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vote liis future life to his service. Believing, from the silence and apparent alienation of Ella, that she was by this time the bride of another, he had come, a filial pilgrim, to the domestic altar, to offer there the incense of chastened and purified affections. The young Secretary, who had absconded, was overtaken on the confines of Mexico, and among the papers found in his possession, were the letters of Claude, which he had withheld and secreted, probably from the hope of one day filling the place the ban ished heir. Joy is a great physician. Leaning on the arm and heart of his son, Mr. Percy slowly measured back bis steps to that world, from which he believed himself divorced forever. His voice was once more heard in the coun cils of the nation, and it was listened to with deeper reverence—for it uttered lessons of wisdom beyond the learning of this world — a wisdom born of suffering, baptized by tears, and sanctified by the Spirit of God. Claude, once more a Percy, resumed bis place in the halls of his ancestors. He had told Elia all liis story, and the name of Mary became sacred to her, as a holy, household divinity. “Mary,” said Claude to his now betrothed Ella, “Mary was the bride of my soul : hut you, Ella—the object of my youth’s first pas sion—you only are the wife of my heart.” [Meharis’ Gazelle. I From Pickett’s History of Alabama.] GOVERNOR TROUP, Or the 3lvlntosh Family—lncidents in the Mississippi Territory. At the close of our last chapter, it was stated that the first American court held in Alabama, was at Mclntosh Bluff, which is situated upon the western bank of the Tom liigbv, between its confluence with the Ala bama and tl:e town of St. Stephens. Con nected with this bluff, there is, to us, a pleas ing historical reminiscence. Alabama has the honor of being the birth-place of George M. Troup, late Governor of Georgia, and who is one of the most vigorous and expres sive political and epistolary writers of the age. His grandfather, Capt. John Mclntosh, the Chief of the Mclntosh clan, was long at tached to the army of West Florida, and his valuable services were rewarded, by the King of England, with the grant of Mcln tosh Bluff, and extensive tracts of land upon the Mississippi. He had a son, who was al so a British officer, and a daughter, a native of Georgia. The latter, while on a visit to England, married an ollicer of the royal ar my, named Troup. She sailed from England to Mobile, and, arriving at the latter place, entered a barge, and went up the Tombigby river to the residence of her father, at Mc- Intosh Bluff,-where, in the wilds of Ala bama, Governor Troup was born, in Sep tember, 17S0. She had an uncle, named Roderick Mclntosh, or “Old Rory,” as he was familiarly called—a most extraordinary character—a kind of Don Quixote, old Arab Chief. Scottish and Irish Chieftain, the Sala . din and Cceur de Leon of chivalry. He was lo|jg an officer of his majesty’s army’, in Georgia, mid East Florida. Thus the father, brother, uucje and husband of this lady, the mother of George M. Troup, were all British officers, before, the commencement of the revolution. Being removed from the scenes of that revolution, none of them may be said to have taken sides against it, except “Old Rory,” who, during the war, was frequently in Georgia and East Florida, and, although far advanced in years, was, at all times, ready to storm any whig fortress that might present itself. Before he came to America, he had been the champion of his native glen, in Scot land, and was strongly attached to the Stu art family. In 1777, he was over sixty-five years of age. He was tall. His form was admirably proportioned for strength and ac tivity. His complexion was ruddy, and his hair was white, frizzled and bushy. In walk ing, or rather striding, his step ordinarily em braced the space of four feet. He was not rich, but lived in ease and comfort, when not engaged in the actual service of the King. He cared nothing for money. During the Spanish occupation of East Florida, he sold a drove of cattle in St. Augustine, and. re ceiving payment in specie, placed it in a bag. on his horse, and rode towards home. On the route, the canvas gave way, and many of the dollars fell upoq the path. He secured those which were left, ana pursued his jour ney, go ing himself no concern about those upon the ground. Some years afterwards, being in want of money, he recollected his loss, went to the place, picked up as many dollars as he warned, and returned home. He was fond of dogs. He once laid a con siderable bet that he could hide a doubloon, at three miles distance, and that his setter, which he had taught to take his back track, would find it. Liiath presently went off on his trail, was gone some time, and returned panting; with his tongue out, but came with out the doubloon. “ Treason!” vociferated Rory, and he walked rapidly to the place where he had hidden the money. He turned over the log, and found that Loath had torn up tiie earth in search of it. A man was seenf some distance off, engaged in the split ting of rails. Without ceremony, Rory his dirk, advanced upon him, and swore h<s would put him to death if he did not give u|> the doubloon. The man, very much alarm ed, immediately handed him the coin, observ ing that, having seen Mclntosh put something under the log, he had gone to the place, and found the gold. Rory, tossing him back the money, said, “take it, vile caitiff; it was not the pelf, but the honor of my dog, I cared for.” 9 ‘ r In 1778, a portion of the garrison of St. -♦Augustine, under General Provost, marched, by land, to join a force from New York, to attack Savannah, then in the occupation of the whigs. Rory was a captain of light kinfantry, upon this expedition. On the march, they passed near a small whig fort, command- j ed bv Captain, afterwards Colonel, John Mc- Intosh. Early one morning, when Rory had made rather free with the morning glass, he insisted on sallying out to summon the fort to surrender. His friends were unable to restrain him, and he presently advanced, with claymore in hand, followed by his faith ful negro, Jim. Approaching the gate of the fort, he said, in an audible and commanding tone, “Surrender, you miscreants ! how dare you presume to resist his majesty’s arms!” Captain Mclntosh knew him, and forbidding any of his men to fire, threw open the gate, and said, “Walk in, cousin, and take pos session.” “No!” said Rory, with great in dignation, “I will not trust myself