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broken is its surface. I have hardly time to speak of the view from the top—it is of sur passing loveliness. It is from this spot you realize the beauty of Naples Bay, because you see it as a whole—the islands of Capri, Ischia, and Procida —the indented coast of Bake, the Promontory of Sorrento, and the cool villages nestling under it—the streets of Pompeii opened to your gaze,and the glori ous Mediterranean,encircling the whole pros pect, giving it its highest charm. On the land side, the classic plateau, on the craggy edge of which Naples is situated, is very well seen. It extends to the base of the Apennines, and is as flat as though it had been smoothed by a roller—a heritage reclaimed in times very remote—from the sea. Far in the distance, I could descry Capua. We descended toward the East, following the lava stream of 1849, all the way in the deep sand. The descent is easy, (on this side,) and altogether agreeable. The impe tus which one himself gives to the sand, helps along his descent, for the mountain is so steep that the least agitation will set the sand in motion. It was amusing to look back and sec- the whole mountain crawling down after us. Crossing a dried stream of lava, we passed around by the belt of level ground before spoken of, to where we had left our horses. Mounting, we rode down to Resina —this time by the royal road—found our carriage wait ing for us—and our volaute-jehu was not long in reaching the hotel. Thus you have my ascent and descent of this mountain, with all the contingent cir cumstances. 1 only hope you may enjoy it in description, as I did in reality. Many as cend Vesuvius by torch light—ostensibly to be there at sun-rise—but this is a whim, I im agine, much as seeing the Vatican by torch light is—in other words, a convenient way of spending money. Besides, a golden sun-set, seen from the top of that mountain, is far pref erable to a sun-rise. But travellers must have their whims, and guides are not unwil ling to foster them, for whims are always costlier than common sense. Truly yours, A NATIVE GEORGIAN. POLIT I C A L . HON. R. TOOMBS’ SPEECH.. Notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather on Tuesday last, a large number of the citizens of Wilkes assembled at this place, to hear the views of our distinguished Sena tor on the present state of political affairs.— ! Never have we witnessed such an attentive audience as the one on this occasion; it seemed as if all were eager to catch every word which fell from the lion, gentleman’s lips. This was no party meeting, for we saw Democrats and Whigs, Southern Rights men and Union men, and nobody's men, ;d! congregated to hear what our renowned statesman and fellow-citizen might say to them. For nearly two hours, this attentive audi ence listened to the remarks of Mr. Toombs. He began by reviewing the position occupied by himself lor the past two years, saying that be had not changed a single iota, but was rea dy now, as he has always been, to give his sup port to the men who would plant themselves upon the broad principles of the Constitution and the country. After reviewing the position of parties for! the past two years, Mr. T. then spoke of the i three candidates for the Presidency, now be fore the American people. He commenced with Gen. Scott, showing most conclusively that he had no claims whatever upon his fel low-citizens for that responsible station. He spoke of him as a great General; admired his achievements in arms against the British, the Indians and the Mexicans; that he was the ■ last one who would pluck a single laurel j from his military fame. On this point • Mr. Toombs w’as very eloquent, and paid a i just tribute to him as a military chieftain, and j that was all that could be said for him. Gen. i Scott was the free-soil candidate—he was for the annexation of Canada—but not for any more slave territory—this Mr. T. was bitter ly opposed to, and recommended all who thought it a moral duty to free their slaves, to vole for Scott. The Hon. Senator next reviewed the po litical course of Gen. Pierce. He said noth ing disparaging towards that gentleman, but on the contrary, spoke of him as a very con sistent man in all his Congressional career; that he had always acted with the South, and was the safest man (on the slavery question) North of Mason and Dixon’s line. We thought that Mr. T. lauded the Democratic candidate too highly; for we believe there are many men North of that line, as sound as Gen. Pierce. He preferred Pierce to Scott, but would not vote for either. We were a little amused, while the Hon. Senator was speaking in glowing terms of Mr. Pierce, to behold the countenances of a number of our Southern Rights friends bright en up, as if they had secured a powerful ally in that gentleman. But when he stated that the contest between the two parties seemed j to he whether our next President should be ! a big General or a little General, a fainting General, or a sure enough General, they were non plus , and we presume they burnt their mouths a little in trying to eat their porridge ; too hot! as did a certain General over a “hasty dish of soup.” Mr. Webster’s claims was next considered i by }lr. Toombs. He gave his reasons for preferring that gentleman above the others for ! the Chief Magistracy. He admired him as a statesman, as a friend to the Constitution ; ! and contended that it was Webster who stav ed the flood of abolition—who killed the Wil mot proviso—who dared, in the face of the ! North, and in defiance of