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§■>,” said Eva, shuddering at the recollection !
|)f tlie last year of her life ; and as the tears
jjkrose at the thought, they were tenderly kiss- ;
j?d otT by Marry, who assured her that no
cloud should darken the horizon of her future
life, if his love could shield her from sorrow.
[Eva believed him, and was happy.
{.From Augustine De Bellcmont, to Victor
Lora inc.
Mv Dear Frtexd : The American ladies
[possess great refinement and tenderness of
[feeling, but no passion. They cannot con
ceive of being so absorbed by passion as to
be oblivious or indifferent to the voice of the !
world —that scare-crow —in America. The
gentlemen are so busy, so very busy, making
monev, they have no time to waste in culti- i
rating that exotic, love, which pays nothing.
They get them a wife in a hurry, who, pro
vided she controls her household with digni
ty and economy, and spends not too much I
pin money, completely fills the small vacuum
that gold leaves in their hearts. Occasional- I
lv, the optics are refreshed by a display of ‘■
less sordid feeling.
I was standing by the beautiful Mrs. Or- I
niond, last night, at an anniversary ball. >l)6 |
held in her hand a beautiful bouquet, which,
from some words interchanged, “1 guess,” as
the Yankees say, to have been presented by i
the gallant Major, who, like myself, was j
playing the agreeable to La llelle Eva. |
While listening, with polite attention, to our
little nothings, she glanced occasionally at
the door, as if in expectation of some arrival, j
This was soon explained by the entrance of j
Mr. Ormond, who, it appeared, had been din
ing out, and saw his wife, for the first time, j
since the morning at the ball. He approach- !
ed her quickly. I was in hopes, he said, in a |
low voice, dear Eva, to have had the pleasure |
of furnishing you with a bouquet this eve- I
ning, but I see you are supplied, and with
one more beautiful—displaying, as he spoke, |
one not so handsome as that in her hand.
•
We will exchange, she replied, in a voice
equally modulated; but mind, you keep the
one I bestow. The smile with which she ut
tered this, was full of such happy assurance,
that I almost wished to sue the bouquet trans
ferred to the bands of the Berni. f imagined
myself to be the only spectator of this little
scene, but was soon convinced, from the Ma
jor’s black looks, that he also had witnessed
the exchange. On quitting his wife, Mr. Or
mond was accosted by Madame De Berni.
She admired bis bouquet, and enquired after
his health with equal fervor. Finding her ad
miration had not the effect of transferring the
coveted treasure to her hand, and that he
parried all her hints with great tact and good
humor, she at last boldly asked for at least
one little flower —that dear little “forget-me
not.” All! Madame, he exclaimed, you may
imagine with what pain I refuse so sim
ple a request, but I assure you that these
flowers are the gift of a charming and benefi
cent fairy, who assured me that, so long as
they were preserved as now, they possessed
a charm to shield the holder from all evil in
fluences. As no one more needs the charm,
you will excuse me, I know, for refusing.
She bit her lip, and turned to speak to Major
Ilafton, who approached her at the moment-
Her face became almost colorless at his
words. Going to the North-west Territory!
My good sir, what possible motive can you
have for such a trip? What attraction can
there be in such a savage life ?
The Major said he was tired of civilization, j
and thought a roving life among the trappers
and Indians would he charming; and be- |
sides, he had heard much of the delicacy of
the Buffalo’s hump, and had a mind to try it, j
glancing as he spoke, I thought, quite spite
fully at his bouquet, the odor of which Mr.
Ormond was inhaling with evident pleasure.
When do you go ? she asked, with charm
ing indifference. To-morrow, he replied.
Your resolution is sudden, said Bend; you
did not mention it this afternoon. No, he mut
tered, somewhat confused; but you know I ;
am the creature of whim. Well, she added,
forcing a smile, you have only forestalled me. i
I was going to announce to you my probable
return to Paris within a few days. The poor
Due is in despair at my prolonged absence,
Rafton heard her determination with the most
perfect nonchalance; begged to be remem
bered to his old friend, the Due ; assure him,
he continued, that should I find the aforesaid
delicacy as great as reported, I shall spare
neither pains nor expense to forward him
some and should you preside over his heart
and cuisine when it is served, allow me to
hope that you will cast a thought on the wan
derer in the wilds of Oregon ; so saying, he
bowed and departed. I think, if the fair Ro
sa marries the old gourmand for his wealth,
she will be nicely taken in, though, I imagine,
the poor Due will have the worst of the bar
gain. I returned to Mrs. Ormond, and called
the color to her cheek and light to her eve,
by admiring the grace with which her liege
lord led off a beautiful girl. Such devotion
might tempt one to plav “Benedict” were it
not fated to have inscribed of it, like all beau
tiful things, “Passing away, passing away.’’
You may expect me soon. lam growing of
the earth, earthy, in this matter-of-fact laud.
jH “General Scott’s Politeness.— Three
or four years since, at Saratoga, the old Con
; queror, Gen. Scott, in the vast parlor of the
RrU. S. Hotel—towering caput and ccroix
above everybody—was asked by a rustic how
old he was? Scott crossed the room, ap
proached the interlocutor with a bland smile,
and replied—‘l am 02 years old,’—then sha
king the person by the hand, he returned to
do the honors of the evening.”
The Buffalo Express is the Homer of this
Epic—and who will say, after reading it, that
proximity to Niagara Falls does not elevate
and enlarge the ideas ?
In point of originality and force, Scott's
reply equals the celebrated repartee of Can
ning, as related by an admiring partisan from
the country, who had encountered him in the
Capital, who, to the question, “How do you
do, sir?” replied, impromptu and without
deliberation, “Very well, I thank you !’—
Albany Atlas,
POLITICAL.
ADD R ESS
Os the Executive Committee to the Consti
tutional Union Party of Georgia.