with such vermin, but 1 order you to surrender.” A rifle was fired at him, the ball of which pass ed through bis face. He fell, but immedi ately’ recovered, lie retreated backwards, flourishing his sword. Ilis servant, seeing his face covered with blood, and hearing the shot falling around him, implored his master to face about, and run for liis life. He re plied, “Run yourself, poor slave, hut I am of a race that never runs.” In this manner, he hacked safely into the lines, flourishing his sword in defiance, and keeping his face to the enemy. Upon a certain occasion, Rory rode from St. Augustine to Savannah, and applied to his friend, Cooper, for money to defray his expenses from that place to Charleston. Couper saw that something of an extraordi nary character agitated him, and with diffi culty’ learned the cause of his excitement. “That reptile in Charleston, Gadsden, has in sulted my country, and I will put him to death.” “What has he done ?” said Couper. “Why,” said Rory, “on being asked how he meant to fill up his wharf, in Charleston, lie replied, ‘by importing Scotchmen, who were fit for nothing better.’ ” With great difficul ty, the friends of Rory prevailed on him to return home. It would be an endless task to enumerate all the anecdotes in our possession, in rela tion to this remarkable Highlander, the grand uncle of Governor Troup. He was often in the Creek nation, and was the father of Col. William Mclntosh,a half-breed Muscogee, of high character, whom the Upper Creeks kill ed, for his friendship to the Georgians. Ro ry always dressed in the Highland costume. He was perfectly fearless in spirit, while his broadsword, wielded by one of the most powerful arms, caused streams of human blood to flow in many desperate engage ments. Although engaged in the rebellion of ’45, King George was nevertheless much at tached to him, and Rory was ready to die for that monarch, at any moment. There was another branch of the Mcln tosh family—all, however, close connections of Governor Troup, by consanguinity—who were conspicuous whigs in the revolution, citizens of Georgia, and men who occupied high ranks in the army. One of these was General Lachlan, who came out to Georgia with Oglethorpe, when a little bov, and the other, Colonel John Mclntosh, who also fought for liberty throughout the war. In later times, Col. John S. Mclntosh, one of the same family’, became a distinguished American officer, was in the wars o! ISI3 and 1814, and recently, in the Mexican war, was wounded at Resaca de la Palma, and af terwards at Molino del Rev, and died in the city of Mexico. The Mclntosh family was composed of people of marked character, all of whom were horn to command. The blood always exhibited itself, even when mixed with that of the Indian. After the revolution, the father of Governor Troup es tablished himself in Georgia, became an American citizen, and was much esteemed and respected, to the day of his death. His body is interred at Belleville, Mclntosh county, and that of his wife in the family vault of General Lachlan Mclntosh, at Sa vannah. MARRIAGE. Marriage is a change of existence—a death-birth, as our German friends would say —an Exodus—a transit from one life to an other—and with as impenetrable a veil of doubt and uncertainty spread over that other life, as is over that life to whose dominions death is the portal. “Where wo are we know,” may’ a man about to be married well exclaim ; “where we have been we also know; whither we are going no man knoweth, nor can know, till the going has merged into the gone.” Charles V. said no man could be said to be truly brave until he had snuffed a can dle with his fingers ; but my idea is, that no man can be so severely’ tested as by enter ing into the holy’ state of matrimony, provi ded always that the man be of a contempla tive, reflective nature. This courage is more required on the woman’s part than on the man’s. She must infallibly know less of him than he of her, as he beholds her ever in the world she moves in; whereas he, when he leaves her, mingles and is lost in the crowd of outer life. Whether he keeps himself apart among the virtuous, or has his haunts among the vicious, she can only hear by re port, and report is not a witness to be trust ed ; and female etiquette denies her the searching inquiries necessary’ for complete satisfaction. Then, again, he has more re sources than she, if the home ho made un happy by the ill-assorted union. The tavern, the theatre, the meeting, the mart, are all open for him. He can be away from home when he likes ; and when from home, to all intents and purposes, he is a bachelor again. Not so she, poor lady! Once a wife, a wife for ever. She may not, cannot, would not, dare not leave him. The laws, her children, her womanly instinct, alike forbid it. She can never lay down her wifehood and become a maid again. And even if she do separate from him, and return once more to her fa ther’s house, the gay heart, the unspeakable palpitations of maidenly desires and hopes, the budding promises of coming life—these are no longer; the butterfly is freed, but its wings are torn and unfeathered—it can fly no more. Hence there is no one thing more lovely’, than when a maiden leans her fair cheek upon her lover’s breast, and whispers— “ Dear heart! I cannot see, but 1 believe—the past was beautiful, but the future I can trust —with thee !” Southern Sentinel. COLUMBUS, GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING,.. SEPT. 0.1852. The Fate Flood. The late flood of rain has extended from New England to the Gulf. Great damage was done in New-York to the heavy grain crops and fruit or chards. The Tennessee river rose from seven to eight feet, and much damage was done by the over flow on the river bottoms. The .Tames River was twelve feet above the ordinary level. A number of streets were flooded at Richmond, Aa. It is esti mated that one half of the entire crop of Anderson District, S. Carolina, has been destroyed. The damage was very great on the Etowah, Ga. Near ly all the rice plantations above Savannah were en tirely covered with water, and it is estimated that several hundred thousand bushels of rice will be lost on the Savannah river. Tlie Hoi I Worm. This destructive insect is still continuing its rava ges on the cotton crop. The late rains have had no tendency to stop them. They have now been en gaged in their work for four weeks, and will probably continue it until frost. The damage to the cotton crop is very great, but it is impossible to estimate it accurately. M. S. Latham. This talented and estimable gentleman, who resi ded some time in an adjoining county, has been nom inated by the Democracy of California, for Con gress. lie will unquestionably be elected. He will make an able Representative. Scott Meeting. We learn that a small meeting of the Scott par ty was held in Temperance Hall, on Tuesday night. The zeal of this party far exceeds its numbers.