his constituency, while speaking of the rights of the South. ! boldly to exclaim, ‘*Oh! God, I will be just!” Mr. Toombs paid a high, glowing and just ; eulogy upon the character and services of the renowned statesman ; said he should vote for him, anil proceeded to show it was the duty of every true friend of the Union to el evate him to the highest office in their gilt. On one occasion, said Mr. TANARUS., when this coun try was being shaken from its centre to cir cumference —when the V ihnot proviso was before the Senate—and John P. Hale, that deadlv enemy to the South, desired to know if anv Northern man dared vote against the proviso, Mr. Webster arose from his seat and said, “Sir, l am a Northern man ; I was born amid the granite hills of New Hampshire; but thank God, I am an American ; I vote No.” It continued Mr. TANARUS., that W ebster Mtamed nobly forth, and battled for the South and the country. He concluded bv express ing a wish that history might record him the greatest man on earth, and the greatest Presi dent of the greatest Republic on the face of the globe. We have heard our distinguished Senator on many occasions, but never have we listen ed to such an overflow of eloquence as was exhibited by the Hon. speaker throughout his entire address. The candidates were fairly treated. Indeed, we never recollect to have beard political opponents treated with more ingenuousness, than were the present candidates. Mr. Toombs carried out the motto which his career shows that he has adopted in public as in private life, “honor to whom honor is due.”— Washington (Ga.) Gazette. PIERCE AND HALE. Only, (near Onancock,) AccomacCo., Ya., ‘( August 22, 1852. $ To the Editor of the Union— Sir ; A gentleman from Maryland, who was present at a meeting at the court house of this county in July last, published a report of a dialogue which took place in discussion be tween Mr. Mapp, the Whig sub-elector, and myself, as the nominated democratic elector for this district. From several quarters I have been asked whether the report was cor rect, and 1 have replied that it was substan tially correct. My reply was made accor ding to what 1 understood to be the meaning of the enquiry : “Was it true that a Whig, in public discussion, bore testimony to the tact that he himself had heard Gen. Pierce de clare, in New Hampshire, in public discussion among a non-slaveholding people, that if an army were raised in the .North to march upon the South for the purpose of putting down slavery by force, it would have to march over his dead body, for he would head another to oppose it (” I answered to that point of the inquiry alone, when I replied that Mr. Mapp so declared in Vccomac, and he has since so declared at a meeting in Northamp ton, at Eastville, the second Monday of this month, in a discussion which then took place between Mr. Botts and myself. The report in the particulars respecting Mr. Hale was not so correct. My question to Mr. Mapp was: “Were you not in New Hampshire some few years ago,” (not two years,) “and did you not hear some abolition partisan of Hale, perhaps, declare in public discussion that he regarded slavery as so grievous a sin, that an army ought to be marched upon the South to suppress it bv force, ii’ it could not be sup- j pressed in an y other way V’ Mr. Mapp replied that he was there, and ] had heard such a declaration in public discus- i sion. But Ido not think he named the per- j son from whom he heard it. I then asked him the question : “Was not Gen. Pierce present at the time, ; and did you not hear him reply that it an ar- j my were raised to march against the South to I put down slavery by force, it would have to j march over his dead body, tor he would head i another army to oppose it ?” Mr. Map)) replied, iie had heard Gen. Pierce so reply; adding that he (Gen. P.) had no sympathy for slavery, but be was bound to regard the constitutional compact, and to maintain the execution of the laws. Mr. Mapp had been using the New Boston falsehood to prove Gen. P.’s loathing of slave ry. 1 was repelling the attack, when Mr. Mapp said, his opportunities of knowing Gen. P.’s sentiments were more recent than my own. I had not heard him since l served with him in Congress, but he had heard him speak on the subject of slavery within some few years back. He did not at first say what sentiments he had heard him utter, when a gentleman requested me to put to him the questions which J have mentioned. Mr. Mapp’s answer was unequivocally in the af firmative, that he had heard Gen. Pierce pub licly declare what 1 have stated, that an ar my raised to march upon the South to “put down slavery by force, would have to march over his ((Jen. P.’s) dead body, for he would head another to oppose it.” Mr. Mapp did not say this was said in reply to Mr. Hide, nor to whom it was said in reply ; but I ex claimed, as soon as he had borne this ample testimony— “ Such is the language Gen. P. holds to the John P. Ilales and other abolition minions in N. H ampshire, on the very soil of a free j State; and yet here is a Whig sub-elector, who can bear such testimony of Gen. Pierce’s truth to our institutions, assailing him in Vir ginia, without himself first disclosing the facts j tie knows to the contrary, upon the testiino- j ny of such a witness as this man Foss.” Thus, I suppose, the error got into the re- j port that the remark of Gen. P. was made in j reply to Mr. Hale. No matter to whom it was made in reply, it is enough it was made, and is vouched by a Whig opponent, who is himself vouched as worthy of