The Constitutional Union party of Geor
gia was organized to maintain the decision ol
the Georgia Convention of 1850, in favor of
the finality of the Compromise. That object
has been accomplished, and the members of
the party have the satisfaction of realizing
the complete triumph of their principles, as
exhibited in the action of the two National
Conventions, which recently assembled at
Baltimore, and in the additional fact, that
there note exists in Georgia no organized op
position to those principles. Under these
circumstances, when the late Union Conven
tion assembled in Milledgevills, it was the
opinion of a large number of that body, that
the time had arrived, when there should Ire a
peaceful dissolution of the party, in consid
eration of the fact, that the necessity for its
existence no longer continued. A different
policy, however, was adopted, under the de- !
lusive hope that the organization could be !
continued and its integrity preserved, by the j
support of the Democratic nominees for Pres
ident and Vice President. The convention
had scarcely adjourned, when demonstrations j
of opposition to its action, by the entire Whig \
•press of the State, indicated too clearly that I
that portion of the party whose sentiments
and feelings were made known through these
channels, were irreconcilably opposed to the ‘
decision of the Convention, and would never
yield even an acquiescence in its action.
The call for the Conventions of the 17th and
18th, and the response made to those calls
by the Union Whigs throughout the State, and
in some portions of the State approximating
unanimity of sentiment among them, were
well calculated to prepare the public mind
for the recent action of those bodies. It can
| not be disguised that the great mass of the
Whig party have thus withdrawn themselves
from the Union organization, and have laid
| the foundation for the re-organization of the
! Whig partv in our State, if, indeed, that re-
I suit may not be regarded as already con
| stimulated- This state ot things leaves the
j Constitutional Union party in the hands of
| the Union Democracy and those Union
i Whigs who are determined to give their votes
i and support to the National Democratic nom
} itiees. Whether there yet remains in the or
| ganization a majority or not of its original
j members, is a problem we will not attempt to
I solve. The mere expression of a doubt upon
j that point is sufficient to justify the course
we have felt it our duty to pursue in the
; matter.
The undersigned were appointed an Ex-
I ecutive Committee, bv the late Union Con
vention, and from their position, have not
been inattentive observers of the events to
j which we have now called public attention ;
j nor have we failed to inform ourselves, as far
I as was practicable, of the views and opinions
! of those who still remain true to the action
lof the Union party. In view of these facts,
I and with the aid of all the lights at our com
! maud, we have come to the deliberate con
: elusion, that the Constitutional Union party
is virtually and practically dissolved; and
I that its longer continuance would be dela-
I sive, and productive of no good,
j W e make no argument, and offer no com
! merit; but submit a plain statement of facts,
j with an unavoidable conclusion necessarily
resulting from those facts.
f:i anticipation of this state of things, a cor
respondence was opened with the members
! of the Electoral Ticket put forth by the late
i Union Convention, and we feel ourselves au
! tliorized and do hereby withdraw that ticket.
JOHN B. LAMA",
B. H. HILL,
ARTHUR HOOD,
NOLL B KNIGHT,
K. H. POTTLE,
JOHN VV. OWENS,
GEORGE W. THOMAS,
Central Executive Committee.
A D D R ESS
Os a Portion of the Executive Committee to
the In ion Democracy and I'nion Whigs,
friends of Fierce and fv arc
j
In common with the other members of the
Executive Committee of the Constitutional i
Union party, we have formally announced I
the dissolution of that party, and withdrawn j
its electoral ticket. This state of things pre
sents an important question for the consider- ;
ation and decision of the Union Democracy !
of the State, and those Union Whigs who
stand identified with us in the support of the 1
National Democratic Nominees. Determin
ed to give our support to the election of j
Pierce and King, and sincerely anxious so to
cast our votes and exert our influence, ns j
will best insure, not only their success in the I
present election, hut the effective support of
their administration, in the event of their elec
tion—a result not to bo doubted—we are now I
called upon to consider in what manner this
can be done, most consistent with our feel- j
ings and principles. It is not for us to de- |
cide that question: our official character ;
ceased with the party whose organ we had i
been appointed. But identified in feeling
and principles with those to whom we make ;
this address, we feel anxious that there should
be union and cordiality of action, in what
ever course may be adopted. Indeed, this is
necessary to give power and efficiency to our
action. To secure the vote of Georgia to :
Pierce and King, over all opposition arrayed
against them, is the paramount consideration.
There can be no doubt that a very decided
majority of the people are agreed in the ne
cessity and propriety of so casting the vote j
ot the State. But it cannot be disguised that ■
there exist difficulties in the way of a warm
and cordial co-operation of all t :e friends of
Pierce and King, which threaten to weaken
their strength, and lessen the moral power
and influence which, under other circum
stances, would be attained by united action.
We do not regard these difficulties as insu
! perable, however formidable they may appear
at the first glance. They will be found to
| grow smaller and less obstinate, as approach
ed in the spirit ot true patriotism and devo
| lion to the great end sought to be accom
j plished.
We now appeal to the Union Democracy
! and those Union Whigs, who are for Pierce
and King, to meet together in council, and
i there determine, in the spirit which we have
j sought to invoke, what ought to be, and shall
be, our future course of policy. We suggest
and propose that this meeting shall take place
I at Atlanta, ON SATURDAY THE 18T1I
; of SEPTEMBER next.
It will not be necessary to go through with
the formality of county meetings. We doubt
not that a sufficient number of our friends
can be assembled there at that time, from the
different sections of the State, familiar with
the sentiments of the people on the subject,
and as lullw empowered to speak for them as
they would be if appointed by a county meet
ing, composed, as is usually the case, of a
| very few persons compared with the voters of
the county who favor the movement.
By the time that this proposed meeting
shall assemble, we shall know in what spirit
our movements for conciliation and compro- j
mise will be received by r the triends and sup- J
porters of the Electoral Ticket now in the
field. It will afford to them an opportunity
of their meeting with our friends, either
through the recognized organ of their party,
or otherwise, and uniting, if needs be, in a
common council, to effect a common end
equally desirable to all sincere friends ol the ;
cause we are seeking to advance.
