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EULOGY,
On the Life and Character of Henry Clay,
DELIVERED BY THE
REV. THOS. F. SCOTT,
Thursday , 29 ih July, 1852.
Correspondence.
Columbus, 29th July, 1552.
Dear Sir : In tendering you the thanks
of the community we represent, for the very
chaste and eloquent Eulogy pronounced by
von this dav, upon the life and charac
ter of the illustrious Clay, you will pardon
the expression of our great personal gratifi
cation at the very appropriate manner in
which you have discharged the duty assigned
you, and, we trust, yield your consent to the
publication of the Address, that others, as
ourselves, may be instructed by the valuable
reflections it so happily suggested, and the
noble truths it so ably enforced.
Very respectfully,
K. J. TIARPIN,
A. J. ROBISON,
\VM. DANIEL.
It. C. SHORTER, )■ Committee.
JOHN QUIN.
R. R. GOKTCHIUS,
E. G. DAWSON, .
Rev. Tiioa. F. Scott.
Columbus, July 30th, 1852.
Gentlemen: I have received your note
of yesterday, expressing your kind approba
tion of my Address delivered on that day, and
requesting its publication. C ertainly I could
ask no kindlier expression of the public in
dulgence, especially when added to the very j
marked attention with which the address was !
received by so large an audience.
1 do not feel at liberty to decline your re
quest, although I accede to it with the same
diffidence with which the duty was undertaken.
No one can be more sensible than myself of the
imperfections of the address, both as to mat
ter and style. The subject being out of my
usual train of study and composition, and
having but ten days for its preparation, in |
connection with many professional duties, it ;
could not be otherwise than a very meagre
attempt.
There is one view which partly relieves
mv feelings,— the interest which the sub
jeet is calculated to awaken in the minds of
our vouttg countrymen. It it shall prove in
strumental in stimulating any of them to
loftier purpose and greater energy ol effort,
then lam content; for there is no one desire
of my heart more distinct than this,—to see j
the young men of our country pious, iutelli- j
gent, patriotic, and useful
Thanking you, gentlemen, for the courte
ous terms in which you have been pleased to
speak of this matter,
Believe me, very truly,
Your obedient servant,
THOMAS F. SCOTT, j
Messrs. E. J. Hardin, A. J. Robison,
Wm. Daniel, John Quin, R. C. Shorter, R.
R. Goetchius, E. G. Dawson, Committee.
ADDRESS.
Fk l low-Citiz ens :
The spontaneous gathering together of this
large concourse—the solemn hush which per- j
vades the assembly—the muffled and melan- ;
eholy sounds of music to which we marched j
hither, and the emblems of affliction in which
this llall is shrouded, all betoken the emo- ;
lions which pervade the public mind. Nor ;
are we singular in this demonstration. Com- ‘
mencing at the National Capitol, this expres
sion of grief has rolled, like a sullen wave, to
the extremities of the inion.
And well may we be sad. One among the
brightest stars, which hovered above our po
litical horizon for nearly half a century, at
tracting the gaze and the admiration of all
beholders, has at length disappeared, to rise
no more. Henry Clay is numbered with the
dead! and in his death every citizen of this
great Republic is bereaved. It is fitting,
therefore, we should thus assemble, not only
to unite in the expression of national sorrow,
but to record our tribute of profound respect
for the memory of the zealous patriot, the
bold and lofty statesman, and the peerless
orator.
He has passed away! hut his memory will
live, not only in the imperishable records of
his country, but in the hearts of his country’- ;
men—nor in the hearts of his countrymen
alone, hut throughout the civilized world—so
long as patriotism or genius has an admirer,
T>r liberty an advocate.
“For he is freedom’s now, and fame’s—
One of the few —the immortal names,
That were not born to die.”
Fellow-citizens! lam not capable, were I
disposed, to pronounce the eulogy of the il
lustrious dead. If his distinguished fellow-
Senators felt incapable of doing justice to
such a theme, even in the halls of Congress,
much more must I shrink from such an at
tempt. But such an effort is as useless as it
were vain. His labors in the cause of consti
tutional freedom are his eulogy—his public
services are his monument. The gratitude
of his countrymen will mark his resting
place; but long after the hand of time shall
have effaced that record from the silent mar
ble, his genius, his patriotism, his eloquence,
will charm and instruct the student of
history.
|Nor should we leave to other generations
the useful and inspiring lessons which are to
be drawn from the life and services of such
a man. The young and aspiring he beckons
upward and onward. The patriot and states
man he guides and inspires by his never fail
ing resources, and his bold and manly elo
quence. And now, from the tomb, he ad
monishes all of the instability of earthly
things, of the certainty of death, and of the
momentous realities of the life to come.