credit by the entire Whig party of this State. Mr. Mapp is not only a Whig sub elector, but is a Whig member of the Virginia House of Delegates from Accomac. I believe he heard Gen. i*. make the declaration which he states, not only because l know Mr. Mapp to be respectable and reliable for a fact like tiiis, which he stated reluctantly against his party, but because I know such a fact to be in ex act consonance with the character of Gen. P., and with his course in the Congress of the L nited States. It is therefore a non se quitur for Hale to say in his card of contra diction, which I have just seen, that because he (Hale) made no such remark, as was erro- j neously, perhaps, attributed to him in the re- I port of the statement of Mr. Mapp, “he j (Gen. Pierce) never made any such reply.” | Mr. Mapp did not say it was made in reply | to him ; and if it never was made in repiy j to him, that does not prove it never was made in reply to someone else. Os that Mr. Mapp must speak. My purpose was to j obtain his testimony as to what General Pierce was heard by him to declare public- j ly, in New Hampshire, and that purpose i was fully accomplished, both here and at j Eastville. I have been thus particular, in order to correct the general statement which I have made, that the report of the dialogue | between Mr. Mapp and myself at Accomac j court house was substantially accurate.— Substantially it was correct as to everything relating to Gen. Pierce. In haste, yours, respectfully, Henry A. Wise. The Last Argument. The whig papers are aware that Geti. Scott’s position on the slavery question is more than doubted in the South, and that the warm advocacy of his cause by such higher law abolition fanatics as Seward, Greeley, Wade, Johnston, Stephens and others, fur nishes pretty strong evidence that they have private assurances from him which satisfies their fanatical views. By way of quieting this uneasiness among their friends, the whig papers tell them that Gen. Scott was born in a slave State, was reared and educated in a slave State, married in a slave State, and must consequently have sympathies with slavery. Now let us see how much this ar- j gument is worth. Cassius M. Clay, as well as Gen. Scott, was born in a slave State, was reared and educated in a slave State, married in a slave State, and what is more than can he said of Scott, still lives in a slave; State, has a large property in a slave State, bv family inher itance and entail, has a large interest in slave property which lie cannot under the law dis pose of, and consequently might be suppo sed to have sympathies with slavery ; but everybody who knows the man knows that he is an abolitionist. —Mobile Register. Southern %tniind. COLUMBUS. GEORGIA: THURSDAY MORNING,...SEPT. 16,1852. The Fall Trade. By reference to our advertising columns, our readers will see that the Fall Trade is now openc-d, and that a portion of our merchants are anxious to see their customers. Good Boots and Shoes will be found at Garrett’s, and the most fashionable Cloth ing, and at reasonable rates, at John Mi ni's. Prof. Millar. We beg leave again to call attention to the ad vertisement of this gentleman, who lias been pre- I vented, by severe indisposition, from commencing his j writing school. He has now recovered, and will be i pleased to see his pupils at his rooms. U” E. T. Taylor & Co.’s Excelsior Straw Cut i ter has taken the first premium at the great New York State Fair. j Southern Rights Convention in Alabama. This body met in Montgomery on the 13tli inst., and was organized by the appointment of the officers of the Convention of July. There were nine coun ties represented by about seventy-five delegates, to wit: Autauga, Dallas, Macon, Mobile, Montgomery, Lowndes, Bussell, Tallapoosa, Barbour. A com mittee of two from each county was appointed to re- j port action for the Convention. The letters of Gen. j j Scott, Mr. Graham and Gen. Quitman, were re ferred to this committee, which reported in substance, that the Southern Rights party of Alabama could not support the nominee of either National party, l and that for the purpose of preserving the separate organization, an independent nomination was neces sary. Tlie Convention ratified the report, and made j the following nominations: For President: GEORGE M. TROUP, OF GA. -For Vice President : JOHN A. QUITMAN, OF MISS. Electors. For the State at Large. Thomas Williams, of Montgomery. S. D. J. Moore, “ Lowndes. For the Districts. T. J. DeYampert, of Mobile. P. T. Sayre, “ Barbour. Morgan Smith, “ Lowndes. William Cooper, “ Franklin. Jefferson Buford, “ Barbour. Geo. W. Gayle, “ Dallas. Meeting of the Pierce and King Club. Avery large meeting assembled in Temperance Ilall on Wednesday night of last week. The speakers 1 were Colquitt and Wellborn. Mr. Colquitt electrified the audience with one of ■ his rousing speeches. It is impossible to report this gentleman. He even says more by his manner and action than by his tongue. He apologized for his i speech, by saying that his spirit had all run out of him ; j but in this his audience did not seem to agree, as j even his opponents applauded him in spite of them selves. Mr. Wellborn's effort, though not so amusing as Mr. Colquitt's, was listened to with equal atten tion. We are sorry we are not able to give our j readers a full report of his able address. The fol lowing comparison of the two candidates, by him, is j as iusl a3 it is elegant: “Against Gen. Scott as a military chieftain, T have j nothing to argue. The greatest of living American Captains, I