In any event, it is due to ourselves and to
the success of our principles, and due to the
position which we occupy before the coun
try, that we should come together and deter
mine upon such a line of policy as will most
cordially unite our friends, and most certain- |
ly give advancement to our cause.
JOHN B. LAMAR, j
NOEL B. KNIGHT, |
ARTHUR HOOD,
E. H. POTTLE.
JOHN W. OWENS.
CARD.
Monmouth, July 23, 1852.
To Major Ei/ward,
Editor of the Free Trader:
Dear Sir : Some friends who appear to
attribute more consequence to newspaper re
ports of my opinions than I do, have specially
called my attention to the following article
from the Memphis Eagle dp Enquirer of the
4th instant:
Testimony of a Democrat ami Southerner,
We presume that among our Democratic
fellow-citizens, at least, the opinion of Ex-
Gov. John A. Quitman, of Mississippi, is en
titled to some weight. The genuineness of
his “democracy” and his honest but some
what misdirected devotion to the South, have,
we believe, never been questioned even by
the bitterest of his political opponents. A
gentleman of New Orleans, who was a fel
low-passenger of Gov. Quitman a few days
since on a steamer bound up the river, asked
his opinion of (Jen. Scott.
“Sir,” said the Governor, in reply, “the
American people have never done Gen. Scott
justice! The mure that man’s character and
claims of distinction are canvassed, the higher
will lie the stand he will take in the admira
tion and gratitude of his countrymen.
“I have been surprised and astonished (con
tinued Gov. Quitman) that among the Whig
Party there should be found a single man un
willing to give him a-cordial and hearty sup
port. As to his being ‘controlled by Sew
ard,’ — that is mere stuff ! I know the man,
and lie will be controlled by no one, contra
ry to his own convictions of what is right.—
And as to his being true to the South, 1 con
sider him the most unexceptionable man, on
that score, among all the Whigs who have
been named in connection with the Presi
dency. lam a Democrat; and consequent
ly, differing widely as 1 do, from Gen. Scott,
on every political question, can never give
him my support : —but if there is a Whig in
the Union for whom, under any circumstan
ces, I could cast my vote for President, that
Whig is Winfield Scott!’
Such, in substance, vve understand, was the
reply of a brave and gallant old soldier, when
his opinion of a noble and much abused com
panion in arms, was asked. We have belore
heard that tiiese were the sentiments of
Gov. Quitman. If we mistake not there is a
gentleman in this city, (a Democrat,) and an
other at Holly Springs, Miss., who served
with Gov. Q. in the Mexican war, to whom,
some months since, lie made declarations al
most identical with the foregoing. This tes
timony, from one of the highest democratic
sources, taken in connection with Gen Scott’s
hearty, unqualified, and enthusiastic appro
val oi’ the Whig Platform—(which, it is now
PLAIN AND PALPABLE TO THE
WORLD, IS SOUNDER, STRONGER
AND MORE JUST TO THE SOUTH, on
• sectional questions, than the Democratic
Platform) —these facts, we say, ought to be,
i and we doubt not will be satisfactory, not
only to all Whigs, but to every man in the
| country.
The zealous friend of General Scott who ‘
reported to the editors of the Eagle dy En
quirer the conversation above alluded to,
has, no doubt unintentionally, placed in my
mouth language stronger than i used, and
thus attributed to me sentiments which 1 do
not entertain, and could not utter.
The conversation alluded to, occurred on
the deck of a steamer, in the presence of sev
eral gentlemen of both parties. In reply to
various opinions expressed by others, l said,
in substance, that tiie Southern Whigs, in
their opposition to Gen. Scoft, had done him
injustice. That his opinions on the slavery
question were less obnoxious than those here
tofore publicly expressed hv Fillmore and
Webster, and 1 would sooner trust him on
that subject than either of those gentlemen.
That if there was any merit in the “Compro
mise,” which I did not admit, Scott should be
preferred by them, because he openly decla
red for it, before Fillmore’s opinion was
known. For these reasons it appeared to me
strange that men who were willing to support
Fillmore or Webster, should make objections
to Scott. That my objections to Scott ap
plied equally to the other gentlemen; they
were founded on radical differences of opin
ion in regard to the structure and character
of our political system. That Gen. Scott
was an advocate of a strong National Gov
ernment, while I was a States’ Rights man of
the strictest school. That for this reason 1
should not vote for him, hut would always
do him justice, although I had reason to
complain of some of his official acts in regard
to mvself as an officer of the army.
A whig gentleman present, having remark
ed that the apprehension was that Scott
would be controlled by Seward and politi
cians of his stripe, 1 smiled and said : You
mistake the character of the man. The danger
lies in the opposite extreme. Always accus
tomed to command, Gen. Scott prid. s himself
specially upon the infallibility of his own
judgment. He rarely asks or takes advice.
He will be controlled by no man, not the
whole whig party, against his own con
victions.
Some allusion having been made to his mil
itary reputation, and my opinion asked, I said
j it would be unwise in us (the democratic par
ty) to deny to him the highest military dis
tinction. That his Mexican campaign, from
the first gun at Vera Cruz to the fall of the
Capital, was one of the most brilliant on mil
itary record. Its lustre was dimmed by
some blemishes, about which I w r ould not now
speak—but that when.the history of his vic
torious march, from the sea board to the na
tional palace, shall be faithfully detailed and
popularized, it will greatly add to the high
military fame he at present enjoys, not only
in America, but abroad.
The conversation was casual and desulto
ry. I have merely endeavored to present my
share in it correctly. It is known that in
private conversation, I am in the habit of ex
pressing my opinions frankly, without look
ing to political consequences.
Very respectfully, vours,
J. A. QUITMAN.
P. S.—The Memphis Eagle dp Enquirer
are requested to publish this card. J. A. Q.
B out 1) ent 0 tnlhul.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
FRIDAY MORNING,.. AUGUST 27,1852.
A ckn o wledgme uts.
We are indebted to the lion. James Johnson
for two copies of the “Annual message and accom
panying documents, part one,” for which he will
please accept our thanks.