Like very many of the illustrious men
whose lives have adorned the annals of their
country, Henry Clay arose from obscurity
and poverty. Left an orphan at four years
of age, without the aid of wealth or influen
: tial friends, he grew up in the habits of toil
fcnnd privation which fall to the lot of a poor
boy. The rudiments of the common-
were all that his position and
I means allowed him. Little, indeed, could
any one have dreamed that the boy, who rode
through the slashes to mill, upon a poor
horse, w ith a rope halter instead of a bridle,
would one day control the destinies of a
great nation by the powers of his genius and
oratorv.
-
Nor was the prospect materially brighten
ed when the same boy was apprenticed as a
shopkeeper’s clerk, in the city of Richmond.
This, however, was an advance, as it afforded
an opportunity of seeing a little of the world
Here hi3 awakening powers first began to re
alize their great deficiency, and to grow un
easy under that depression. This was in
deed a favorable omen; and the kindly
warmth with which his powers thus began to
expand, attracted the fostering attention of
i Chancellor Wythe. Placed by that unex-
I pected friendship in the clerk’s office, as an
! assistant, and subsequently employed as the
Chancellor’s own amanuensis, his opportuni
ties for improvement were still enlarged, al
though attended with great toil and self de
nial. In this position of patient toil, the
youth was gradually advancing towards the
legal profession ; and after one year devoted
to its study, he was admitted, at the age of
twenty, to the practice of the law. And
during the same year, he wended his way be
yowl the mountains to the scarcely organ
ized State of Kentucky. “He came,” as one
afterwards said, “leaning alone on Provi
dence, a widowed mother's prayers, and the
untutored talents with which God had been
pleased to bless him.”
Now, I have recited this story, not be- j
cause it is new, but for the sake of holding it
up before the eyes of our young men. Ex
cepting the counsel and prayers of a l ight
minded and virtuous mother, there is scarce
ly a boy in our country whose position and
prospects are more unpromising than were j
those of Henry Clay. And yet from this un
toward beginning sprung up that splendid ca
reer upon which the dark shadow of the
grave has but just closed down. It is true,
that he was gifted beyond the mass of boys ;
but, as we shall see hereafter, this is not the
principal ground of difference. It is also
true, that a friendly hand was extended to
him in his early struggle; but so it will ever
be to every one who earnestly strives to rise.
It is a happy feature in our social and po
litical constitution, that the road to advance
ment is alike open to every one. Here, “honor
and fame from no condition rise.” The obscure
orphan boy has the same title to the Senate
chamber, and to the Presidential chair,with the
child of affluence and of distinguished parent
age. It requires but a soul thoroughly awake
to its destiny apd its duty. The toils and
mortifications of early disadvantage are the i
best discipline for distinguished usefulness.
The stars never shine with such peerless
beauty as when they emerge from the bosom
of the darkest clouds. True greatness is al
ways admired, but never so much as when
it is achieved after a long struggle with ob
scurity.
For some time after Mr. Clay’s settlement
in the village of Lexington, he appears to
have done but little in his profession. And
yet he was not idle. He read and studied,
and thus laid a broad foundation for his fu
ture eminence. He became a member of a
debating society, for the purpose of improve
ment; and it was there he first cast off the j
diffidence of the untutored boy, and devel- ;
oped those fine powers of discussion which
afterwards astonished the world. And this j
is another part of his example which strong
ly appeals to his young countrymen. He ;
left no means untried for repairing the disad
vantages of his youth, and devoted himself in
solemn earnest to the career of usefulness and |
glory which lay before him. He contem
plated that bright vision until his whole mind
was filled with its stirring inspiration, and then ,
entered upon its realization with a zeal which |
never cooled, and an energy which never
flagged.
The young lawyer of the West, coming
at length to the duties of that office, entered
into successful competition with the distin
guished men who already occupied the field.
To use his own words, he “immediately
rushed into a successful and lucrative prac
tice.” This was evidently the result of his
peculiarly popular style of oratory, which
gave him great power over the minds of
the juries. There was a frankness, a hearti
ness, and a fearless boldness about his man
ner, which could not fail to create a very
profound impression. Then, too, many of
the cases in which he was employed, fur
uished a very wide field for his peculiar pow
ers. Capital offences were but too common,
and the young advocate was almost invaria
bly employed in the defence. His nature was
full of compassion, and he never failed to
arouse the deepest sympathies of the jury in
behalf of the accused. Such warm-hearted
and fearless advocacy could not fail of
success.
Very soon, Mr. Clay was returned as a
member of the Legislature, and in that body
he maintained an elevated and commanding
position. His ready powers of debate, and
his fervid eloquence, gave him the ascendency
over all competitors. This great popularity
placed him at the head of what was called
the democratic, or republican party, as already
his successful zeal against the alien and sedi
tion laws had procured him the title of the
Great Commoner.
