tleman of Somerville, who chose for his rostrum the
steps of a church. After a brilliant review of the
life and services of the hero of Lundy’s Lane, “the
i expected overwhelming brilliant peroration was sud
denly cut short by the accidental stepping over the
edge of his ‘platform’ by the eloquent young orator,
who rolled heavily down the steps and embankment;
but on being picked up by two lads, who had alone
j been his auditors, he declared he had only been
| showing how Gen. Pierce fell from his horse!”
I— JMBWmiIWIf !■■■ 11l !■! ■■F- ■■■ ■■■■■ II
Bani\)txn Btvtiivitl.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
FRIDAY MORNING,... JULY 9, 1852.
Constitutional Union Meeting.
We are informed that the Union meeting held in
this city on Tuesday last, appointed Messrs. J. A. L.
Lee, Adam G. Foster, Locke Weems, Wm. Daniel
and John Odom, as delegates to the Constitutional
J Union Convention to be held shortly at Milledge
i ville, to consider of the nominations of the Baltimore
Conventions. It is understood that most, if not all
of the Muscogee Delegation, are in favor of giving
a cordial support to Gen. Scott. If this be the
case, we are sure they do not represent the wishes
! of the body of even the Whig portion of the party of
Muscogee county. The great body of Muscogee
Whigs are deadly opposed to Gen. Scott, and look
on his triumph as the triumph of the Abolition fac
tion over the great conservative portion of the Whig
party. We advise the Whigs of Georgia, who are
I opposed to Gen. Scott, to be up and doing, or they
j will find themselves in the wake of the arch dema
! gogue, Seward, and his favorite candidate for the
Presidency. Strange as it may seem, there is a
small body of very active men in the State, who are
leaving rio stone unturned to pledge the Whig party
of Georgia to the support of Scott, and their influ
ence will be felt in the Convention, and we would
not at all be surprised if they so managed as to con
trol its action. They never can do so if the oppo
nents of Gen. Scott, will attend the meetings which
appoint delegates to the Convention ; but, unfortu
nately, the Whig party is disorganized, and the
soundest portions of it are utterly indifferent what
the Conventions of the party may do. This we re
gard as unfortunate, because the voice of the party,
j when expressed, will control a great many good men
j who are inclined to desert the Scott banner. A lit
i tie timely action on the part of these last mentioned,
| would be of immense service to the country just
now.
General Scott’s Getter.
We give our readers to-day this very significant
letter, and urge them to a careful and candid peru
sal of it, before they make up their minds to support
a military chieftain for the high and responsible of
fice of President of tbe United Staffs. After ex
pressing liis gratitude to the Convention, and his ac
ceptance of the Platform, lie goes out of liis way in
order to give expression to some of his own views of
National policy, which are certainly original, if not
alarming and dangerous.
Gen. Scott will “neither countenance nor tolerate
any sedition, disorder, faction or resistance to the
law, or the Union , on any pretext, in any part of
the land.” If, therefore, the Federal Government
should transcend its authority, and attempt to en
force unconstitutional laws, and a State, in the exer
cise of its sovereignty, should pronounce the laws
“unconstitutional ana void,” this military chief would
not “tolerate” such resistance to the law, but would
bayonet her into submission. He will not tolerate
resistance to the law on any pretext. Such a decla
ration from such a man is ominous of a bloody future.
Hitherto, when sovereign States interposed a veto to
Congressional usurpations, the Federal Government
has paused in its career, or resorted to compromise,
to keep the public peace. Gen. Scott will intro
duce a different policy, suggested, no doubt, by
his military experience—the policy of submission
or the bayonet.
Gen. Scott utterly repudiates the policy of the
Whig party in the last Presidential canvass, of “no
proscription for opinion’s sake,” and boldly announces
that he will choose his officers from the Whig party,
“without attempting to reduce its members by pro
scription to exact conformity to my own views.”
The Union Whig, the Free-Soil Whig, the Aboli
tion Whig, will all be allowed to thrust their hands
into the public crib under the administration of this
large hearted chief; no vexatious questions will be
asked about political antecedents; and Seward and
his satellites will be invited to tbe same festive board
with Mangum and the Southern Whigs. We wish
Southern men joy in their new association !