We tender our thanks to lion. 11. Hibbard for
“Campaign papers.”
Bierce, Webster and Scott.
We give to-day, in contrast, the views of Web
ster, Pierce and Scott, on the subject of slavery
in the District of Columbia. We will continue the
parallel in our future numbers. We hope our rea
ders will carefully peruse these articles. They are the
“Records” to which Gen. Pierce refers in his let
ter to DeLeon ; and on which lie is willing to stand
or fall, before the American people.
Southern Rights Convention in Alabama.
The Executive committee of the Southern Rights
party, in Ala., have called another Convention, to
meet in Montgomery, on the second Monday in
September next —both Scott and Pierce having
refused to reply to the interrogatories propounded to
them by order of the June Convention.
The Ball Opened.
On Saturday night last the friends of Pierce and
Kino assembled in Temperance Hall in considerable
force to listen to an address from the Hon, Alfred
Iverson. The eloquent orator, after announcing
that the Southern Rights wing of the Democracy
were the legitimate representatives of the party in
Georgia, and condemning the course of the Union
Democrats, in the last elections, extended the olive
branch to all persons and parties who were willing
to support the regular ticket; and even offered the
right hand of fellowship to the Tugaloo Faction.
He drew a striking contrast between the political
opinions and personal characters of Pierce and
Scott —representing the one as a plain, honest and
unpretending Republican of the straitest sect, and a
zealous supporter of the Constitutional rights of the
South ; and the other as the chosen leader of Sew
ard —an imperious soldier, and a reckless consol
dationist, under whose administration every effort
would be made to concentrate all power in the Gen
eral Government, and blot out all traces of State
sovereignty.
He regarded the present election of vast impor
tance to the South. The defeat of Scott would de
nationalize the Whig party, and hereafter it would
become a sectional orgaiii/auon, inimical to Southern
Rights and tainted with abolitionism, under the lead
of William 11. Seward. On the other hand the
election of Pierce would concentrate the South,
bring to her support the conservative men of the
North, and give her the control of the Government.
The speech of judge Iverson was a dignified and
manly d> fence of his own and the position of the
party to which he is attached. The official report
of the meeting will be found in another column.
On Tuesday evening last, it was announced that
Messrs Hilliard and Moss, of Alabama, would ad
dress the citizens of Columbus in support of the
claims of Scott and Graham. -Mr. Hilliard was
prevented by indisposition from attending the meet
ing, but Mr. Moss was there, armed to the teeth,
and ready for the fray. He was honored by a large
and attentive audience, a small part of which great
ly enjoyed his many “happy hits and spicy anec
dotes.” Mr. Moss is a good looking young man, of
pie sing address, fine voice, and ready delivery.
It would give us great pleasure to riddle his
speech, but courtesy restrains onr pen. We cannot
refrain, however, from remarking upon some of his
positions.
He said Pierce was a small man. a very small man.
This the orator ought to have recollected was it repe
tition of the slang of the Polk canvass, which failed
then most signally to make an impression upon the
American people, and will probably fail again. The
young orator, however, retailed the stereotyped
jokes of 184-1, with as much gusto as if he were
j delivering brand-new witticisms; and his auditory
I laughed at them with as much glee as if they were
he ring them for the first time. We were glad to
see the countenances of the friends of Scott lit up
with smiles again. Their faces have been so long, of
late, that it made us melancholy to look at them.
He furthermore asserted that Pierce was a Wil
mot Proviso man. The proof upon this point was
that Pierce, in some of his letters, alludes to the
Democratic party as one with which it was his pride
and pleasure to act. “Now,” said the cogent logi
eian, “(lie Democratic party with which General
Pierce acted, was of course the Democratic party
of New Hampshire,'’ and then read from a resolu
tion of the Legislature of New Hampshire, in which
the Wilmot Proviso is sustained. This happy hit
brought down the House. But we will not pursue
this branch of our subject further. Our readers
will find the staple of the young orator’s discourse in
a Pamphlet, entitled, “The Contrast,” which Truman
Smith, the Free Soiler, has circulated in all parts of
the South, marked “ Please read and circulate" —
and Speak —lie might have added, as this seems
to be the purpose to which it will be applied by his
eo laborers in the South.
lime would fail us, were we to give even a synop
sis of the young orator’s eulogium upon Gen. Scott.
He commenced by saying that “as Napoleon had
changed the whole art of war, and marched over
Europe with his conquering legions; so Scott, on
his arrival on the Northern frontier, had changed
the tactics of our army, and after drilling his men
for three months, according to his new system, had
driven back the clouds of war from our borders,
,gleaming with the lightning flash of victory from his
p fished sword.” We may not have understood the
young orator correctly, for we confess that what
wiih Chippewa, Bridgewater, Lundy’s Lane, Vera
Cruz, Contreras, Uhurubusco, Chepultcpec and the
I Halls of the Montezumas—flashing swords, waving
plumes, roaring cannon, and all the other things
which made up the “pomp and circumstance of glo
rious war”—our heads were somewhat confused,
and vve may have fainted, like Pierce at Churubus
co, and dreamed a part of the speech which we
have attributed to the young orator. If so, he will
of course pardon the inaccuracy of our report. At
any rate, we will not swear to it, like Mr. Foss, of
New Boston.
Our readers will pardon this levity. Mr. M. was
so facetious that we have been afflicted with a broad
grin ever since we heard him.
Messrs. Seward and his abolition allies will be
gratified to learn that Scott's supporters in Musco
gee are not at all behind them in their cordial approval
of the old General's Abolition letter. Mr. Moss
j assured his auditory that “General Scott's Abolition
letter was eminently conservative,” and this decla
ration of the orator was cordially responded to by
his delighted auditory.
The Sovereign op tiie Seas. This vessel,
said to be the largest and most beautiful mer
chant ship in the world, has cleared at New York
for San Francisco, on her maiden voyage. Several
heavy bets in relation to the passage have been made,
one of which is, that she will accomplish it inside
of 90 days, and another, that she will beat the crack
1 passage of the Flying Cloud. On each of these
bets SIO,OOO are at stake. She is about two-thirds
loaded with a miscellaneous cargo, which has been
taken at unusually high rates, namely, 74 a 95c.