Scarcely had he attained the constitutional
age, when, in 180 G, he was elected to the
Senate of the United States, to fill an unex
pired term, and the same was repeated in
1809. Immediately after this term had ex
pired, so great was the reputation which
crowned his Congressional career, that he
was elected as a member of the House of
Representatives. Taking his seat in that
body in 1811, he was at once elected its
Speaker. With a short interval, he contin
j ued to be a member and the Speaker of that
! body np to 1825, at which time he became
Secretary of State, under the Presidency of
John Q. Adams.
During no period of our national history
have there been so many questions of such
deep and exciting interest as during this pe
riod of Mr. Clay’s service in the House ol
Representatives; the war with Great Brit
ain—together with all the questions growing
out of it—the National Bank, and the Tariff,
and our proposed assistance to the struggling
colonies of South America. In all these dis
cussions, Mr. Clay bore a conspicuous part.
It is not my province, nor is this the occa
sion, to pronounce judgment upon these
measures, nor upon the part taken in them
by the individual members of Congress. In
regard to the war with Great Britain, and
the leading part borne in it, both in Congress
and as one of the commissioners for nego
tiating the treaty of peace, there is now, per
haps, hut one opinion entertained of the con
summate ability and devoted patriotism of
Mr. Clay.
But the question which aroused the bitter
est feeling, and discussion, and threatened
not only the peace, but the integrity of the
Union, was the admission of Missouri as a
member of the confederacy. Forgetting the
guaranties of the Constitution, the North was
arrayed in relentless hostility to the rights
and institutions of the South. Long and ter
rific was the strife, until almost every one
despaired of the country. A dark cloud had
overspread our sky, through which there
scarcely gleamed one ray of hope. At that
dismal moment, Mr. Clay, after intense
thought, and effort, presented a measure of
conciliation and compromise, which was
eventually carried, and thus the country
saved from destruction. W hatever may be
thought of the measure itself, no one can
reasonably doubt, that it was the offering of
an intensely patriotic heart, for the preserva
tion of the Union, and the prosperity and
glory of the country.
Shortly after retiring from the Cabinet, he
was elected to the United States Senate, and
continued in that body until 1812. Ihe
leading events of that stormy period, and
the commercial prostration and distress,
through which the country passed, are too
fresh in the memory of the present genera
tion to need repetition. The bold and com
manding position which Mr. Clay maintain
ed (luring that struggle, is also tamiliar to
every one. During no period ot his eventi u 1
life, did the current of his patriotic sympathy
run deeper or stronger. It was during this
time, that the Union was again threatened
with dissolution. One of the States, assert
ing her ultimate soveieignty, proclaimed her’
determination to resist and null fy an obnox
ious, and as she believed, oppressive law of
the United States. The President menaced
that State with the power of the Army and
of the Navy, and that menace was met by
the bold defiance of South Carolina. Well
might the country Vie alarmed and dismayed
at the lowering tempest which then threaten
ed to sweep away this fair fabric of liberty,
and to bury this last hope of freedom beneath
the angry waves of a civil war.
Such a crisis could not fail to stir to its in
most depths the patriotic heart of tiie Sage of
Ashland. Again he stood in the breach, and
proposed a compromise. Into this measure
of reconciliation, he threw all his powers of
reasoning and eloquence* He “appealed, ear
nestly and pathetically, to the patriotism o*
Congress, to consider the measure he sub
mitted in no party aspect; but as a sincere of
fering to the welfare and interests of the na
tion.” With whatever differences of opinion,
this generous effort was met in a correspond
ing spirit of magnanimity by the South, and
among the rest, by Forsyth of Georgia, and
Calhoun of South Carolina. No one ques
tioned the patriotic motives of the great mo
ver in this pacification, and his name was
hailed with grateful acclamations from one
end of the Union to the other.
In 1842, Mr. Clay resigned his seat in the
Senate, with the expressed design of never
returning. His advancing age, and arduous
public services, rendered repose desirable,
that the evening of his days might be spent
with a more immediate reference to the life
to come. But the successful termination of
the war with Mexico, brought anew the bitter
strife between the Northern and Southern
portions of the confederacy. The organiza
tion of the new Territories, and ultimately
the admission of California, brought the coun
try once more to the verge of dissolution.—
The memory of Mr. Clay’s services on for
mer occasions, when a like calamity was
threatened, turned many anxious eyes again
to Ashland, and Kentucky responded to the
summons. Again the hoary statesman quit
ted his retirement, and repaired to the Senate
Chamber. It was a sublime spectacle to see
the aged contemporaries, who had struggled
through half a century of brilliant and suc
cessful toil, come forth from their retirement,
and buckle on the harness of their youth for
one mighty conflict more. Clay and Cal
houn met for the last time in the Senate.—
Again the Senator from Kentucky resorted
to measures of conciliation, and employed all
his lofty powers to pour oil upon the trou
bled waves. But before the question was
decided, Carolina’s favorite—the profound
statesman, the stern defender of the Consti
i tution, the champion of Southern rights—
I closed his brilliant career, and was carried
I from the theatre of his lofty achievements to
his final rest in the tomb.