In view, no doubt, of his ultra position heretofore
taken against Foreigners, and in the hope of concili
ating this class of citizens, the General suggests that
the Foreigner who has served one year in time of
war in the Army or Navy ought to be admitted in
stantly to the privileges of citizenship. We are at a
loss to comprehend how a year’s service in the Army
or Navy can prepare a man for a proper discharge of
the duties of citizenship. The object of the natu
ralization laws in requiring a residence of seven
years before the Foreigner is admitted to the polls, is
to give him sufficient time to become acquainted with
our system of Government, so that he may be able
to vote advisedly. And we imagine that a Foreign
er who resides on a farm, or in a city, where the
workings of our system can be seen and compre
hended, would be much more likely to acquire this
requisite information, than one who spent his year in
learning how to “shoulder arms,” and touch his hat
to an officer.
It is somewhat singular, however, that the General
did not think of this meritorious class of people when
he declared that he leaned to the opinion that all
laws on the subject of naturalization ought to be re
pealed, and all Foreigners of course denied the rights
of citizenship.
General Scott’s opinions “in regard to the man
agement of the public domain,” are very vague,
though he seems to be anxious about their “early
settlement,” and feels kindly disposed to “actual
settlers.” We will not bciieve, however, that he
will consent to give the public domain to squatters,
simply because they are squatters, until lie says so,
though we greatly fear this is the hidden meaning of
these polite phrases.
We are impelled by an imperative sense of duty
to make these strictures upon Gen. Scott’s letter.
We hope we have made them in no captious spirit.
We appreciate Gen. Scott’s military achievements,
and honor him for his patriotism—but every act of
his life shows him to be a better soldier than politician,
and if he is elected to the high and responsible office
of President, he will but add another to the long ar
ray of proofs we already have, that, in transferring a
soldier from the Camp to the Cabinet, you deprive
the country of an able military leader, and curse
it with a poor President.
Georgia Asylum for the Deaf and Dumb.
The third annual report of the officers of this no
ble charity, has been laid upon our table. There
were twenty-six pupils iu the Asylum during the
year ending July Ist, 1852, and we learn from the
report, that though most of them are quite young,
and under the limited term of four years, have of
necessity been in the Asylum but a short while, yet
they evince a development of moral responsibility,
and of mental improvement, which would reflect
credit upon those of inaturer years, and more favor
ed in the gifts of Heaven.
There are within the limits of Georgia not less
than one hundred and fifty deaf mutes, who could
of right, avail themselves of tUe State benefaction,
and it is regretted by tbe officers of the institution,
that heads of families in which these unfortunates
reside, are so indifferent to their future welfare, as
to be unwilling to dispense with their menial labor
sufficiently long for them to acquire the first rudi
ments of education. The Board suggests as a rem
edy for this evil, the appointment of a special agent
by the Legislature, to visit such families, who, by
personal appeals, may remove prejudices, and awa
ken an interest in the hearts of fathers for the fu
ture welfare of their children.
The Asylum now has the sum of SB,OOO as an
annual appropriation, and the officers doubt not but
that a sufficient number of pupils will apply during
the next year, to consume a much larger amount.
F<>r the information of the public we publish the
TERMS OF ADMISSION.
Ist. All who apply for admittance into the Institu
tion as Beneficiaries, shall produce a certificate, signed
by two or more Justices ot the Inferior Court of the
county where such applicant resides, certifying that he
or she is over ten and under thirty years of age, in indi
gent circumstances, and unable to educate themselves ;
tree from any immoral conduct, or any contagious dis
ease, or some other equally satisfactory evidence of the
facts above mentioned.
2nd. The Asylum will provide for each pupil not a
beneficiary of the State, board, lodging and washing,
comfortable and respectable clothing, the continual su
perintendence of health, conduct, manners and morals,
fuel, lights, stationery, and other incidental expenses of
the school room, for which, including tuition, an annual
charge of $175 will be made.