The ordinary rates are from 45 to 80.
The Platform of the Third Party iu Georgia.
Parties usually divide upon principle. It is dif
ferent, however, with parties in Georgia. Reversing
the old saw—‘‘principles not men,” they have pro
mulgated anew rule of political conduct. “Men,
not principles,” is their rallying cry.
We confess that we looked with some anxiety
over the Extra of the Journal ij- Messenger, for
the Platform of principles upon which this new
political party proposed to stand, in the hope of find
ing some of the objectionable principles of the na
tional Whig party repudiated. We were miserably
disappointed. The entire scries of resolutions adop- j
ted by the National Whig party were greedily swal- j
lowed by the “Seceders and even the shutfling j
verbiage of the eighth resolution is servilely follow- j
ed. As these resolutions are now promulgated as I
part of another Georgia Platform, we propose to
give them a brief notice.
The fifth resolution recommends that revenue
“ought to be mainly derived from a duty on imports,
and not from direct taxes; and in levying such du
ties, sound policy requires a just, discrimination,
and protection from fraud by specific duties, when
practicable, whereby suitable encouragement may be
assured to American industry , equally to all classes,
and to all portions of the country.”
The absurdity of taxing industry in order to
encourage industry, is too flagrant to need exposure, ;
especially when it is proposed to tax “.til classes” ;
and “all portions of the country,” for the benefit
of “all classes” and “all portions of the country.”
By what hocus pocus a man or a class or a portion of
the country can grow rich by paying out cash in the
form of taxes , is a mystery which the third party
has not condescended to explain. We appeal to the
organs of the party for light. Nor is this the only
absurdity in this resolution. It proposes to accom
plish this desirable result by specific duties —the most j
odious form of taxation. Under the present tariff
act, the ad valorem system of taxation is generally
adhered to —that is, a certain percent, is levied upon
the value of the article imported, so that when an
article rises in value, the tax rises with it, and when [
it falls in value, the tax falls with it. This is certainly
just and equitable. Under specific duties, however, a
fixed tax is imposed by yard or weight, and never va
ries, whatever may be the variation in the price of the
article. For instance, say that there is a tax of three
cents a pound on nails. Now, if nails fall to three
cents a pound in a foreign market., they cannot be
imported and sold in our market for less than six
cents, and thus the consumer of nails is compelled to
pay double their value before he can get them—and i
so of all other articles when the production at home
is not equal to the demand. The evident object
therefore of specific duties is to prevent consumers of
imported articles from buying them cheap ; and to
save the home manufacturers of similar articles from
the loss of selling their wares at a low price to the
people. This agrarian doctrine of taxing one class
of citizens for the benefit of another class, has al- !
ways been opposed in Georgia, and every prominent j
Whig leader in Georgia is committed upon the re- !
cords of the State against it. Asa Southern Rights i
man, we enter our solemn protest against the intro
duction of this Yankee notion into Georgia. The ;
South is the great exporting region of country, and j
must necessarily be the great importing region—and
when the revenue is “mainly derived from a duty !
on imports,” she must of course pay the greater
portion of the taxes. The North on the contrary, j
is the great manufacturing portion of thv country, i
She imp its but little. The therefore by a j
tax on imports pays but little t< ite (government imdjt
gets a higher price for her “ictured goojfs.
It is therefore to her into res ffs for
revenue, discriminating for protection, and of course,
nearly all her politicians arc earnest advocates of the
system. Daniel Webster has all his life long been
foremost in his advocacy of tariffs. Indeed, he has I
never failed to insist upon high tariffs, and has give n j
his votes or influence to every bill which proposed to |
increase the taxes of the people, lie is consistent in
his course, lie is a New Englander and has never
been untrue to his section. But with Georgians it
is different. They have always been the opponents
of discriminating tariffs; and many of the very men
who now support Mr. Webster and the platform
we are reviewing, sympathized with South Carolina,
i in her determination to nullify the tariff act of 182$,
nor do we blame them for their course then. It
was noble and patriotic. No government lias a right
to enrich one section by impoverishing another, and
that this is the tendency of specific duties and dis
criminations in the imposition of taxes, the following
facts will abundantly show :
The whole amount of duties collected fiom the year
1791 to 30th June, I~>ls, was $927,050,097 ; of this sum,
the slaveholding States paid $711,200,000, and the Free
States only $215,850,097. Had the same amount been
paid by the two sections in the Constitutional ratio of
their federal population, the South would have paid on
ly $391,707,917 and the North $532,312,180. Therefore
the. shareholding State- paid $316,492,083 more than
their just share, and the free States as much le-'s. They
were Free indeed! —not only of slaves, but of taxes.
[ The Union, Past and Future.
Our space is exhausted. We will revert to this
platform again, in our next issue. Almost every
plank in it is rotten ; and what is still worse, it is
made nearly entire out of Northern timber.
3lr. Webster’s Opinions—Slavery In the
District of Columbia.
On Wednesday, March 10, 1836, Mr. Webster
rose to present several petitions, and addressed the
Senate as follows :
Agreeably to notice, I offer sundry petitions on the
subject of slavery and the slave trade in the Di-ttiet of
Columbia *****
1 ask, sir, that these petitions may be received, and
move that they be referred to thecommitteo on the. Dis
trict of Columbia. This motion it-elf, sir, sufficiently
shows in what manner I think this subject ought to be
treated in the Senate. * * * *
Any petition which, in our opittion, asks us to do that
which is plainly against the coirtitution, we might very
justly reject. *****
In doubtful cases, we should incline to receive and
consider, because doubtful cases ought not to be deci
tied without consideration. But 7 cannot regard this
case as a doubtful one. I think the constitutional
power of Congress over the subject is clear, and, there
fore, that we were bound to receive the petitions. And
a large majority of the Senate are also of opinion that
the petitions ought to be received.