— One of the Speakers, we are informed, announced his determination never to vote for a Whig who re fused to give his hearty support to the nominee of the paity. The Slavery Question —The Platform of Parties in Georgia. The eighth resolution of the third candidate Con | vention, and also that of the Whig National Con vention, are in these words: The series of arts of the thirty-first Congress, com monly known as the compromise or adjustment, (the ; act for the recovery of fugitives from labor in cluded,) wo receive and acquiesce in, as a final settle ment, in principle and substance, of the subjects to which then relate; and so far as these acts are concern ed, we will maintain them and insist on their strict en t’orcement, until time and experience shall demonstrate 1 the necessity of further legislation to guard against the evasion of the laws on the one hand, and the abuse of their power on the other —not impairing their present efficacy to carry out the requirements of the constitu tion ; and we deprecate all further agitation of the ques tions thus settled , as dangerous to our peace—and will I discountenance all efforts to continue or renew such agitation, whenever, wherever, or however made—and we will maintain the settlement as essential to the na tionality of our party and the integrity of the Union. The words italicized are evidently used in order to restrict and limit the scope of the resolution. It is generally understood that the resolution as it was originally drafted and presented by the Southern dele gates to the Convention was much broader, fuller and more explicit. Instead of announcing that the Compromise was “a final settlement, in principle and substance, of the subjects to which they relate,” it took the bold ground that the Compromise acts were ‘ a final settlement, in principle and substance, of the slavery question.’' 1 Instead of announcing that “we deprecate all further agitation of the ques tions thus settled ,” it denounced, in the most unquali fied terms, “the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made.” It is furthermore understood that the orig innl t esolution was emasculated and restricted in its scope to suit the taste, or prejudices, or exigencies f Northern men. However this may be, it is evi dent that the resolution as it passed the Whig Na tional Convention, and as it passed the third party Convention in Georgia, is a most lame and impotent resolution, and utterly unsuited to the exigencies if the country, as we will proceed to show. Our r< ad ds are aware that the Compromise acts admitted California as a free State into the Union ; provided Territorial Governments for Utah and New Mexico; dismembered Texas at the cost of $10,000,000 ; abolished the slave trade in tdie District of Colum bia; and gave the South anew edition of the Fugi tive slave law.- These are “the subjects” to which the Compromise “relates,” and these alone. Beyond and above them are subjects of great pith and mo ment to the South, to wit : abolition petitions—slave ry in the District of Columbia, and in tiie dock yards, forts, and ships of the United States—the slave trade between the several States—the right of a territory to come intoalie Union with a constitu tion tolerating slavt ry. All these questions are given the go-by, by the National Whig Convention, and the members of the third party Convention in Georgia, have servilely followed in the wake of their Northern masters. There may be reason in this silence. It is known that Daniel Webster is doubly committed by his votes in Congress and by his speeches all through the Northern States, against the further extension of slavery, and against the admission of new slaveliolding States into the Union, and has always been the foremost man in New England in the advocacy of the reception and reference of abolition petitions. The great mass of Scott’s supporters at the North, are committed to the same views. In order therefore to bolster up their candidates, and to inveigle into their support the free soilers and abolitionists, Southern men have consented to abate the just demands of the South, and have even made the “Finality,” of which they have boasted so much, a ridiculous farce. And yet they have the hardi hood to challenge the support of Southern men to their candidates, and still profess to be zealous sup porters of the rights of the South. Very different are the resolutions of the Demo cratic National Convention. They are in these words: 4. Resolved, That the foregoing proposition covers, and was intended to embrace, the whole subject of slave- j ry agitation in Congress, tyc. 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will resist i all attempts at renewing, in Congress or out of it, the 1 agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape i or color the attempt may be made. These resolutions are plain, full, and ample—they ‘ cover “the whole subject of slavery and no demo crat who is true to his party creed can open his mouth in or out of Congress on the subject of slave ry’ ; consequently, he must vote in and out of Con gress upon all questions as if there existed no such thing as slavery. Tiie subject is placed beyond the jurisdiction of Congress. This all the South has evev demanded. This is all we demand to-day. i We again repeat, however, that we place but lit- I tie reliance upon National platforms. When they j declare in our favor they are usually violated. But I they are not to be countenanced when they limit our rights, as we have shown that the Whig platform does. The South accepted the compromise on the assurance that it was to be an end of slavery agita tion—a finality. They are now taught by the Web ster and Scott W’higs, North and Sou>h, that that charmed word has a restricted signification. That it only refers to the subjects embraced in the com promise acts, and has no reference to other phases of abolition. While therefore our hearts revolt at the quibbling resolution of the Whig Conventions, and we scorn the party which has so basely surrendered Southern Rights, in order to preserve its party rela- ; tions, we are free