3rd. In cases of sickness the necessary extra charge
will be made.
-Ith. All who arc admitted, those who pay their own
way as well as beneficiaries, are to compose one family
and to be placed on a level and equality as to attention,
dress and labor.
sth. Payments are always to be made six months in
advance,for the punctual fulfillment of which, a satis
factory’ obligation will he required. Nor will any de
duction be made on account of vacations or absence
except in case of sickness.
All communications addressed to
S. J. JOHNSON,
Secretary and Treasurer.
Cave Spring, Ga.
Wesleyan Female College.
We are in possession of the Catalogue of this
! flourishing institution for 1851—’52. The summa
ry’ shows that during the last scholastic year, there
were 211 pupils in the Seminary. The course of
study is ample, and the character and scholarship of
the Professors give ample guarantee that pupils will
|be thoroughly instructed in it. The expenses of a
boarder in the regular collegiate course, is about
S2OO. Music, Drawing, Painthvr, and Modern and
Ancient Languages, are not, however, included in
the regular course, but a; ■ taught, at the option if
parents, as “Extra studies’’ and charged for as such.
To those parents who desire to give their daughters
a collegiate education, the Wesleyan Female College
offers, we doubt not, superior advantages to any
similar institution in the South.
Soil of the South —Opinions of the Press.
The July number is on our table. Every Farmer
should subscribe for it, and even those who are
ashamed of the good and time-honored name of “far
mer,” and prefer to be called planters, may find it to
their advantage to peruse the Soil of the South.
[Chr. Telegraph.
The Soil of the South for July, is on our table.
This is one of our most valuable exchanges, and we
always hail its reception with pleasure.— Vademecum.
COMMUNICATIONS.
Col. Hogan’s Fireworks.
Mr. Editor : Great was the disappointment of
the citizens of Columbus, when clouds and rain ob
scured the rays of the bl ight summer sun of the last
third of July, and rendered it certain that the Ex
hibition of Col. Ilogan and bis Fireworks would be
delayed for a more convenient season. On Monday
evening, however, the sun set in an unclouded hori
zon ; and just as the shades of evening were closing
round the city, a bright ball of fire arose far above
our tallest spires, and burst and scattered its star-like
globes of soft and variegated light in the serene
heavens. This was the preconcerted signal that the
“Cilebration” would, and was* just about to take
place. An hour had hardly elapsed before all tbe
beauty’ and talent of Columbus had congregated in
the space enclosed for the purpose, and the combs
of all the adjacent, houses were covered with “Young
America,” whose witty commentaries upon the per
formances afforded great amusement to the “ground
lings,” though we were sorry to perceive that they
“dustrated” the Colonel no little.
This display of Fireworks was highly creditable
to the taste and energy of the enterprising proprie
tor ; and elicited frequent and hearty applause from
a very large and appreciative audience. The great
attraction of the show, however, was the expected
speech from the orator of the evening. When he
arose upon the platform, long and loud and enthu
siastic was the applause which greeted him. Kos
suth never received ah’ artier welcome. The Colo
nel commenced his speech very happily, and we had
nestled ourselves down to enjoy a long oration from
the gifted speaker, when, all of a sudden, he stopped
short in his address and persisted in declaring, not
withstanding the vociferous assurances of the audience
to the contrary, that “he could not say anything which
would interest anybody, even though he was well,
and was not flustrated by the fools on the house top,
who,” he said, “had witnessed the performance with
out paying tluir half dollar for the privilege.” This
home thrust at the “outsiders,” however, fell harm
less at their feet, and they continued to “flustrute”
the Colonel, even to the end of his short speech ;
and took their revenge afterward by throwing a
stone through his Balloon, even before it had reached
the house top, and bringing it tumbling to the ground.
Such conduct is atrocious, and finds no excuse in
the wit of the performance. We hope the boys will
learn bet’er manners by the next anniversary. Not
withstanding these drawbacks, tho exhibtion gave
very general satisfaction, and we hope the success
of ti.c Colonel will stimulate him to continue in his
laudable endeavor to give zest to tho monotony of
life. Yours, &e. *^*
To the Ordinaries of the several Counties
in Georgia.