am proud of the distinction to which in the line of his profession as a soldier, he has attained. Asa writer, he has added somewhat to the learning of tactics. Asa commander in actual war, he has illustrated the power and the glory of American arms. I join in no warfare upon him which has for its object the taking of one tithe from his well earned military fame, or the dimming in the slightest degree of the lustre which surrounds his exploits in the field. That he is wanting, however, in those qualities and in that experience of life more emi nently called for in the Chief Magistrate of a Republic, a certain familiarity with the administration of civil affairs, knowledge of legal science, practical econo my, and a sound reliable judgment, has ever been argued by many of his own political associates, and generally believed. Is there a well founded doubt j that he owes his nomination to the seductive glitter j of military renown and the preference felt for him by the anti-slavery sentiment of the non-slaveholding States ? His total want of identification with public civil station hitherto, the volunteering by him on repeated occasions of strong anti-slavery sentiments through the medium of the public prints, the desire expressed by him for the annexation of the Canadas, the discriminating and persevering advocacy of his name by the more artful and intriguing leaders of the Abolition and freesoil wing of the Whig par ty North, all conduce to the truth of this proposition, j These influences have prevailed against the strenuous efforts of the truest and most national portion of the Whigs of the non-slaveholding States, and the stern protest of those of the South—have driven Mr. Fill more from his vantage ground in the government and j suppressed the strong and growing claims of the great- j name of Mr. Webster. Shall vve honor and exalt \ a lawless and unscrupulous fanaticism by bowing | down to its dictate and executing its will ? Shall ; we stimulate the already alarmingly warlike spirit of the Republic by anew, distinct and impressive com- | plitnent ? “For Gen. Pierce I claim that he is endowed with good abilities, that he is a well informed lawyer, of some experience in public affairs, sincere, manly and national in the tone and temper of his conduct. With these qualifications, it is decisive with me that he appears in his candidacy as the flag- bearer of a party devoted in its Federal administrative policy j to the emancipation of the commerce of the country j from unnecessary and unjust legislative interference, j to the economical use of the public monies, a watchful observance of the limitations of the consti- j tution, and maintaining a more publie spirited, im- ; partial and friendlier bearing touching Southern in stitutions and Southern policy than that of the oppo site party. If Southern Whigs find themselves able j to abide the mode in which their views and feelings were disposed of in their late nominating conven tion, and to continue their connexion with the wing i of their party North, I respectfully submit that j Southern Democrats will hardly find anything in the present posture of the public affairs to call on them to abaudon their national party alliance.” Owen Thomas, of this county, has lost ten negroes, this fall, with measles. All .of them were grown hands but one. The disease is accompanied with diarrhoea. Addenda to the Whig Piatform. The Webster Whigs of Georgia, not content with the federalism prescribed jn the platform of the Na tional Whig party, have had the temerity to make up two little pills of their own, f>r private use, in the State of Georgia. The first, and probably the fa vorite, of these pills, is contained in the 9th resolu tion of their platform, which is in these words : 9. Relieving the limit-of our Union, extending be tween oceans from the British Possessions to the Mex ican Republic, are already latgeenough for all the pur poses of national prosperity and power, ice arc utterly onpoeed to all further acquisitions of territory, what ever, whether bought with the treasure ol the country or the blood of her people. One of the distinguishing marks of the old Feder al party, from the commencement of the century, has been a deadly opposition to the extension of “the area of freedom.” The old blue lights opposed : the purchase of Louisiana, by which the Republic was extended, at small cost, from the banks of the ; Mississippi to the apex of the Rocky mountains, i and the mouth of the Father of Waters and the splendid city of New Orleans were brought under American dominion. They opposed the pureha e of Florida, though it has been regarded as absolutely essential to our security, in a military point of view, and gave the United States command of the ini mense trade -f the Gulf of Mexico. Not less fierce and bitter was their opp sition to the annexation of Texas. At the close of the Mexican war, the de scendants of these men, aided by a small party in the South, which had been contaminated by too intimate political association with them, followed in the fooisteps of their ancestors, and foolishly proposed to reject the offer of the gold mines of California, and the untold mineral and agricultural wealth of Utah and New Mexico, and the immense trade of the Pacific. The policy of this blind and narrow minded party is"now condemned by the almost unanimous voice of the American people 5 for who would now consent to give up the mouth of the Mississippi and the boundless plateaus east of the Rocky Mountains ? Who would surrender to the tyranny of Old