to confess that we would place no j reliance upon the specious pretensions of the National j Democracy, if their candidate were not perfectly reliable. But Mr. Fierce has nobly placed himself j upon this platform, and pledges to us not only the : honor of a soldier, but his whole public life as a states man, as a guarantee of his fidelity to our interests j and our institutions. In bis letter of acceptance he uses the following emphatic language : I accept the nomination, upon the platform adopted by the Convention, not because this is expected oi me as a candidate, but because the principles it embraces com mand the approbation of my judgment; and with them, I believe I can saU-ly say, there has been no word or act of my life in conflict. One of these principles is opposition to the death “to the renewing, in Congress < r out of it, of the agi tation of the slavery question.” It is distinctly and unequivocally asserted in three of the resolutions of the Platform. This principle Franklin Pierce as serts commands the approbation of his judgment; and with it, that there has been no word or act of his life in conflict. He furthermore asserts in his letter to DeLeon, that his action and language in New Hampshire touching this matter have been at all times, and under all circumstances the same. These strong declarations from a candidate North of Mason and Dixon’s line, are even more full and : explicit than we had expected. General Pierce I evidently repudiates abolition votes; and if they come to him, they come without invitation. We are amazed, therefore, that Southern men will still dare to question General Pierce's soundness on this vital question, on the authority of the declarations i of avowed abolitionists, and of documents under i the frank of Truman Smith, the Free-soiler. A ! discriminating public will scout such evidence as unworthy of credit, and give their suffrages to Franklin Pierce. ITEMS OF NEWS. Arrival oi the Steamships America and Washin ton. Baltimore, Sept. 1, 1552. Tiie Liverpool Market. —The quotations were; | Fair Orleans t‘> 3-Sd. ; Middling Orleans 5 5-Bd.; ! Fair Uplands 6d.; Middling Uplands 5 5-8.1.; : Fair Mobile 0.1.; and Middling Mobile 5 5-Bd. The stock at Liverpool, exclusive of what was on shipboard, comprised 040,000 bales, of which 503,- 000 were American. The weather had been favorable in England for agricultural purposes. The market for Breadstuff’s, however, was dull, and prices were a shade lower. France. —The President is said to be danger ously ill. It is rumored that another conspiracy to assassin ate him, had been detected. The grand fetes of the 15th ult., passed off quiet ly in Paris. The pro’e ted matrimonial alliance of Louis Na poleon with the Princess Caroline’of Wasa, it is be lieved, has been broken off', and that lady, it is said, | has returned to Austria. The State of Trade in the Provinces was satisfac tory, and at Manchester business had considerably improved. Yellow Fever in Charleston. — The papers announce that Yellow Fever is prevailing to an alarm [ ing extent in Charleston, S. Carolina. It is said, I however, to be confined to the lower classes. Ru mor reports that some eases have occured at Savan nah, but we see no confirmation of it in the city papers. Ho-. llu. A. Haralson has written a letter, in which he advises a reconstruction of the Pierce and King Electoral Ticket. lion. A. 11. Stephens is actively engaged in canvassing the State, in favor of Webster for the Presidency. Mayor of Charleston. —T. L. Hutchinson was re-elected Mayor of Charleston at the election on the Ist inst. The vote stood for Hutchinson 1541, for Sehnierle 1415. Crist was hung in Mobile on Tlim'l’hiy, the 2d inst., after having made a full confession of Ids guilt. The city of Santiago de Cuba was visited, on the 20th, by a terrific Earthquake, unequalled for its dis astrous ravages, in the recollection of the oldest in habitants. Sack Corn is advertised for sale in Flo rence, Ala., at 30 cents a bushel. Political Items. Governor of Arkansas. —lt appears, from the Van Buren Intelligencer , that Gen. Smithson, the Independent Democrat, is probably elected Gover nor of Arkansas, over Conway, the Democratic nominee. The western counties have given him a majority of 2,638. The Whigs run no candidate. New York Democratic State Convention.— Iu the Syracuse New York Convention, on the 3d inst., the old Hunkers completely triumphed. John Van Bnren’s pretensi )ns were disregarded, and on the 2d ballot Horatio Seymour was nominated as the Democratic candidate for Governor. Massachusetts Whig State Convention.— The Whig State Convention assembled on Wednesday, and every part of the State was fully represented.— The city of Boston alone sent 1,000 delegates. J. M. Clifford, of New Bedford, who was nominated for Governor, received 900 out of 910 votes. Eli sha Huntington, of Lowe!!, was nominate and for Lieu tenant Governor. The following gentlemen were chosen electors: Robt. C. Winthrop and Geo. Bliss, for the State at large ; J. 11. W. Page, Geo. A. Crocker, John Gardiner, Amos Lawrence, Robert G. Shaw, Daniel C. Baker, George Nogs well, Ja cob Coggins, 11. E. Torrey, Rufus Bullock, Ezekiel Curt, for the districts. Resolutions were adopted applauding Fillmore's administration, and declaring that as Gen. Scott was fairly nominated, the Whig party were bound to sustain the nomination. Col. Miller Grieve, one of the editors of the Milledgeville Recorder , has been appointed Charge de Affairs to Copenhagen. Late and Important from Havana.— We learn by telegraph that the steamship Empire City arri ved at New York on Friday with nine days’ later news from Havana. The small pox and cholera had considerably abated ; but the yellow fever was ra ging with violence. The revolutionary spirit was active, and the Gov ernment unusually vigilant. Arrests were being made daily. The paper called The Voice of the People , had been suppressed, and its editors incar cerated. llon. A. 11. Stephens.