The survivor triumphed, and again the
perils of his country were rolled back, while
i the mover in this reconciliation was hailed
| throughout the land as the Great Pacificator.
But beneath that mighty weight of responsi
bility and labor, he too was crushed. His
( earthly mission was closed. True, he came
j up once more to the seat of Government—
! hut he came— to die— to close his life upon
| the spot where his patriotic exertions had won
jso many brilliant achievements—to die in the
! presence of the nation. He looked out over
his country, the idol of his affections; he
saw it great, prosperous and free, reposing
beneath the unrent stars and stripes of its in
fancy. It was enough. He closed his eyes in
peace, and was gathered to the rest of his
fathers.
Fellow-citizens! I do not offer this sketch
as presenting even a meagre outline ot the
life and services of the illustrious deceased.
It would require volumes to do justice to the
subject—volumes written by one perfectly
familiar with the history of the country, from
the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and
at the same time profoundly sympathizing
with this gifted statesman in all h s principles
and motives. These fall not within my pro
vince. I stand not heie to discuss political
questions, nor to pass judgment upon the
opinions of those who have discussed them.
Thev are now matters of history, on which
mankind will pass judgment for them
selves.
But it does belong to my present design
to enquire, what were the elements ol Henry
(May’s greatness ? YV hat gave him such pro
digious power, both at home and in the coun
cils of the nation ? That he possessed a
clear and vigorous mind, is certainly true.
And that he made himself familiar with all
the sources of information pertaining to bis
sphere of life, is equally true. In addition to
this, lie had a high degree of menial discip
line, and a remarkable facility in combining
and arranging his arguments. But in all
these respects he had equals, perhaps superi
ors, among his contemporary statesmen. He
was gifted too with a fine voice, and rare
powers of elocution. But neither were these
the sources of his greatness.
The first of these elements undoubted
ly was his entire frankness. He never deceived
Lis fellow men. He avowed his opinions and
principles fully and freely, and never con
cealed the object he proposed to attain.—
While we witness the display of such frank
ness and integrity, we feel ourselves honored
and trusted. It wins its way at once to the
heart.
Another element of Mr. Clay’s greatness
and power, was, his profound sympathy with
mankind. His lieart was filled with a deep
and pervading humanity, which knew no dis
tinction of race or condition. He desired to
see all men free and happy. Beside the evi
dence to this fact furnished by all the efforts
of his public life, we might refer especially
to his efforts for the Colonization Uoeietv, his
speeches in behalf of the struggling Colonies
of South America, and for the down-trodden
but insurgent patriots of classic Greece.—
.This unbounded sympathy not only gave him
familiar access to all the sources of human
feeling, and the springs of human action, so
essential to the orator, but it attracted all
hearts to itself by a corresponding generosi
ty and sympathy.
Still another element of bis greatness and
power, was, bis sincere patriotism. Born du
ring the revolutionary struggle, and reared
among the prominent actors in that glorious
struggle, who adorned the annals of the Old
Dominion, he imbibed all their sentiments of
freedom, all their lofty spirit of patriotic de
votion. That spirit with him was a passion
His country was his idol—the idol of his
heart. He not merely admired the institu
tions of the country as a fine system of
checks and balances to ward off tyranny, and
to secure liberty and equality—lie embraced
them as the grand enshrinement of freedom,
and progress, and happiness, and gl try to the
human race. That his country, as a whole,
might realize the full measure of these bless
ings, was the one purpose of his heart,
through all the gigantic labors of his event
ful life. Whether his measures were always
the wisest and best for securing these ends, is
indeed a very different question. He be
lieved them to be so, under all the circum
stances, arid therefore threw into their
advocacy, all the undivided energies of his
gifted nature. And in the pursuit of that one
patriotic purpose, few public men have been
more oblivious of self. In fact, it is impossi
ble for an}’ one to devote the energies of
such a nature, and with such warmth and
singleness, to the pursuit of mere policy, or
self aggrandizement. When someone cau
tioned him, that his course was likely to en
danger his political preferment, he instantly
replied: “I had rather be right, than be Pres
ident.” If he ever coveted office, no doubt it
was that that office might be made subservi
ent to the welfare of his country. After re
pelling, on one occasion, the charge of am
bition, he closed one of bis great speeches
with these words: “Yes, I have ambition, but
it is the ambition of being the humble instru
ment, in the hands of Providence, to recon
cile a divided people, once more to revive con
cord arm harmony in a distracted land ; the
pleasing ambition of contemplating the glori
ous spectacle of a free, united, prosperous
and fraternal people.” And why should lie
have coveted office ? Any office within the
gift of the people ho would no doubt have
adorned by his splended abilities, but no of
fice could have added to his world-wide
fame.