Spain the rich, alluvial lands of the Peninsula of Florida, with its groves of orange and its gardens of flowers ? or the mouth of our own rapid Chatta hoochee, and the beautiful city which sits like a swan upon its waves? Who would recede from the banks of the Rio Grande ? Who would relinquish to the mongrel races of Mexico the golden gate of Cali fornia, and the inexhaustible trade of the Pacific, which pours through it its affluent flood ? There is not, we arc persuaded, one true American heart which would not pour out its last drop under the standard of our country upon the extremes! verge of our possessions, rather than seethe stars and stripes recede befoie the advance of a foreign nation, or one foot print of our progress effaced upon any part of our wide do minions. The spirit of the above resolution, and the princi ple embodied in it, is at war with the whole policy of our government, and is but the echo of the clamor of old and effete Federalism. It finds r.o response in trie American heart. Progress—extension—is our destiny and mission ; and not ours only, but of the Anglo Saxon race. We rejoice in that mission, for wherever this noble race plants its footsteps, it not only erects altars to the Most High God, but Tem ples to Liberty, and carries wi h it a pure religion and the principles of Anglo-Saxon freedom. But there may be another reason for the adoption of this resolution by the Webster Convention, ft is known that Daniel Webster is deadly hostile’ to the extension of slavery—that ho has invariably op posed the acquisition of territory, upon which it was possible for the Syuthern people to introduce their peculiar institutions —and sympathized with and sanctioned tlie harsh measures of Mr. Fillmore’s administration in respect to the Cuban invasion. It, is, furthermore, well settled, that if Cuba were of fered to the United States, for a price, by Spain, that the “God like,” as he is irreverently calLd by Ids admirers, would decline the purchase; or ifflthe op pressed Creoles of the Queen of the Antilles were to break the galling chains of tyranny with which they are- bound, and throw their magnificent island into our lap, Unit he would spurn the gift, “because it is cursed,” as lie would piously say, “with the sin of slavery.” The advocates, therefore, of the claims of Daniel Webster to the Presidency, in order to bolster up their candidate, and conceal his anti-Southern pre judices from the people, may have inserted this spe- j cions and plausible resolution into their platform, so ; that in the event of Mr. Webster’s election, they may excuse hint before the Southern people, if he j should refuse to admit Cuba into the Union. Nor are the partisans of General Scott in a better j position on this very interesting subject. \\ bile j General Scott is willing to take into the Union the frozen wastes of Canada, lie lias unequivocally com mitted himself against the annexation of any more territory contiguous to the South. There is every probability, that in tho next four years, tho fate of Cuba will be fixed. That this no ble island would form an important acquisition to the Southern portion of our confederacy, there can be no doubt. Its acquisition would be important to the j whole Union, as it is undoubtedly the key to the 1 Gulf, but to the South its benefits would be incalcu lable. It is a slaveholding State, and it brought into the Union, it would restore the equality of the South in the Senate of the United States, and thus pre vent the jarring in our political system likely to re- j suit from the preponderance of the North in all de partments of the government. We well not disguise the fact, therefore, that we look forward to the ac quisition of Cuba with solicitude and hope. W e are j free to confess, however, that we have no sympathy with the movement which proposes to seize it by force. But if Spain should propose to sell the island - to us, we would be willing to buy it; or if the Creole : population shall be able to assert and maintain their independence, and ask to be admitted into the Union. • we would give them a cordial welcome. The proba bility is, that one or the other of these propositions will be made to ns in the next four years. If Scott or Webster is elected, there is but little doubt but ; that they would throw the whole weight of their in fluence against her admission ; while Pierce would cordially co-operate with the South in the acquisition. If Southern men can find no other cause of prefer ence for Pierce over his competitors, we think this fact alone ought to decide the question in his favor. Opinions of the Press. Soil of the South.—We are in receipt of the September number of the Soil of the South, which fully sustains its high reputation. It is a Journal calculated to do good in the cause in which it is on paged, viz. : the enlightenment of the farmer of the South as to his true interest. Mr. Peabody’s Ad less before the Oak Bowery Agricultural Society will be found in this number, and is well worth reading. We can commend his earnest, laborious and successful efforts in the promotion of Southern Agriculture.— Clayton Banner. The Soil of the South. —We have frequently taken occasion to call the attention of planters to this invaluable agricultural paper. It has been truly said that each number is itself worth the dollar which is the price of a year's subscription. Certainly no in telligent planter who has ever experienced the ad vantages to be derived from its perusal, would be without it for five times that amount. It is a most useful and well conducted Southern enterprise, hav ing the highest claims upon the support of the South ern agriculturist.