I have often, -Mr. President, expressed the opinion that
over slavery, as it exists in the States, this government
has no control whatever. * * *
On the other hand, believing that Congress has con
stitutional power over slavery, and the trade in slave
ry, within this District, I think petitions on those sub
jects, respectfully presented, ought to be respectfully
treated and respectfully considered. ‘1 ho respectful
mode, the proper mode, i® the ordinary mode. We
have a committee on the affairs of this District. * *
Let the committee set forth their own view's on the e
points, dispassionately, fully and candidly. Let the ar
gument be seen and heard ; let the people be trusted with
it; and 1 have no doubt that a fair discussion ot the subject
will produce its proper ellect, both iu and out of the
Senate.
This, sir, would have been and is the course of pro
ceeding which appears to me. to be prudent and just.
The Senate, however, having decided otherwise by a
very large majority, I only say so much on the present
occasion, as may suffice to make my own opinion®
known.—[Nee Congressional debates, 1835-1836 — page
833.
The decision of the Senate, to which Mr. M eb
ster refers, was made on a motion of Mr, Buchan
an, to reject the prayer of the following petition :
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States:
The memorial of Cain Quarterly Meeting of the
religious society of Friends, commonly called Quakers,
respectfully represents: That having long felt
pathy witli that portion of the inhabitants of these States
which is held in bondage, and having no doubt that the
happiness and interests, moral and pecuniary, ot both
master and slave, and our whole community, would be
greatly promoted if the inestimable right t<> liberty w’as
Extended equally to all, we contemplate with extreme
regret that the Disttict of Columbia, over which you
possess entire control, is acknowledged to be one of the
greatest marts for the traffic in the persons of human be
ings in the known world, notwithstanding the princi
ples of the constitution declare all men have an un
alienable right to the blessings ot liberty.
We, therefore, earnestly de-ire that you will enact
such laws as will secure the right of lreqdom to every
human being residing within the constitutional jurisdic
tion of Congress, and prohibit every species of traffic in’
the persons of men, which is inconsistent in'principle,
and inhuman in practice, as the foregoing slave trade.
Signed, &c , BINDLEY CO A I’S, ) r , . a
ESTHER HAYES, \ Uerks ‘
The question was then taken on the motion to
reject the prayer of the petition, and decided as fol
lows :
Yeas—Messrs. Benton, Black, Brown. Buchanan,
Clay, Crittenden, Cuthbert, Ewing, of Illinois, Ewing,
of Ohio, Goldsborough. Grundy, Hill, Hubbard, King,
of Alabama, King, of Georgia, Leigh, Linn, McKean,
Moore, Nicholas, Niles, Porter, Preston, Robbins,
Robinson, Haggles, Shipley, Tallmadge, Tipton, Tom
linson, Walker, Wall, White, Wright—34.
Nays—Messrs. Davis, Hendricks, Knight, Prentis,
Swift, WEBSTER—6. —[See Congressional debates,
1835-1836 —page 810.
It will be thus seen, that, at the dawn of the slave
ry agitation, Mr. Webster threw the weight of his
great influence in the scale of our enemies, by advo
cating the eonstitntional power of Congress over
slavery and the slave trade in the District of Colum
bia, and the right of the abolitionists to petition Con
gress and have their petitions considered. Though
urged by Walker, of Mississippi, to go forward
with the good broad-sword of Richard, as a cham
pion of the Union against the abolitionists of the
North, he echoed their battle cry and struck a fa
tal blow against the liberties of his country.
Opinions of Pierce—Slavery in the District
of Columbia.
House of Representatives, Dec. 18,1835.
Mr. Jackson, of Massachusetts, presented a petition
from sundry citizens of Massachusetts, praying Congress
to provide for the immediate abolition of slavery within
the District ot Columbia; which he moved to refer to a
select committee.
Mr. Pierce of New Hampshire, said: He had no
disposition to discuss the merits of this deeply exciting
question at any time. * * * *
This was not the last memorial of the same character
which would be sent here. It was perfectly apparent
that the question must be met now, or at some future
time, fully and explicitly, and such an expression of this
House given as could leave no possible room to doubt
as to tlie opinions and sentiments entertained by its mem
bers. He (Mr. Pierce) indeed considered the over
whelming vote of the House the other day, laying a
memorial of similar tenor, and he believed, the same in
terms, upon the table, as fixing upon it the stamp of
reprobation. He supposed that till sections of the coun
try would be satisfied with that expression, but gentle
men seemed now to consider the vote as equivocal and
evasive. He was unwilling that any imputation should
rest upon the North, iu consequence of the misguided
and fanatical zeal of a few—comparatively very lew —
who, however honest might have been their purposes, he
believed had done incalculable mischief, and whose
movements he knew received no more sanction among
the great mass of the people of the North, than they
did tit the South. For one, lie (,\lr. P.) while he would
be the last to infringe upon any of the sacred reserved
rights ol the people, was prepared to stamp with dis
approbation m the most express and unequivocal terms,
the whole movement upon this subject. * * *
Sir, said Mr. P., gentlemen maybe assured there was
no such disposition as a general sentiment prevailing
among the people ; at least lie felt confidence in assert
ing that, among the people of the State which he had
the honor in part to represent, there was not one in a
hundred who did not entertain the most sacred regard
for the rights of their Southern brethren—nay, not one
in five hundred who would not have those lights pro
tected at any and every hazard.
Scott’s Opinions—Slavery in the District
of Columbia.
In a letter to T. P. Atkinson, dated Feb. 9,1843, Gen.
Scott says:
I suppose I scarcely need say that in my opinion,
Congress has no color of authority, under the Constitu
tion, for touching the relation of master and slave with
in a State. I hold the opposite opinion in respect to
the District of Columbia. Here, with the consent of
the owners, or on the payment of “just compensation,”
Congress may legislate at discretion. But my con
viction is equally strong that unless it be step by step
with the Legislature of Virginia and Maryland, it would
be dangerous to both races in those States to touch the
relation between master and slave, in this District.