Gentlemen : The Acts of the last Legislature
relating to the Office which you now hold, also
devolved upon you the responsible duty of superin
tending the education of the poor. I take it for
granted that you feel : deep interest in this part of
the trust confided to you, and therefore take the
liberty of addressing you thus publicly.
Although, as was foreseen by the more experi
enced, the action of the Convention held in Mariet
ta, last summer, lias not resulted in the adoption of
a system of public instruction for the State, yet it
is manifest that the cause itself has received a great
impulse. It has been thought of and discussed more
generally, and a more intelligent and abidiug inter
est has been awakened.
And yet it is evident that our work is but just
begun. There is required some tangible shape in
which the public interest may find practical expres
sion. The present law, which is but a modification
of tho law of 1843, “for the education of the poor,”
is all our Legislature has vouchsafed to grant us to
wards this important work. And as it comes so far
short of securing the end proposed, we may safely
consider the question of public instruction as still an
open question in this State.
I am not disposed lightly to disregard the deliber
ate action of the Legislature, whatever my opinion
may be of the ultimate value of that action itself.
It appears to me, therefore, that the friends of uni
versal education ought, in good faith, to try if the
system now existing is capable of effecting the end
proposed. If it be so, then let all our energies be
bent towards giving it favor and efficiency. If it
be not, then we ought to propose and insist upon
such a modification as will compass the end.
Your experienoe under this law will very soon
bring to light some very serious practical difficulties
in carrying out its provisions. Some of these might
be obviated, in part at least, by the united counsel
and co-operation of the friends of public education.
especially such as have experience in this matter.
It scents to me, therefore, that another convention of
such persons, for the purpose of mutual consultat on
and aid, would bo productive of general good. Let
us remember that this is the work of time, and that
any valuable result must be the fruit of much and
long continued thought, and counsel, and zeal.
I propose, therefore, that such a Convention bo
held in the city of Macon, on Thursday the 14th day
of October next. This time is suggested, because
very many of the zealous friends of education will
attend the annual Fair the week following, and
would no doubt cheerfully antedate that visit by a
few days, for tho purpose of uniting with others
like-minded, in advancing a cause of such paramount
interest.
I suggest likewise that the Ordinaries themselves
attend as delegates, if practicable, and that they also
nominate at least one suitable person from their re
spective counties, who will attend and take pait in
these deliberations. Or, if they prefer it, to pro
cure a meeting in the county for appointing suitable
delegates. It would at least be of great advantage
to the cause, if public meetings were held, and the
whole subject discussed before the people.
There is an important practical question connected
with this whole subject, which I am anxious to solve,
preparatory to the proposed Convention. To ena
ble me to do so satisfactorily, some statistical infor
mation is required, tor which I beg permission to
apply to tbe Ordinary of each county. Will you
please to inform me, by letter, as nearly as you can,
what was the number of schools of all grades, taught
in your county during the last year ? What was
the number of pupils taught ? And what was the
amount of bills paid fur their tuition ? I am aware
it will subject you to some labor to ascertain these
facts, but I trust your zeal in the good cause, will
not only procure me this information, but your par
don also, for asking it at your bauds.
Perhaps I ought to apologize for assuming so
grave a responsibility as these suggestions indicate.
I would gladly have consulted with those gentlemen
who so kindly united with me in this matter the last
year, but circumstances have rendered this imprac
ticable. If therefore any apology be necessary, 1
can only offer as such, ti e deep interest which I have
felt and still feel, that every son and daughter of
Georgia, whether rich or poor, shall have the means
of a suitable education. For if I have offended,
this is my offence.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
THOMAS F. SCOTT.
Columbus, Ga., sth July, 1852.
Oak Bowery Male Academy.
Mr. Editor ; Having occasion to visit Oak Bow
ery, Ala., during the recent examination of the pupils
ol’ the Male Academy, I cannot forbear expressing
my admiration of the energy and system displayed
by the Principal, and tbe rapid proficiency of the
pupils under his charge. There is no locality in the
country that surpasses Oak Bowery in the health
and beauty of its position, and in the high toned
morals of its people.