— Spirit of the South. We make the following extract from the letter of an intelligent correspondent., who writes from Lee county, in this State :— Neirs. The Clops.—The boll worm has committed great ravages on some farms in Lee and Baker counties, and the flo_ods have done great injury on low grounds. A gentleman informs me that he has discovered anew brood of boll worms in his cotton. The cotton plant has grown well, and new ground fields are still in blototn. Washington Correspondence of the Sentinel. Washinoto.n, September 3. 1853. The nine mcnths’ wonder is over, and Congress has ceased its labors, t.i tl.o present, to take the field. And now the Presidential campaign will, ‘doubtless, commence in earnest. The closing scenes of this session were not so rich and rare ‘.his time as usual. The reason assigned for it was, that tin y were “through by daylight.” the night lines usually being the noisy ones. With the exception of the sparring matches mentioned in rny last, ‘.he greatest harmony and good feeling characterized the final proceedings of both bodies. In the Senate, Mr. Maugum offered the resolutions of thanks to Mr. King, to which that gentleman briefly but gracefully responded. lie has hitherto been acting as temporary President of that body, but ; it is now generally supposed that after the 4th of March next, he will do so ex-officio, Ot course it is idle to calculate with any certainty on the results [ of popular suffrage even three months in advance, but all the indications now are that Pierce and King I will be successful. The \\ higs are working very I hard—more methodically than their opponents. ; They are determined not to give up without a des perate struggle. Their publication and dissemina tion of documents is prodigious. They are printed chiefly at the Republic , and JEra, (Abolition office.) The Abolitionists are working desperately against Pierce, for they know their most determined and in veterate foe, who has always kept an iron hand at the throat of their especial leader and nominee, John P. Hale, at home, and is hated by the whole swarm in New England with a most cordial hatred. I i speak from personal knowledge and observation. The result of the Pittsburg nomination, however, disappointed the head managers. They wanted Chase nominated, because in that way Ohio, Penn sylvania and New York would he more apt to sup port him than Hale, who will draw off many Whig Abolitionists. It is stated, confidently, that Horace Greeley, of the Tribune , Bailey, of the Era , and other prominent Abolitionists, used all their efforts to rule Ilale off the track. But the freesoil Demo crats, of Ohio, out-manceuvered them, probably in duced to do so by Chase himself, who had hi< own game to play. Although Hale was persuaded to publish a letter peremptorily declining the nomina tion in advance, lie has finally determined to stand the fire. It is said that he will make a strong poll, especially in Massachusetts. W ebstcr’s masterly inactivity will foil the Scott Whigs, and it is re ported, on good authority, that he has openly de clared his preference for Pierce over Scott. lie will not be pacified, and it is supposed will neither accept nor decline the nominations tendered him hv the disaffected Whigs in Massachusetts, Georgia and North Carolina. Without the slightest hope of suc cess, he seems obstinately bent on crippling Scott, and has moral force enough to accomplish that ob ject. Thus exposed to the fire in front from the op position—one in the rear from the Websterites— and a cross fire at the North from a portion of Hale’s particular friends—the old General stands a had chance of hoisting his banner on the White House. So hard run are his supporters now, that they are facing both ways. Mr. Graham, his com panion on the ticket, publishes a pathetic letter, in which he vouches for active a euey in getting the compromise passed, while the Repub lic now drops the New Bosstory altogether, and insists upon it that Gen. Pierce aiaov l( ’i ( ‘ e °f the secessionists.” publishing M'to try Saiietter to the Hillsborough meeting to sustain it. The news of the reconciliation of the two wings of the Democratic party in Georgia, by the with drawal of the Union ticket for Pierce, is also re garded as a good omen, and it is confi k-ntiy hoped that the Southern Rights nun of Alabama, who still retain their separate organization, will also eo operate with their friends to defeat Scott, Seward & Cos. Mr. Sumner’s speech has been published in the National Era , and will appear in the Union in a few days. It is by far til ; ablest and most dang -r ----ous speech made this session, and will go pari passu with Uncle Tom’s Cabin to influence.-the Northern mind. That book is now circulated all over the North, and distributed on the Rail Roads, &e The poison is taking deep hold of the whole system, and this argument of Sumner’s will aid its effect, for it teas not satisfactorily answered. Mr. Bad ger spoke in the spirit of a special pleader. Clemens only sneered at it—but it needs an answer—and a strong one. It is a most mischievous and malignant speech. We must meet argument with argument, for having submitted to try the question on its mer its, it must stand or fall by them. Gen. Cass’ ad mission in relation to Ids refusal to vote for the fugitive bill shows the set of the wind. Douglas and Dodge deserve especial praise for their manhood, in refus ing to hate one jot of their opposition to the Aboli tion fanaticism. The most ominous indie ition of the continued unsoundness of the Northern politi cians, who apparently bad repented the error of their ways, is shown by the reception of this speech of Sumner I will not, for party purposes, disguise the fact that the Barnburners, of New York, are still rotten to the core on the subject of slavery, though not as openly insulting as the Whigs under Greel y. The New York Evening Post praises highly this speech, and indorses every word of it. reproaching the Abolitionists with impeding the cause, by work ing outside the constitution, instead of within it. as Sumner recommends. ‘‘Slavery is sectional—Free dom, national,” is tli-.