I have from the first been of opinion that Congress was
bound try the Constitution to receive, to refer, and to
report upon petitions relating to Domestic Slavery as
in case of all other petitions, but I have not failed to see
ai'.cLregrct the unavoidable irritation which the former
havie produced in the Southern States, with the conse
quent peril to the colored race, whereby the adop
tion of aoy plan of emancipation has everywhere
among us been greatly retarded.
f From the Columbus Times. ]
Pierce and King Club.
Saturday Evening, Aug. 21, 1552.
U pan the call of the President, a large and en
thusiastic meeting of the Club convened this evening
at Temperance Ilall to hear an address from the
Hon. Alfred Iverson.
The permanent Secretaries of the Club being ab
sent, upon motion of Dr. J. J. Boswell, Win. Doug
lass was requested to act as Secretary pro ter.
The lion. Alex. C. Morton then rose and offered
the following resolutions, prefaced by a few appro
priate remarks, which on motion were unanimously
adopted :
The issues which of late unhappilv divided the Dem
ocratic party of this State being ail settled by the re
cognition of the Compromise platform by the National
Democratic Convention, it is proper that the Democra
cy ol Muscogee should rally to their time honored stan
dard, and act as a unit in the approaching campaign.
Therefore Resolved, That this Club, sincerely desi
rous of promoting the election of PIERCE and KING,
deem they can best accomplish that object by a hearty
and unanimous support given to one ticket.
Resolved, That there is no principle involved in the
selection of Electors, other than to have good and true
Democrats chosen for tiiat station, and this Glib will
give its support to no other men.
Resolved, That in the Electoral Ticket headed by
Lumpkin and Johnson, we recognize Democrats of old
time—men who we are satisfied are true to Democrat
ic principles, and our nominees—which being the case,
this Club will give to the support of that ticket their
warmest energies.
Resolved, That no necessity exists for the so called
“Union Ticket,” which even now presents but a broken
front for Pierce and King, and that it should fie with
d-awn by it®makers, as its longer continuance can only
tend to embarrass and endanger the election of our can
didate.
The Hon. Alfred Iverson was then called for, and
received with rapturous applause. For an hour he
enchained the attention of his audience by a compar
ison of the merits of the contending candidates for
the votes of the Southern People, and in developing
the necessity of every Democrat rallying to the sup
port of the Democratic nominee. A better or more
effective speech, it is seldom the pleasure of any
person to listen to. Judge Iverson having conclud
ed, and a number of accessions being made to the
Club, on motion the meeting adjourned.
JOHN QUIN, Pres’t.
Wm. Douglass, See’y pro tern.
Washington Correspondence of the Sentinel.
Washington, August 20, 1852.
The interest of the proceedings in Congress in
creases as it “touches its end,” as the French say.
The chief business before both Houses has been
settling the details of the different appropriation
bills, the civil and diplomatic, the military and naval.
The first two have already passed the House, and
are under consideration in the Senate —the hist
is still before the House. Both Houses are work
ing ft lithfully now. If they only had commenced j
earlier in the same spirit and postponed po
litical speeches for the stump, their proper j 1 see,
the session would have been shorter, and the s ump
speaking longer. As it is, they can only continue
now to push through the business that is actually
necessary, omitting many things that ought to have
been attended to. One compensation, however, is
given, and that is, the haste prevents the passage of
various injurious as well as of many salutary meas
ures. The Homestead Bill and Bennett's Land Bill,
as well as various other projects of similar tendency,
get the go-by, owing to the want of time to mature
them. Private claimants will suffer severely as usual,
the private calendars being laid over, and pushed out
of the way by the pressure. Efforts are making
very strenuously to get up the Homestead Bill, and
the French Spoliations, by the friends of those meas*
sures, but have failed so far, and will not probably
be successful. The printing business is also on dock
et yet, and nothing definite done in relation to it.
A movement by Mr. Meriwether, of Kentucky, in
relation to a resolution of inquiry into the amount of
pay received by Gen. Scott and Gen. Pierce, re
spectively, from the United States, for services ren
dered, has created some stir. Strange as it may
seem, Mr. Meriwether is a Democrat, and meant to
make political capital out of his resolution. He is the
locum tenens of Mr. Clay. His move was certainly a
blunder, and perplexed his party not a little, but
Mr. Soule managed to give the thing an adroit turn
by putting it on the same footing as the Whig reso
lution of inquiry, of a similar character, levelled at
Gen. Cass before the last canvass.
The fishery question was taken np on Saturday,
to allow Mr. Seward to vindicate the administration
he now being sworn champion, as it would seem!
He commenced with a covert sneer, levelled at
the Southern Senators who had agitated this subject
by saying that the presumption was, that the Presi
dent and Secretary of State, being both Northern
men, would scarcely fail doing their duty to Northern
interests. He insisted that the British government
had sustained and enforced her construction always;
that the force now there was less than last vear •
then it was one hundred and thirty-four guns,
thirty more than are now there. He further inti
mated that no fear of war need be entertained, for
the British vessels were not there to harass Ameri
can fishermen so much as to keep an eye on the
colonists. He spoke as one having authority. What
a mouth-piece for the Fillmore administration, after
the fidelity of the Southern Whigs to that individual.
They had better take up Webster, for he is sounder
—at present. He wants their votes. Fillmore now
has his eye fixed due North. Mr. Soule is to reply
to Mr. Seward.
The release of Drayton and Sayres, by the Presi
dent, has created some sensation. These men, you
will recollect, were concerned in the outrageous at
tempt to run off seventy or eighty slaves in tho
schooner Pearl, and have ever since been confined
to jail in default of paying the fines. Tlteir impris
onment would have lasted several years but for this
“act of grace” on the part of the President, who lets
them off Scott-free. The fines incurred may be
whistled for now, as they left for t:.e North imme
diately on their liberation —the night preceding the
publicity given to the act. This is moving fast,
Chaplin, who tried to run off three negroes, had to
forfeit $16,000 bail to get off, most of which Gerrit
Smith liberally paid. Now, these daring robbers of
seventy negroes are released by a fiat of Mr. Fill
more. How will his Georgia friends like this, espe
cially when they know that Senator Sumner's medi
ation accomplished it?