Now, when such natural endowments as he
possessed are roused into action, and urged
onward, and guided by such qualities of
heart, they must give any man power. Such
a character not merely commands the admi
ration of mankind—it controls the enthusias
tic devotion of the heart. The efforts of
mere genius, or elocution, may astonish and
dazzle, but they fall, after all, like brilliant
moonbeams on the ice. But when genius and
eloquence are the struggling into tangible
shape of the profound sensibilities of a frank,
philanthropic, and patriotic heart, we are over
po*vered, we are subdued, we are carried
captive. If I could speak to every young
man throughout this wide spread republic—
throughout the world—l would strive to fix
this impression with irrevocable force upon
every mind. The tricks of intrigue may
gain for a man a certain degree of tempora
ry power; but it is a power which will one
day recoil upon his own head, with a terrible
vengeance. The man who seeks to be truly
great, must seek that boon in the cultivation
and exercise of the noble traits of the heart.
The man who would live in the grateful mem
ory of his race, must realize that wish in the
noble deeds which his self denial and patriot
ic devotion may have achieved. No other
can be truly great—no other deserves to be
remembered.
Thus far we have contemplated the de
ceased, mainly, in his transcendent ability as
a statesman and orator. And as such he
will ever be regarded, with just pride and
veneration, by the American people, and
should Ip a beacon-light for the guidance of
others, to whom is entrusted the sacred ark
of human liberty and happiness. It is not
pretended that even in this character he was
faultless. After all, he was a man; and no
one was farther than he, from the vanity of
claiming perfection, or readier to ask for
giveness for the errors of his life. The very
warmth and impetuosity of his disposition,
which contributed so much to his greatness,
were likely to betray him into some social
faults, unless curbed by the strong power of
a sanctified conscience. No one who had
ever felt the warm pulsations of his chival
rous heart, needed any additional evidence
that he was brave; and yet thrice in his life
he lacked the moral courage to decline a sin
gle combat. The practice ot duelling must
be condemned by every right minded man,
nor was it justified by Mr. Clay himself.
Too long also he suffered to pass unheed
ed the higher claims of God upon his heart.
And this was the less excusable, as personal
piety would in no way have diminished his
patriotic devotion as a statesman. On the
contrary, it would have purified and elevated
all his best affections. During all bis life, he
professed a sacred regard for the teachings,
the duties, and the rites of the Christian reli
gion, and this profession no doubt carried
with it the deliberate verdict of bis under
standing. It was not, however, until after bis
retirement from the senate, as be supposed
forever, that be openly professed bis obedi
ence to Christ, in the sacrament of baptism,
and became a communicant of the church.
And in the faith thus openly professed, he
closed his mortal career.
During the long confinement of his last
illness, he repeatedly conversed with his Pas
tor and other friends, of Ills religious feelings
and hopes in prospect of eternity. lie dis
claimed all merit of his own, and professed
his sole confidence in Jesus, the mediator of
the new covenant. And as the sun of his
life went down so gradually, the sun of his
higher and brighter, shedding its
calm, sweet light upon the opening spiritual
vision of the dying statesman. But he has
passed away, and we are summoned to con
template in his tomb, the end of all human
greatness.
But no! this is not the end. True, the
erect and manly form is stricken down, and
now moulders to its dust. True, the winning
tones of eloquence are hushed, and the flash
ing eye is quenched i:i death. The earnest
struggle of life is ended, and we bitterly feel
that he will return no more. But the lofty
deeds of truth and patriotic devotion will live
forever. They are inscribed upon the living
institutions of his country, and upon all the
monuments of her greatness ; and they will
live in the hearts of his countrymen while
freedom lives.
Fellow-citizens! were it called for by the
occasion, or consistent with the demand al
ready made upon your time and patience, it
would be pleasant to pay a tribute to the no
ble compatriots of the deceased, with whom
he shared in the magnanimous enterprise of
establishing the freedom and extending the
glory of his country. With most of them he
has now lain down to slumber in the tomb,
and this fact awakens a keener sense of be
reavement on the present occasion. These
were the links which connected us with the
sires of the revolution. They were put in
charge of the tree of liberty, yet in its ten
derness, which had been planted by the
hands and watered by the blood of free
dom’s elder sons. Nobly have they defend
ed that charge. Beneath their wise and pat
riotic culture, its thrifty branches already
mingle their shadows with those ot the
Rocky Mountain cliffs, oft descending, like the
Indian Banyan, to strike fresh root in the vir
gin soil of the South and West. And now
the same sun, whose last lingering rays sport
among its venerable boughs on the Atlantic
coast, pours the fullness of his noon upon its
youngest shoots on the margin ot the
Pacific.