-ir text; “therefore, the duty of government is to repress sectionalism, strengthen j nationality, and thus make the Union the great wedge j for splitting slavery to pieces.” That is now the strong est sentiment at the North. But Frank. Pierce j has had the manhood sternly to set his face against it. and there are not ten public men at the North beside who have so openly and so repeatedly done so. He ■ has been a perfect God send to the South, after the | proclamation of “acquiescence” in the spoliation of an empire by the North, and the recognition of the j right of the Federal Government to legislate away slavery in the District of Columbia. The alterations made by the Committee of Con ference on the Appropriation bills, render it. impossi- j ble to say much about them until they are published. The members themselves had to take them for ‘■ granted, being much pressed for time in the last ; stages of their performance. The chief acts relate to the various appropriations —to the River and Harbor Bill—to the Public Print ing—to the St. Mary’s Canal—and some Land Donat ing bills to Railroads. That is all that nine mouths’ j gestation has brought forth. Upon the whole, Utile j mischief has been done, which is one thing to be thankful for. T’ne fishery squabble has been laid over, and Mr. ; Webstar goes home to rusticate again, after having affectionately taken a brief leave of Mr. Fillmore, whom he loves as the devil loves holy water. The Peruvian matter also lays over; and also the Tehuantepec. The Cuban Filibusters are moving again, in New York, and it is said also in Georgia. But of this j you know best. I will endeavor to keep you fully advised of what is floating on the upper and under cm rent of North ern polities, as usual. ANON. 1 Vermont Elections. —A Whig Governor is elect- i ed in Vermont by a majority of 1.500 votes over both the Democratic and Free-Soil candidates. Tvo Whigs, Messrs. Meaehum and Tracy, are eleettd to Congress. There is no choice in the Third District. Minister to England.—The Tlon. J. R. In gersoll. our newly appointed Minister to England, will le3ve to-morrow week for the scene of his du ties, in the U. S. steamship Arctic. The Hon. Ab bott Lawrence will probably return in the Atlantic, which will leave Liverpool on the 33d instant. COMMUNICATIONS. Mountain Soenerr—Georgia K nil-Road* and Watering l’iaces. Catossa SriuNus, Ga., Sept. 33, 1853. Dbar Lomax : Three days since, I arrived at Chattanooga, (call ed here the centre of the world,) and the next day I spent on the top of the Look Out Mountain, at the foot of which stands this aspiring young city. I might dwell upon the vast mss and the beauty of the scenery, as seen from this interesting point of obser vation. lam sure that I should do, what hundreds of others have done, fail to convey any adequate idi-a of the reality. I have seen bolder mountain scenery, but nothing surpassing this in richness and beauty. But you and your readers must excuse ef fort to say more on this subject, while 1 speak of matters of substantial interest. From Atlanta to this point, every association seems to be with Rail Roads and Steam Cars ; it is therefore of these that I propose to write. I have said that some call Chattanooga the great centre. There is less pre sumption in this, than you might imagine. Its loca tion is on the Southern Bank of the Tennessee Ri.- er. one hundred and thirty-eight miles from Atlanta, and the terminus of the great “State Trunk.” It has four hundred miles of Steam Boat navigation ; two hundred up the River to Knoxville, and two hundred below to the Muscle Shoals. The Rail- Road to Nashville, a distance of one hundred and thirty-five miles, is now in rapid progression, to be completed in a year or less. The road to Mem phis on the Mississippi River, is also, I learn, pro gressing to a speedy completion, both terminating at Chattanooga. You can at your leisure trace out and calculate the benefits of these connections. Then comes the Hiwassee road, diverging from our State Road at Dalton, ninety-nine miles from Atlanta. This Road, now in operation some eighty miles, is said to be one of the best built in the Union, and is to pass by Knoxville, then through upper Virginia, and intersect the great Atlantic route at Petersburg or Richmond. At Kingston, fifty-eight miles from Atlanta, enters the Road from Rome. From Sel ma, on the Alabama River, there is a Road now in construction to Jacksonville, in Benton county. It is in contemplation, to extend this Road to Rome, thus making the connection with Mobile, by the use of the River below Selina. These concentrations of faci'i tics for travel and general transportation, added to those already in existence, reaching the Atlantic at Charleston and Savannah, beget hopes for the pros perity of tbi3 mountain region, that are anything else than ideal or visionary. We sit down