The Guano question, relative to the Lobos islands,
is superseding the fish question ; that., too, is an--
other Northern question; and they talk fierce about
it, of course. In the Senate, on Wednesday last,
Mr. Hale submitted a resolution directing an inqui
ry as to the expediency of re-annexing the Lobos
islands to the United States. Laid over.
This is not the only project of immediate annexa
tion now on foot, barring the prospective projects us
Canada and Cuba. Tho President or the United
States has been negotiating about the Sandwich Is
lands and won’t answer Congress when called on.
In the Senate, the following messsnge from the
Pr< siderit was read :
To the Senate of the United States :
I have received a resolution of your honorable body,
of the 6th instant, appearing to have been adopted in
open legislative session, requesting me to inform tho
Senate, it hot incompatible with the public interests,
whether any propositions have been made by tho King
ot the Sandwich Islands to transfer the sovereignty of
those islands to the United States, and to communicate
to the Senate all official information on that subject in
my possession. In reply, also, I have to state that, on
or about the 12th day ot June last, I received a similar
resolution troin the Senate, adopted in executive session,
or secret session, to which I returned an answer, stating
that, in my opinion, a communication of the inl'orma
tion requested at that juncture, would not comport with
the public interest. Nothing has since transpired to
change my mind on this subject, and 1 therefore ieel
constrained again to decline giving the information
asked. MILLARD FILLMORE.
Washington, August 14, 1852.
Mr. Seward submitted the following resolution,
which was laid over :
Resolved, That the President of the United States be
requested to send a commissioner to the Sandwich
Islands, who shall be in-trueted to inquire into the ex
pediency of instituting negotiations for the- acquisition
of those islands to the United States.
The subject was laid over—Mr. Weller desiring
to discuss it.
Mr. Weller is probably in favor of such annexa
tion, the contiguity of those islands to California ren
dering him intimately acquainted with the object,,
which the other gentlemen are not. llis speech im*
that theme must prove interesting and instructive.
The turn things are taking is indicated here daily,
and the determination of the North-western Demo
crats, to vie with each other in internal improvement
schemes, equally shown. When the Harbor and River
Bill was pressed in the Senate the other day, Mr-
Atch'msooreminded the Senate that this bill was sub
stantially the-one vetoed by Mr. Polk. Mr. Cass said
that he voted for tlie bill vetoed by Mv. Peik. lie
had even gone to- M r, Polk, and staggcaStd sousider
ations why he should’ sign- the btR
Mr. Pearce, from the Finance Cornniftttee, has-re
ported a bill authorizing the issue of $8 ; ,31>0,OOO ii
United States stock, at three per cent., instead of
the $5,000,000 at six per cent., to pay tlie credi
tors of Texas, who have been “sealed” by that State,
and come complaining to Congress. They charge-
Texas with trying to play a quasi repudiation game
with those who helped her in the darkest hour..
An interesting discussion on the Sunk St. Mhrie
Canal arose also, Senator Batler amusing himself
and theaudier.ee by pulling Ge. Oi and his “war
talk” to pieces. Ilis speech is so mb r as to deserve
re-publication—at least portions of it. Gen. Cass
had insisted that it was a war-measure. Dodging
the internal improvement objection that way.
These were the chief proceedings of interest in
the Senate. In the House matters of minor interest
were up. The appropriation bills and the details
connected with them occupied most of their attention.
The Wheeling Bridge case bus been very ably dis
cussed by Mr. Woodward of S. 0., and Mr. Mill
-Bon of Va.
The Naval appropriation bill has been’ snder dis
cussion also this week, and is not yet disposed of.——
The dullness of the routine if business Was dhreisJ-
I tied yesterday by the squabbles in the House, in
which Mr. Bay ley of Virginia, and Mr. Phelps of
Maiuo, Mr. Carter of Ohio, and Mr. Florence of
Penn., took part. Ido not know the particulars, not
having been present, but only speak from hearsay.
There has been quite an improvement in this respect
since the last fights some months since. The result
of the North Carolina elections has greatly encour
aged the Democrats, and the last news from lowa
proportionably depressed the Whigs. They s'.ill,
however, are very sanguine, and are working very
assiduously. Their organization is infinitely superior
to that of their opponents, and backed by the Ad
ministration, of course have great advantages. In
North Carolina the Democrats have a majority
of 4, which will give them the U. S. Senator. It ia
not improbable that Venable and Clingman may
come into competition for that seat, the latter having
for some time past been acting in opposition to the
Whig party, and being identified witli the Southern
Rights men, who act with tlie Democracy. Now
that Gen. Pierce, by his manly letter to Mr. De Le
on, has effectually killed the slanders against his
soundness, and defined his position, the dissentients
among the Southern Rights men will scarcely hold
out against him any longer, but take the advice of
Yancey, as well as yours. For in your last paper I
perceived an editorial which indicates your course,
and very satisfactorily ‘shows the utter impracticabil
ity of doing anything better at , resent. It is to bo
hoped that your counsels will bo adopted by all our
friends.
Mr. Dawson made a hard hit, yesterday, on the
Homestead Bill, stirring up the pseuderphilanthropy
of that measure.
On motion of Mr. Hale, the private calendar was
postponed.
Mr. Hale then moved tiiat the Senate take up
the Homestead Bill,
Mr. Shields said he desired to make reports;
thouglt a friend of the homestead bill, he would op
pose any motion to take it up, to the exclusion of the
necessary business.
Mr, Douglas opposed the motion; lie suggested
the expediency of meeting at night during the re
mainder of the session for the consideration of tit#
various land bills.
Mr. Dawson called attention to the fact that the
claims of hundreds of private persons, for moneys
actually due them by the government, were postponed
to tak# up a bill givmg farms to people who had no