This is the glorious inheritance winch, in
their turn, they have now transmitted to us—
the inheritance of freedom and progress, for
the world. It is a fearful responsibility
which we now assume. If faithful to the
trust committed to our hands—it we pre
serve, uncorrupted, the principles of national
freedom upon which our republic is based, as
they have been transmitted to ns by wise and
patriotic sires—not only will they bless and
adorn the teeming millions who are to suc
ceed us, but extend their mighty influence
abroad, in the social, moral, and political re
generation of the world. If unfaithful to
that trust, we must perish as a nation ; but our
history will live ; and when our name shall
be registered with that of Greece and Rome,
among the things that were, the same spirit
which warmed the generous bosoms of ’76
will rekindle upon other altars.
But shall the memory of these illustrious
patriots cease to animate the bosoms of
American freemen ? Shall the eloquent les
sons of their wisdom and devotion he forgotten
and their tombs become the jeer and taunt of
tyrants? By the recollections of the past,
and the sorrow which fills our bosoms to-day,
we answer, No—no. In the time to come, we
will visit the praves of our heroes and states
men, to rekindle the flame of our own patriotic
devotion. We will lay our hands upon their
tombs, and renew the vow of deathless fidel
ity to freedom’s cause. And from no one,
will we carry away a deeper inspiration, than
from the urn of Hbnry Clay.
£umti)trn Stnlitwl.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
FRIDAY MORNING,..AUGUST 6,1852.
Address on Education.
The very practical address on education, delivered
by the Rev. fnos. F. Scott, before the “Central
Agricultural Society,” has been laid on our table.
We have neither time nor space to go into a critical
review of the address. We will, therefore, content
ourselves with an enunciation of the leading thoughts
eon aided in it:
In Georgia, there are at least forty thousand chil
dren whose parents are returned as unable to pay
for their education.
This humiliating fact demands the consideration
of our legislators. No man is competent to dis
charge the sacred duties of citizenship who is igno
rant of the alphabet. He is unfit to vote; he is un
fit to sit on a jury; he cannot properly discharge
the obligations which the laws impose on him as the
head of a family.
What is the remedy for th‘s evil ? The consti
tution of Georgia has made ample provision for it;
and the Legislature has been clothed with full pow
er to meet the exigency of the case, if it will but
will to do so.
The present Poor School System has proven to be
wholly inefficient. The poor freemen of Georgia re
volt at the thought of being singled out as inferiors,
and of placing their children in a situation which
will perpetually recall the sense ot that inferiority.
It ought, therefore, to be abandoned immediately,
and a better one substituted in plaee of it.
The Common School System i- free from all such
objections, and has worked admirably wherever it
has been tried. The only objection to it is, that it.
is expensive. This objection is more specious than
real. Enough money is now paid to teachers of
schools, by the citizens of Georgia, to cover the ex
pense of establishing a good common school in every
neighborhood in the State. The misfortune is, that,
as now expended, it reaches only a portion of the
people. To remedy til's evil, therefore, and spread
the benefits of intellectual culture into every corner
of the country, it is only necessary for the State to
collect this money into its coffers and distribute it
judiciously. It has the constitutional right to do so,
and is impelled to the exercise of it by the highest
considerations.
Too much praise cannot he awarded to Mr. Scott,
for his unwearied efforts in behalf of the poor and
uneducated in Georgia; and we earnestly hope that
lie will not tire in his good work until his labors are
crowned with success. The harvest is indeed great,
but, unfortunately, the laborers are few. Oar pub
lic men, many of whom arc uncultivated and igno
rant, cannot appreciate the importance of education,
and feel no interest in its diffusion. This is but an ad
ditional incentive, however, to st II greater effort on
the part of those who are engag and in the work.
“UpMhe Rhine.”
This is the title of a neat little book, by Thomas
llood. It is full of humor, and is as pleasant to take
as a “coo’er.” For sale by D. F. Willcox.
Parlies* in Georgia.
The bravest and smallest are the “Georgia Citi
zens.” They are the peculiar friends and support
ers of General Scott ; and take their name from a
paper published in Macon, Ga., whose Editor was
the first man to hoist the banner of Scott, and will
probably be the last, except one. Well may he ex
claim, in the language of Bf.nton, “Solitary and
alone, I set this ball in motion.”
The Veto Power.
Within a few years pa-t, a party qnes ion lias
been made out of the extent of the power, which it
was intended the Constitution should eon fir upon the
Executive Department of the Government. The
] policy of the Whig party, is to rest i-t the exercise 1
| of this power to purely constitutional questions; while
I the Democratic party holds, that it is ec-cvtensive
with the jurisdiction of the Congress, and may be
applied to all questions, upon which that body has
the right to legislate. The position of the two par
ties, respectively, is perfectly consi-tent with, in fact
it is a mere corollary of, the creed of each, upon the
powers of the legislative department; the policy of
the former being to enlarge and extend, as far a<
possible, the powers of Congress, and of the latter
to restrain those powers, by all the cheeks and balan
ces e mtemplated by the Constitution. By parity of
reasoning, the leaning of the Democratic party is
to State rights, while that of the whig party is to
the concentration of power in the fediral govern
ment —in other words, to federalism.