Mr. Slaton, tbe Principal, is a man exactly quali
fied to teach boys—industrious, energetic and per
| seve: mg, with a most happy faculty of imparting in
struction, iie wins the love and confidence of his
pupils, and commands their respect. The institution
is supplied with a superior philosophical apparatus,
and the class examined in Natural Philosophy, would
have done credit to the highest schools of the coun
try. Parents in surrounding counties cannot do
better than to patronize this school. The best of
board can be obtained at ten dollars per month, and
the rates of tuition are reasonably low.
Respectfully,
CIIAS. A. PEABODY.
Military and Firc-raen’s Celebration.
Mr. Editor : On Saturday morning last, a very
large party of the citizens of Columbus, together
with Fire Companies No. 1 and No. 2, and the “City
Light Guards,” assembled at the Depot of the Mus
cogee Rail-Road, and after some half hour spent in
the necessary preparation, the Iron Horse with
scream and putt - and whistle transported the party,
all in high spirits, and glowing with patriotic ardor,
to Mr. Funderburk’s.
There never was a party of people composed os
this was, so well disposed to enjoy themselves ; and
as they passed each station on the Road the cheers
rang out loud and clear; each heart gave token of
its gladness, and every eye brightened with joy.—
At last landed, tho great crowd gathered together
under an awning provided for their accommodation.
After an appropriate prayer by the Rev. .T. L.
Pierce, the Declaration was read in elegant style by
Mr. Salisbury, of tbe City Light Guards, and when
the applause had subsided, an Oration of singular
b auty and force was delivered by Thomas J. Nuck
olls, Esq., of the same company.
Me h ave heard many speeches on similar ocea- j
sions, and have often wondered that anybody could
find anything to say to interest a large assembly, in
dwelling upon the hard fought fields, tho direful
struggle, and glorious triumph of tbe heroes of 1776.
Mr. Nuckolls, we are proud to say, did say some
thing to interest and enchain a very large and atten
tive audience. His references to the past, his de
scription of the present, and his prophecies of the
future, all teemed with brilliant and touching elo
quence seldom surpassed ; but when he carne to eulo
gize the name of Henry Clay, the patriot sage so
lately called away, and dwelt with deeply pathetic
feeling on bis history, very heart felt the appeal,
every head bowed, and tbe solemn silence of a large
auditory, paid tribute to the memory of the illustri-
ous dead.
There was a portion of the speech, Mr. Editor,
that we wish every bachelor friend of our acquaint
ance could have heard. The ladies of America!
Bless them, said Mr. N. Bless them, say we ! We
cannot tell you in a short letter half that was said
in their praise, nor the other half that the orator
would have said had he had time. We only recol
lect a quotation ; whether we get it right or not, no
matter :
Fee. simple or simple, fee,
Or all the estates in tail,
Are nothing when compared to thee,
Thou best of lees, Fe-male.
You ought to have been there then to have heard
“the boys !”
But this was not all. After the regular ceremo
nies of the day had been concluded, a band of music
struck up its joyous tones, and “many twinkling
feet” beat time to its measures.
When the audience reassembled and quiet was
restored, loud calls and strong persuasions brought
out upon the stand E. G. Dawson, Esq., who enter
tained his hearers for half an hour in an eloquent and
patriotic speech, interrupted ever and anon by the
shouts and cheers of his admiring auditors. We
are sorry that we did not have an opportunity of
hearing Mr. Dawson, but we heard of him, and
if reports are true, our amiable Senator has, and will
have, no cause to blush for, but will rejoice in and be
proud of the promise of his son.
Mr. W. P. Cunningham followed Mr. Dawson, in
a speech of great feeling and pathos. Those who
had the pleasure of hearing him, speak in the high
est terms of his effort, and predict that his speech
on this occasion is but the opening of a splendid
career, in a land where genius and worth can be
appreciated and rewarded.