— The Intelligencer says : Hon. A. 11. Stephens addressed a large concourse of people at Parr’s Hall, in this city, on Tuesday . night last, on the political questions of the day, ta king occasion to define very explicitly his own posi tion on the Presidential issues. He declared his opinion, in strong terms, that Gen. Scott ought to be defeated—Gen. Pierce ought not to be elected— Daniel Webster ought to be elected. The strength of his speech was directed mainly against the Whig and Democratic nominating con ventions, and he declared his unceasing hostility to j all national conventions in which northern free-soil ers are allowed to take a part. He was in favor of ; running an independent candidate, and organizing an ; independent party, from which the abolition and free soil element should be excluded. Against Gen. Franklin Pierce or his opinions, he ; said he had nothing to object—he had no objection to make against Mr. Pierce’s votes in Congress on the slavery question. He believed him to be em inently conservative on the Southern question, and said he placed no confidence whatever in the aboli tion newspaper reports of Mr. Pierce’s New Boston Speech. He declared the Democratic nominee to be a strong friend of t’.e Compromise measures.— “While I,” continued Mr. Stephens, “was stumping : the State of Georgia, in ISSO, in favor of the Union and Compromise, Mr. Pierce was stumping the State j of New Hampshire in favor of the same principles.” I Washington Correspondence of the Sentinel. Washington, Aug. 27, 1852. This has been a stirring week and an interesting one in both Houses of Congress, the members of which now have no play time—protracted sessions, extending far into the night, now being the order. It is always so, and at the last hour, the members pay the penalty of previous idleness. One great and growing evil, is absenteeism. The real legislation is done during the last two weeks, when scarcely a quo -1 rum of either House is left in the city. A reference to ’ any of the recent test votes will show this. The i consequence is, that those most interested in log rolling, stick it out, and tr.ek all kind of schemes on to the appropriation bills, during the noise and con : fusion that prevail previous to the breaking up.— Thus you will observe that the entire vote east this evening in the House for public printer, was IST, out j of a House consisting of 233 members, of which Gen. Armstrong, the successful candidate, received 107 —not one half. In the Senate, on a test vote on . the passage of this bill, a similar result was shown. 1 cite this instance, because it is a matter which lias been hotly contested, and in which a general inter est was felt. It shows how things are done when people have managing friends. The ostensible bu siness in both Houses this week has been the ar rangement of the details of the various Appropriation Bills, Civil and Diplomatic, Military and Naval. The River and Harbor Bill has also been fiercely con tested in the Senate, but in vain, although it has ser ved to define positions more distinctly, and exhibit a direct antagonism of future policy between the Old Stager and the Young Giant, of the North West —that predominating portion of this Confederacy. Since his <k kat at Baltimore, through the agency of the Southern Rights Democrats, as he well knows, Gen. Cass has been edging off from the South, and shown a decided Northern inclination. This Inter nal Improvement question has always been a very vital one with the Calhoun school of the Democracy, and up to this hour, Hunter, the South Carolina Sen ators, and both of yours, have fought it out to the bitter end. Gen. Pierce’s ultraism on this point | is well understood, for he voted with Mr. Calhoun | against bills which even Gen. Jackson approved. | The platform of the Baltimore Convention made j this one of the few distinctive articles of its creed, j Yet. in despite of all this, headed by Gen. Cass, a i portion of the Democracy combined with the Whigs j and pushed the bill through—a bill more objection j able than that which Mr. Polk vetoed. When this i was suggested to Gen. Cass, he got tip and boasted j that lie had expostulated with Mr. Polk against ve toing that bill, which he (Gen. C.) approved of —a \ piece of secret history never before made public. The vote by wlveh the bill passed was as follows. | (Whigs in Italic :) j Yeas—Messrs. Badger, Bayard, Bell, Borland, Cass, Chase, Clarke, Cooper, Dodge, of Wisconsin, Dodge, of lowa, Douglas, Felrh, Fish, Foot, Geyer, Hale, James, Jones, of Term.. Jones, of lowa, Maugum, A ld ler, Morton, Pearce, Pratt, Rusk, Seward, Shields, Smith. Spruance. Stoeliton, Sumner, Underwood, Up | ham, Wade, \Vatker—3s. j Nays—Messrs. Adams, Atchison, Bradbury, Blight, j Brodhead, Brooke, Butler, Charlton, Clemens, Dawson, De Saussuiv, Downs, Ga in, Hamlin, Houston, Hunter, i .Mallory, Mason, Meriwether, Norris, Soule, Toueey. | Weller—23, Mr. Norris, of N. 11., the fast friend of General 1 Pierce, voting against it. Mr. Douglas attempted | to overslaugh the bill, by proposing a system of ton nage duties as a substitute. Under the circumstan- Ices, lie could not vote against this bill, from the exi j gencics of bis position. He iiiii4i a most powerful speech in favor of bis own ition, which would I have spared the of spitting upon their platform in this It was supposed that the River and Harbor bill ; might have been staved off until the end of the ses ; sion. But the friends of the m asuiv pushed it forward in advance of the appropriation bills, and | after fighting it off as long as they could, a vote was | forc'd and the measure passed. Know ng Ce ier. 1 i Pierce’s record, it was well understood that now ir : never—during this administration—the work was to I be done. lienee the energy and the urgency with which it was pressed. The Land Distribution bills are tabled as yet, but as they are parts of the grand ; project, desperate efforts will be made to get the Homestead humbug through. On Saturday last Mr. Bright reported from the committee in favor of Mr. Mallory’s right to retain his seat, which Mr. Yulee had contested. Mr. Y. appealed to the Senate to be heard, and was heard to-day. lie made a lengthy argument before the | Senate, but failed to convince any one, the Senate confirming the report of the committee. The vote | stood 41 to 0. The lot of the Southern Rights Sen , ators is almost ns hard as that of their Editors. Jeff. Davis, Turney, Berrien, Y ulee—have already gone ; by the board—while Benton lias been resuscitated and risen upon the other House, where he threatens to make himself generally detestable as usual. The j controversy on the cod-fish question, lias cooled off ! almost as suddenly as it rose, though the last ru i mor in relation to tile sending of Mr. Baring to this ; country as a special negotiator, proves to be un | Grinded. Mr. Mason, who first called on the Presi ! dent, lias intimated bis intention net to press the matter at present. The Guano controversy has amounted to nothing serious. Mr. Fillmore has sent in a message