We have reached a crisis in the history of the
Union, when the maintenance of til’s veto po ver
of the Executive, is of vast and sp -cial importance
to the South. We are in a minority in every de
partment of the general government. Both houses
of C .tigress are in the hands of controlling North
ern majorities. The South is bound in the fetters
of a hopeless minority, and so far as the power to
protect herself by positive legislation is concerned,
she is perfectly emasculated, and lies a mendicant at
the foot of Northern mercy. Tier only hope of protec
tion, therefore, by the action of the federal govern
ment, consists in her ability to interpose all possib'e
constitutional barriers in the way of hostile legisla
tion. In other words, while we can not legislate for
our protection, we may prevent legislation for our
destruction. One of these barriers provided by the
Constitution, is the power of the President to arrest
the action of the Legislature by the veto. Hence
we remark, that it is of vital importance to the South,
that this power should be rigidly and fully main
tained.
The words of the Constitution touching this pow
er of the President, are as follows: Leery bill
which shall have passed the House of Representatives
and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be
presented to the President of the United States ; if
he approve, he shall sign it, hit if not. he shall re.
turn it, with his objections, to that house in which
it shall have originated, who shall enter the objec
tions at large on their journal, and proceed to recon
sider it.” The Constitution tlu-n goes on to provide
that if, upon a reconsideration, the bill shall be pass
ed by a vote of two thirds, it shall become a law, not
withstanding the negative of the President. The
next clause of the same section provides that, “Eve
ry order, resolution, or rote, to which the concur
rence of the Senate and House of Representatives
may he necessary , (except on a question of adjourn
went,) shall be presented to the President of the
United States ; and before the same shall take effect, ;
shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by
him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of the Senate
and House of Representatives, according to the ru.es
and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.
Terms could hardly have been employed by the
framers of the Constitution, more unequivocally ex
pressive of their intention, that the power of the Ex
ecutive thus to negative, should be co-extensive with
the power of Congress to legislate. The legislature
has no jurisdietion of any question, which does not
equally fall within the jurisdiction of the executive;
and the one can pass no law, to which the other can
not, with equal propri ty, apply his qualified veto.—
The only limit to its exercise, is the approbation of
the President, and inasmuch as he may “disapprove”
a bill on the ground of inexpediency, just as well as
upon the ground of unconstitutionally, so one as
well as the other, would furnish a proper occasion for
the exercise of his veto power.
The Fisheries,
A great bluster has been made about the cod-fish
eries, in ttie Senate ; but as we are firmly persuaded
that nothing will come of it, we have forborne to
cumber our paper with an account of it. Those
who desire information on the subject, will find
enough to weary their patience in the columns of
the Washington papers. By’the treaty of 1818, we
surrendered the right to take fish within three miles
ol the British coasts; and if our enterprisingfisher
men choose to trespass upon British fishing grounds,
they ought not to complain if their vessels are seized
and forfeited. It is the fortune of war.
The “Abstract” Question.
The democratic press all over the Southern States
have denounced Gen. Scott, as unsound upon the
slavery question, because, in a letter written several
years since, he pronounced the institution a great
social and political evil. On the other hand, there
is not a whig newspaper from Maryland to Texas,
which has not heralded in terms of bitter and exult
ant denunciation, the charge that Gen. Pierce is un
worthy of Southern votes, upon the ground, that he
made a speech, a year or two since, in which ho
avowed, that he deplored Slavery as much as any of
the Abolitionists of the North. Thus, each party be
lies its own sincerity, in proclaiming that as an evi
deuce of the unsoundness of their opponents, which
they justify in their own candidates. The truth is, there
is no man, or scarcely one, at the North, who does not
entertain similar views, of the peculiar institution
of the South. It is natural, that those who are
lorn and educated at the North, with no ideas of
the relation of master and slave, save those which
they get from the distorted pictures, drawn by dis
tempered abolition imaginations, should be deeply
and almost unconquerably prejudiced against the iu
j stitution. Minds thus schooled, instinctively revolt
lat slavery as an evil, and we do'not quarrel with
1 them for this opinion. It is only the development
j of this opinion, into practical abolitionism, that be-
I comes dangerous to Southern interests, and awakens
i Southern opposition. Tile South never has sought
to reform Northern sentiment; it lias only resisted
the encroachment of Northern sentiment, upon
Southern soil. While, therefore, if we were in
clined to support any man, living in the Northern
States, for IYe-ident, we should esteem it no barrier
to our support, that he entertained views, like those
asiiibed to the nominees of both national parties, up
on the abstract question of slavery, we would not,
knowingly, aid in the election of any Southern man,
o any office, who would assent to the proposition,
that slavery was an evil, either in its moral, social or
pol tieal aspect. And the reason for the differ: nee
jis obvious. As before remarked, it is very iinmatc
: rial to the Smith what may be the private opinions
i of a Northern man, upon the abstract question <>f
! slavery—whereas, it is a matter of vast import, that
Southern sentiment should be right upon this ques
tion. No community will unite zealously and con
tinuously, in the defence of any thing which its mem
bers regard as an evil. A conviction of truth, is a
tower of -strength, to the friends of any cause, while
the apprehension of error, will destroy the energy
and paralyze the nerves of the advocates of any
measure.