All went off well, and in the cool of the evening
the train brought all hands into town, well fed, ‘veil
pleased, and wel-come home.
The procession was formed at the Depot, the
Artillery, Capt. Hoxey, in front, and after marching
through some of the principal streets in the city, the
National salute was delivered by the Artillery in
fine style, aided by the Light Guards.
In fine —Hurrah for the Artillery, Light Guards, j
Firemen, Rail-Road, Funderburk, the 4th of July, j
ourselves, yourself, and first of all, the Judies |
OTIIO. :
Washington Correspondence of tbe Sentinel.
Washington, July l, 1852>
The death of Henry Clay is the topic on all
tongues, although the event has been daily and al
most hourly expected for some time past. His con
dition lias been such since the spring, as to render a
prolongation of his life only a protracted agony. Ho
had wasted to a skeleton, and every breath he drew
was anew pain. Yet the indomitable spirit of the
man, sustained tbe heavy burden of physical suffer
ing, and his lite literally seemed rather galvanic than’
natural. Ilis mind continued clear almost up to the
last moment, though occasionally, under the influ
ence of opiates, it would wander a little on his first
awakening from sleep. Since tbe adjournment of
the Baltimore Convention, he had conversed but lit
tie on politics. The subject seemed distasteful to
him. His expressed preference for Fillmore, and
opposition to Scott, was well known. Yet it so
happened that on the very night before life s p j rit
passed away, one of life Kentuckians, was chief
spokesman, at great ratification t meeting hold
here; and the last sounds of popular Whig’ rally--
ing cries beneath his window, were echees of that
assemblage. It was indeed time for the Warwick
of the W hig party to depart, when such disregard
for his will and wishes was displayed by those of
whose organization he had been the,architect.
His latter moments were not occupied with
thoughts of public affairs. His ruling passion did
not exhibit itself in death. Possibly, his long con
finement to lus chamber, and consequent isolation
from those active influences, may have weaned big
thoughts from such objects of contemplation. Use,
son, Thomas Clay, was tbe only member of his fam
ily who was with him. Such was his own wish.. If*?
desired to die here on the scene of his triumphs and’
voluntarily abandoned the comfort which usually at
tends tbe last hours of obscurer men, in the pres
ence of family and friends. The Eagle has not in
aptly been made tbe type and emblem of soarin'*
ambition. Solitary in life, it is solitary in death
high above the reach of sympathy or companionship-.
So Calhoun died here; so has died Clay. A nation*
mourns each ; but no woman’s eye was wet, no wo
man's cheek pale, by the death-bed of either.
As in the case of Calhoun, the highest public*
honors have been paid Mr. Clay’s memory, both by
public and private demonstrations. The streets have
been shrouded in mourning—all public business sus
pended, and the funeral ceremonies are of a most,
imposing character. To-day, the funeral sermon i
preached in the Capitol, by Dr. Butler, the chaplain*
This evening the remains, in charge of a special
committee of the Senate, are to be sent to Kentucky,
He is to rest in the soil which he so much, k>v,ed h
and in the State which he did so much to. illustrate
by liis fame. Jlfe life lias been a busy and a stir
ring one, in many respects eminently
vet checkered by many disappointments, the chief’
ol which has been bis baffled aspirations- tor the
Presidency: It is a curious illustration) of the truth
of the remark made by the phik'sepb-ie- Frenchman,
De locqueville, that neither he nor his great
competitors, Webster and Calhoun, ever approxi
mated to that high posith,so* during a public career of
nearly half a oentuiy. Webster’s last struggle pro
ved bow hopeless were his prospects—on the oth
ers, death has set his seal It is the idea of De
Toeqneville that tbe character of our institutions for
bids tbe promotion of our ablest men. It would
seem so. judging from recent experience.