on the subject, and Mr. Webster published some paper about it. The speculating ge nius of the North is not to be cabined or confined > by geographical limits. A liberal and proper thing has been done in the increase of the salaries of the Clerks in the Depart ments, the increased expenses of living here, render ing the pittance they receive inadequate to their sup port. The tenure of such places is precarious i enough, without adding the incumbents with the ad- I ditional clog of debt. “Wretched the man that hangs on Princes’ favors,” says the moralist. Still more wretched the deluded enthusiast who puts faith, or reposes his confidence on the professions of politicians, North or South. Os all the forms of hu man treachery, there are none so cold-blooded and ! cruel as those perpetrated by these “most honorable men”—politicians. Better far for a father to plunge bis aspiring son in a vessel of boiling pitch, than make a politician of him ; for the filth and the pain will not be much greater in the majority of instances. ! Many of these holders of petty offices, were original- I ]y men of high aspirations and promise, baffled and betrayed, and driven to dependence of the most j galling kind —pecuniary. The increase of the pay is 20 per cent, on the | small salaries, and 10 per cent, on the higher. The discussions in both Houses have taken a wide range, and smack of the stump. Truman Smith and Douglas got at loggerheads in the Senate, about a secret circular that the Whigs have been sending out, and which he charged Truman with being privy to. Hereupon rose hot debate, and fi- j nally a perfect clapper-clawing, in which very un parliamentary language was made use of. The two , Senators expressed their personal opinion of each j other, with much more candor than courtesy, and ; revived the recollection of the days of Foote and ■ Benton. In the tactics of abuse they proved Arcades Am- j bo, but Douglas got rather the best of it. The Con necticut coolness of the Ancient Smith, entirely for- ] sook him on this occasion. lie was in a towering rage. He is a very largo, clumsy man. while the personal appearance of the “little giant” is well known. The contest between them reminded one •; irresistibly, of a battle between an awkward malay and a fiery little game-cock, making the feathers i fly every flutter. Mr. Clemens also illustrated the same license of speech, in rising immediately after Sumner had sat down, and likening the utterances of that Senator to the barking of a puppy, for which nobody cared. Mr. S. seemed surprised, but did not deny the soft impeachment. In the House tlio j same spirit showed itself still more strikingly. Mr. Polk, of Tennessee, not content with abusing Gen. Scott, but going on to test the fighting qualities of his Southern supporters, by giving the lie direct, to two of them—Mr, White, of Ky., and Mr. Collum, of Tennessee —both of whom, becoming enraged, reciprocated similar sentiments. The House was a scene of great confusion while this was going on, I and it seemed that the “discord reign forever” times were returning. Enclosed you will find a sketch of this passage of tongues. The difficulty be tween Mr. Polk and Mr. White, has been adjusted. That with Mr. Collum, apparently has not been. lie is a high-spirited and high-toned man. These diffi j eultk-8, to use the mildest terms, are in bad taste, i | but both the House and the public seem to relish | them, and there is no cheaper way of getting noto | riety. Mr. Sumner's speech is the othei event of i the week. The Senate bad much better have heard i him at first, for the effort to stifle discussion always recoils, llis speech would not have created half the | excitement, or produced half the impression, had it I j not been heralded and advertised in that way. lie : took occasion of an item in the appropriation bill to I fire off bis speech, and for about three hours, he 1 kept a crowded audience attentive to him. There j was in the speech ability and eloquence, though both | somewhat marred by a parade of learning. But ! the animus of the speech was hostile to the South. ! as the insolent tirades of the negro Douglass, the j subtle sophistries of Seward, or the ravings of that ’ American Marat, Biddings. It proclaimed war to the knife, on the part of the North, to slavery and ito slaveholders, now and forever. He declared that agitation could not, should not, and would not cease, and gave the reasons why. It was a warning not to be disregarded, coining from a highly educated and cultivated specimen of a New England Senator, from the very heart and hot bed of New England society—a man whose only motive for playing the I demagogue must be ambition, for iie lots social posi j tion, literary reputation, and all the gifts of fortune. So long as this agitation was confined to a class of | vulgar fanatics or course knaves, like Biddings and ! bis crew, there was no ilnnger, but contempt was ; inspired by it. But when men of the type of Sew ard, and Sumner, and Chase, and Hale, move in ihe van of the Abolition army, wlio can doubt the depth and power of the sen'iaient that can invoke 1 such champions? Viewed in connection with the Pittsburg Convention, the letters of llale and Chase, j and the half apologetic reply of B nj. T. Butler to : the latter, as well as the rapid increase of the subscri | bers to the National Fra. the Free Soil organ here, i which boasts in its last issue of numbering 12,000, j well may every Southern man that thinks, ponder j upon the issue of these tilings. At the moment j when the Southern Press sets in disastrous eclipse, I the National Era, (the Abortion organ,) makes this I announcement: i We are gratified to state that we now print over nine | teen thousand copies ot the Era. ‘1 he demand for it | has been such that we are unable to furai-h back fiuni ! bers. New subscribers continue to come in, and we | hope ere long, to be able to number twenty thousand j subscribers to the Era. The official proceedings of the Pitt-birg Convention will be foui.d in this number of the Era. We have ! printed several hundred extra copies, so that new sub ! scrihers may begin with this number, j Friends, do not weary in well doing. Circulate the documents, and let the people have light. | And thus announces its purpose of carrying on the war : Campaign Cores —At the earnest solicitation of nu | merous friends, and hoping to enlarge still more rapid j ly the circle of anti-slavery readers, and that they may | be kept tally advised ot the political doings