Thrice is he arm'd, that hath hi * quarrel just;
And he but naked, though lock’d up in steel,
Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted.
To concede that oar institutions are inherently
wrong, is at once to abandon the out works of our
def. use. Our enemies fight us from vantage ground,
j and we but tremblingly resist their assaults upon
! what we confess is an evil. Hence, it is all import
: ant that Southern opinion be unmistake-ably right
upon this question, and it is an easy matter to keep it
I right, or to make it right if it is wrong, by peremp
to ily withholding the public confidence, from every
office seeker, who is unsound in this particular.
There is no doubt, that the popular sentiment at
the South,.is now greatly in advance of what it
was fifteen years ago, upon this question. And for
whatever the South has gained in this regard, a*
indeed for almost all that she has gained upon this
question, we are indebted to Mr. Calhoun. The
mind of that great man, travelled fur ahead of eon
j temporuTieous opinion, upon afi questions which it
I grappled, lie read the future, as statesmen of of
-1 dinary mould read the past, and apprehending with
p •escienee, the developments of the struggles which
; lie foresaw,, were to spring out of the slavery ques
tion, he, years ago, planted his feet firmly, though he
stood almost alone, upon this outer wall of Southern
Civilization, and battled there, as the South is now
b ginning to battle, for the morality , as well as the
legality, of our institutions. His views then, are
the very kernel of what is now, the philosophy of
Southern civilization. Those views, we rejoice to see,
are taking strong hold upon Southern sentiment, and
when they shall be generally nnd firmly embraced,,
we have no fears, that the South will indeed main
tain her rights, “at all hazards, and to the last ex-’
tremity.”
Aspect of Affairs at Washington*
As the present session of Congress hastens to it#
“setting,” the schemes of Northern politicians begin
to blink in the evening sky, and give us portents of
what we tnay expect in the “morning” of the next
session.
Senator Sumner, not vithstanding the “ finality ”
; of the compromise, has introduced a bill to rep-al
the fugitive slave law, and to this hoarse thunder,
the prelude to the coming storm, Senator Charlton
lias replied with becoming emphasis—“ You are
about to snap the List link that binds this Union to
gether.” The gentleman from Georgia has not been
long enough in Congress to know’ that that threat is
‘ idle wind.” Older Senators have heard these “last
links” snap so often, that they have buOQine as fa
miliar with the sound as they are with the rapi of
the President's hammer—neither rouses them fro*A
a cosy sleep in their “old arrn chair.”
The New Englanders, who eompas-: heaven and
earth for one poor penny, have petitioned Congress
to recognize the independence of liayti, and the
sovereignty of his Majesty, Faustin Ist. Growl and;
threaten ns we may, the North will doubtless conw
pass their purpose.
The manufacturers of the North are at their old
game of sustaining their looms by transferring the
surplus wealth of the South into their pockets by
means of an act of Congress. The Senator from,
Connecticut has introduced a bill to alter the tariff
laws so as to give the manufacturer greater proteo--
tion against foreign competition, so that he may re
alize better profits on his wares. This policy is fa
vored by the well-beloved Fillmore, has been sane
tioned by the Whig Convention, and is strenuously
advocated bv General Scott.
The friends of Internal Improvement are at last
ready to divide the public treasure, and parcel out
the public lands to every State and section which
has a vote to exchange for a part of the spoil. Even
Virginia, while protesting against the robbery, is wil
ling to take her share.
This is a pleasing picture to the South. Not a
measure is proposed that does not tend to rob her
of her money, endanger her peace, or wound her
sensibilities. The General Government, as we had,
as well call it now—for it is no longer Federal has
become the Great Almoner of the nations, and eve
ry hungry sycophant, who is too lazy to work for a
living, is thrusting his hand into the public crib.
Verily, the “peculiar institution” is strong. It sup
ports the slave and his master, and every Yankee
manufacturer and merchant seems to think it ought
to contribute to their comfort also.
During all this bustle at the North, we hear noth
ing from the South, exoept when Mr. Orr makes
the House ring with his sonorous elocution in praise
of Pierce, or Toombs grows hoarse in denouncing
Scott. Southern Representatives have apparently
no other business in Congress than that of speech
making. The practical legislation of the country is
in the hands < f the North,