But to turn from the dead to the living. You
! doubtless desire to be posted up as to the prospects
of the Presidential campaign. But who is compe
tent to read that riddle ? Certainly not your eor-.
respondent, for the skein gets worse twisted every
pull. On the Democratic side, discontents are
breaking out a!) round. Tie bones of contention;
are the contest of cliques for the supremacy, the ir
ritation of the defeated Old Fogy faction, tho distri
bution of the public printing, and tbe ever vexed*
question of orgnnsliip, as unsettled as ever. Since
the Southern Press lias not given in its’adhesion to.
the Baltimore nominations, it was supposed that the
Union would walk over the course. But such is
j not tbe case. The jealousies and dislike of that or- .
| gan seem only strengthened, and it can neither get
I the organship nor the printing. This embarrasses the
j other movements of the party, and it is all at cross
i and pile. It is supposed that Cass and life clique,
j meditate mischief, and design either to proscribe tho
I Southern Rights Democrats, for the benefit of tho
Union wing, or to sow the seeds of dissension in tho
party to defeat Pierce. Symptoms of this have al
ready shown themselves in various ways. There
was an attempt the other day to get up a Senate
caucus to confer. In that gathering, a collision took
place between Cass and Sm.de, and there was sharp,
sparring. That was made the handle by Cass’s,
tool, Grund —who writes for tho Baltimore Sun.
and Philadelphia Ledger —to attack Mr. Soule, Mr..
Forsyth, the Southern Press, and the “secession
ists” generally, which has occasioned much indigna
tion. If Cass wanted to play the Van Buren gatnf v .
this is the most adroit way of doing the business-.
The Democratic Free Soilers are bolting, and organ
izing for a separate fight; while suspicions are en
tertained that your Mr. Toombs and Stephens are
going to attempt an artful dodge, to keep up the
Union party hi your State—to toll back enough.
Democrats to paralyze the action of their opponents;.
Toombs is to speak as soon as he can get the floor..
It is understood that he is to denounce Gen. Scott
unqualifiedly, taking liis last letter as a text. II
will not indicate any preference for any body, hue
your Convention will understand that part of the ar
rangement. The Whig schism begins to look broad
er anl deeper than it did at first, and it is now said
that .Mr. Dawson will bolt from Gen. Scott’s sup
port. They count up in. Congress 17 Whigs who.
oppose him, including Frc-e Soilers.
On the Democratic side, they reckon about twenty
six bolters, including abolitionists. So you see, af
ter all, the harmony is not quite so perfect as some
pretend. In addition to the Whig disaffection in
Congress, the New York and Boston organs of Mr.
Webster are still holding stifly out against his slaugh
ter. Some go so far as to advocate running him a* a
separate Union candidate. Should Messrs. Toombs
and Cos. come into this arrangement, the combination
might be made a strong one with the Southern Com
promise men generally, for they have all been in tho
habit of swearing by Webster, as one of the Sav
iours of the Union, and the bell-wether of their
flock.
His friends are evidently looking for aid and com
fort to that quarter, and holding out with that hope.
You best know whether anyth ng can come of it,
so far as your Union compromisers are concernod,.
and Georgia is the keystone ot that arch.
Nothing of consequence has been done in either
House with the exception of Bennett's Land Dis
tribution Bill, which is intended as an offset to tho
spoliations of the new States, which were grabbing
all the public domain. Proceeding on the principle
of fighting the devil with fire, the old States weDt
in pell-mell for this bill of the New York member,
which appropriates millions of acres for purposes of
improvement and education for the benefit of the
old States, and they carried it, too, against the West
and some few Southern conservatives. Uncle Sam s
farm is getting partitioned out very fast, and bating
the unconstitutionality of the proceeding, it looks
like a fair share in a game of grab, which legislation
here is rapidly becoming. The death of Mr. Clay
has put a stop to any legislation for several days.
They were droning away lazily enough before, but
with a good excuse, they always prefer doing noth
ing positively to negatively.
The Presidential campaign may grow hotter as it
progresses, but it is wonderfully tepid in feeling now.
In so far as can be judged from exhibitions, tho
Seott men are the most zealous and the most san
guine, though Gen. Jc. Lane did back Mr. Seaton
Grantlaud out of that SIO,OOO bet, as they say. Iho
transparencies in the procession here the other night,
told strongly on the multitude, and the meeting was-