during the | present campaign, we have concluded to offer the Era I to clubs for four months, which will embrace marly the whole period of the campaign, and the time during which official results will Le made public, on the fol lowing terms: Ten copies will be sent from the Ist of September to i ihe Ist of January, for Fire Dollars— the person ma king i p the club being entitled to an extra copy. | An l while the enemy is thus brandishing the sword, where is the Shield, or where the Sentinel of the South ! All that the Union has to say of this most atro i eious speech, which kindled a flame of excitement in side and outside of the Senate chamber—which was thronged almost to suffocation —is comprised in this meagre and business like notice : j The civil and diplomatic bill was taken up ; and Mr ; Sunnier, having offered an amendment to p ovide for the repeal of the fugitive-slave law, spoke nearly four horns thereon. The amendment was further debated by Messrs. Bad ger, Druglas, Weller, Chase, Toueey, Bright, Cass, j and others ; and was finally rejected—yeas 4, nays 47 j The Senate then proceeded with the consideration of j other amendments. Now who would suppose that any thing unusual had taken place from this ? The four who voted ; for the repeal, were Chase, Hale, Sumner and Wade i —Seward, Hamlin, Smith, and other notorious Free i Soilers, not supporting the movement, for obvious political reasons, just at present. It was intended i for capital for the third party of Hale, which the po litical Free Soilers are shy of in Congress. Hence the smallness of the vote. The necessity which im pelled Mr. Sumner, shows the force from behind, urging him on to liis unpleasant duty, for it i-t evi dently such to him, from his instincts and training. J Hale and Chase, and the Ohio Senator, Wade, stood j up to him strongly. The latter is understood to be ! a Scott man, as the mass of the political Aboiition j ists now are, on the openly avowed principle of sus ! tabling him “as a friend of freedom.” The state of part’es in Georgia, still continues to perplex every : body here. It is- believed that a eKar position of parties is not understood even on the spot. In the course of the discussion introduced by Sum ner’s speech, Gen. Cass stated that he “hud not vo ted for the Fugitive Slave Law, because the right \ of trial by jury to the slave in the State to which |he icas remanded, was not granted.' I'’ 1 '’ What will 1 the Georgia Platform ists of the Cabell school, who | have sworn by the General, say to this ? “Call you that backing your friends,” or backing j out from them? Answer that, ye “Union Demo | crats 1” disunited from every body—even from each : other, as the last accounts tell us—making darker i the palpable obscure of Georgia politics. I reserve for a separate letter, which shall be a ; short but a full one, some suggestions and facts, con ; nected with your position and tiiat of the party in Georgia, and especially in Alabama and South Car , oiina, which now presents the last semblance of a separate organization. Os this more ANON. [ FOR THE SENTINEL. ] The Democratic Platform. I notice ?. statement which is being extensively cir culated by the Southern Whig Press, and paraded by the Federal orators in their speeches, to the effect, that our platform was submitted at Baltimore, amid much noise and confusion, not audibly read, and that it was voted upon while a majority of the delegate? knew not what was going on. or for what they were voting. The reverse is the case, and the facts these : From the known Ability of the gentlemen composing the committee on resolutions, the length of time they had occupied in arranging their draft, and the care with which it was announced the resolutions had been drawn, much anxiety naturally existed to hear the purport of them, and at no time during the pro ceedings of the Convention, was as much silence observed as when the resolutions were being read. Tiiis continued to their close, being only interrupted by the bursts of applause, which the truly admirable tenets of our party, as expounded by the committee, elicited. In fact, the resolutions were twice read. One of the Secretaries commenced their reading, but his voice proving insufficient to fill the immense hall, a gentleman from New York, the Hon. Mr. Wright, volunteered for the service, and they were read from the desk, in theoenire of the Hall, first to the members of the Convention, who were situated to the East of the Chair, and then to those on the West. I may ventui tlio assertion, that not a del egate present, possessing unimpaired the sense of hearing, failed to hear them read. The only haste manifested, was in their passage. They not only passed without debate or a division being called for— without sixty-six delegates voting dead against them, as was the case in the Whig Convention —but they passed amid enthusiastic cheering fro.tn the house and galleries. This arose from the platform proving j national and constitutional in its character. Such a platform as Democrats, everywhere, can and will support. ONE WIIO KNOWS. [written for the sentinel.] The Principles off the Webster ana Scott Parties, not the Principles off the old Geor gia State Rights and Whig Party. To the Editor s’of the Southern Sentinel • Gentlemen—ln my communications to yotl. I I have assumed the signature of “One of the Old Guard,’’ because it best describes my past and pre sent position. Having been an humble, but a eon -1 stantly Working rneriib rof the Whig party from boyhood, up to its dissolution two years since and having acted with it as a Union party, amidst all , the changing and tergiversations of members of both ; parties, the writer has never failed to present prom inently, and on all proper occasions, the principles—■ the old Republican principles—upon which that par ty was formed. They have been his “text.” And though it suited the taste of others, professing to belong to that party, not to say much of those principles—but to assail our opponents upon other j minor and evanescent ground—it was the delight of the writer to bold them up, and to advocate and maintain them with all the ability he possessed.— ! And if he has ever assaulted with bitterness or an uncompromising spirit, one professing to be a Democrat, it was when it appeared that lie had at some time opposed, and bad not openly acknowledg ed the correctness of those principles. This much the writer thinks all will accord him, who knows any tiling about bis course for many years past, or whi have read bis productions—and particularly his at ticks signed “T.” in the Columbus Enquirer of last year. And as he lias not now changed, and does not expect to change his principles—as he is content still to tread in that state old Republican track he was directed to travel when young, and which, since manhood, his judgment lias taught hiai contained the true principles of our Government, and the best for its prosperity and its perpetuity— and as the writer cannot and will not imitate the lar ger portion of his old party associates, in their now abandoning those old principles —in now “dropping their arms,” surrendering to the enetn,” and ‘ right about face,” make war upon those princi ples, and those who defend them, rather than sup port a man who has always m lintaiued them, or la ther than be called a Democrat, by others; as the conscience of the writer, and the love he bears to his own native South, and the preservation and per : petuity of the blessings of a Constitutional Union, will.not permit him thus to imitate a large portion of bis old party associates, tints to denounce princi pies which he and they have all their lives deemed so important to the prosperity of the South ! Or, on the other hand, OPENLY PROCLAIM, ADVO CATE and DEFEND, PRINCIPLES WHICH THEY HAVE WARRED AGAINST ALL TIUTI LIVES, AS DESTRUCTIVE TO OUR CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT, AND THE INDEPENDENCE AND PROSPERITY OF THE SOUTH 1 And although, for the s.-.ke of variety, or from policy, the writer might now as sume another signature—yet so many hard fights lias lie had, so many sacrifices lias be made in de fence of those principles, and while acting with this party called the “Georgia Whig party”—that even now, though it may seem that since the two Con ventions at Ma .on, be, too, may be likened to “the last rose of summer, left blooming alone,” so far as bis old party associates are concerned—neverthe less, be will, for awhile longer, sign himself as “One of the Old Guard.” At least the writer does not care to drop this designation, until he has brought the past actings, and doings, and declarations, of his old associates to their view, and shown them and the country how false they now are to those glorious old principles they once so manfully and patriotically maintained, and how false they now are to the Con stitution of their country, according to their own previous admissions! And with these remarks, Messrs. Editors, I will, now proceed to present to your view, and to the view of your readers, the principles upon which the old Slate Rights or Geor gia Whig party was formed. The fundamental principles upon which the State Rights or Georgia Whig party was formed, were— a strict construction of the Constitution —a denial of the exercise of all doubtful powers on the part of the General Government —and the recognition of tlio sovereignty of the States. Those principles most prominently presented to the people, and dwelt upon from time to time—and indeed upon which the members of the party were last called together, to act upon principles —were, Ist. Opposition to a Pro tective Tariff; opposition to the principle of Pro tection, because it was held to be unconstitutional, and unequal and unjust in its operation. Its object being to give advantage, by an action of the General Government, to one class of citizens, over another class, and for which no authority can be found in the Constitution. It creates a monopoly for one class, to the injury of others—and in the language of the Protest of the State of Georgia, it assumes to “consider the people as incapable of wisely directing their own enterprise, and sets up the servants of the people, in Congress, as the exclusive judges of what pursuits arc most advantageous and suitable for those by whom they were elected,” &c. 2nd. Opposition to a general system of Internal Im provements by the General Government, because not only unconstitutional , but corrupting in its in fluence, as opening the door unlimitedly, to extrava gance and wastefulness, and rendering high tariff* necessary—and because the free exercise of these two powers bv Congress, goes fartln r to change our prtstiff limited Government —a Government of cone ft derated States—into a great consolidated Empire, than all other powers ever claimed by the old Fed eral party. And the 3d most prominent question vas— Opposition to a United States Bank —both on ncc nn! of its unconstitutionality ar.d inexpedi ency. Are. Arc. But as this last subject is now an obsolete one, and not made an issue with those other two questions by the National Whig party, and the Scott and Webster parties, in my allusion to this p st, Messrs. I will only allude to the posi tion of my old comrade's in relation to tins.-two, questions, viz. : a Tariff for Protection, and Internal Improvements by the General Government—subjects upon which an issue is now attempted to be made by the Webster and Scott parties in Georgia. The reader has seen the position above assumed in, relation to the foundation of the Georgia IV big party. An I for the truth and correctness of vvliat is above asserted, among others. 1 now call upon the following gentlemen to bear testimony : Messrs. G Dougherty, Charles J. Jenkins, George R. Gilmer, Lott War ren. Eli Warren, Joel Crawford, Wm. Law, Ilities Holt, Miller Grieve, Eugenios A. Nish t,, Joseph j Henry Lumpkin, Wm. G. Dawson, A. 11. Stephens, Robert Toombs. These gentlemen we especially referred to, because they present themselves first to the mind, in this hastily written article, as intelli gent and honorable gentlemen, who are informed upon the subject. But I call upon all inteiligent and honest men—members of the Whig party —to boar testimony to the truthfulness and correctness of my assertions. Then, what are the facts on “the Record ’ tq sustain these assertions, Messrs. E iitors ? 1 have not all of them bv me, but they can be founa in the Georgia Journal, and Southern Here r, and the journals of the Senate and House of Representatives since the foundation of the party, up to the time of its dissolution. But I have a portion of the “Re cord” before me, which I propose, in iny next, to of fer to your readers, ONE OF THE OLD GUARD. The State vs. Holland. —The trial of tins case, in Russell co. Circuit Court, Ala., (says the so licitor of that circuit,) is set by consent of coun sel, for Thursday, the second week of next term. • I'he large number of witnesses in tills ease makes this arrangement for a day certain a very desirable one