at home, and project schemes for Connections with the Gulf, and conclude that the competition for the trade and travel, is all between ourselves. While those peo ple up here, calculate very confi lently upon con trolling this whole question ; insisting that, from Mo bile or New Orleans, this will be the nearest, cheapest and most expeditious route, for all the tra vel going North from these points. The public, and not ourselves, must settle the questions which are to be put at issue. One tiling, however, is settled, that art is triumphing over nature, and in this pro gressive age, he who succeeds, must work for it. We have no more time to lose in apathy or in divi ded counsels, but if we maintain our advantages,.we must do it, by keeping up with our facilities. To come a little nearer home, I will tell you what may be news to you, as it was to me. I learn that a Road to Talbotton, from the thirty-five mile station on our Muscogee Road, is located, the stock taken, and the work to be commenced in October ; and that the Road from Barnesville to Thomaston, is being located, and the work of building to be commenced this fall. The distance between these two points, is not more than twenty-five miles, and this gap will doubtless soon be filled up, giving Columbus a con nection with the Macon and Western Road, at Barnesville. After this hang chapter on Rail Roads. I may be permitted to say a few words about Catoo sa. This new watering place is about twenty-five miles South of Chattanooga, and two East of the State Rind. Its location is beautiful, and I should think healthy, and impr ived with more taste and elegance than any watering place which 1 have seen in the South. There can certainly be no lon ger .a necessity for any of our Southern people go ing North to spend their time or their money in pursuit of health or pleasure, while so-many retreats are to be found in our own Mountain regions. We say not a word in disparagement of the claims of other places, or other proprietors, but only say to those who are in search for good accommodations, that they may be most assuredly had, at the hands of the gentlemanly proprietors of Catoosa. C ’ I The Principles of the Webster and Scott Parties, not the Principles of the old Geor gia State Rights and Whig Party. No. 2. To the E.lilors of the Southern Sentinel : Gentlemen: —Having promised in my last to produce testimony from the “Record” to sustain the position assumed in my communication to you last week, and which is re a.-serted in the heading to this article, I will now proceed to fulfil that pro mise. It is known that in 1828, Congress passed a Tar iff act. distinctly recognizing and levying duties up on the principle, of protection. Though high, yet it was no worse in principle, than the tariff of 1842, (which every Whig member in Congress f mil Geor gia. voted against,) and no worse ti an the Tariff now recognized an 1 contended for by the National Whig Convention at Baltimore, and which principles l a e recently been endorsed and adopted , by the Scott and Webster parties at Macon. But Georgia Whigs act ed upon and defended the principles of t ie Consti tution, in those days. And such was the feeling of indignation produced, that, in the winter of 1828, the Representatives of the people of the State of Geor gia, in solemn form and manner, entered her re monstrance and Protest against the exercise of any such powers by the General Government, and sent it on to Washington City, to be u carefnlly preser ved among the archives of the United States Sen ate,” as a “perpetual testimony” of Georgia’s faith fulness to the Constitution, and the rights of the people. This Remonstrance will be found below, incorporated in Mr. Beall's resolutions, which were afterwards presented to the Legislature. Bat the Congress of the United States, turning a deaf ear to the Remonstrance of Georgia, and other Southern Status, in 1830 the subject was again brought before the Georgia Legi.s ature. And while the old Clarke or Democratic Union party, beaded by Governor McDonald, Towns, Schley, and oth ers, were not prepared to declare the Tariff of 1828 unconstitutional, but were in favor of its repeal or modification —and while tlrey were not prepared to declare Internal Improvements unconstitutional, but deemed it a “doubtful” power, and therefore oppo sed the exercise of it by Congress, until the Con stitution was altered; on the other hand, the Troup State Rights or Whig party, headed by Charles Dougherty, Charles J. Jenkins, Robert A. Beall, and others, were fierce iu their denunciation of both measures, as not only unconstitutional , but partial arid unjust in their operation. Am 1 wrong, Messrs. Editors? Let tbe Record speak. October 28, 1830, Mr. Murray (Democrat) having offered, among other resolutions, the following, viz. : Resolved, That though the Congress of the United States may legitimately raise a revenue for the support of Government, yet in so doing, a just and prudent dis cretion ought to be exerei-ed, constantly keeping in view a f irand ju-t equalization of the burthens imposed amongst the several States. Yet this principle has been greatiy disregarded, and experience prove? it, in tiie ex i-ting tariff of 1843. That law, manifestly unjust in it; conception, has also been partial in its operation, and still continues its baneful pressure on the most vital in terests ot the South, while the people of this Suite, with their accustomed patriotism, have yielded obedience to it, but they now urge, in the most emphatic terms, its modification and belter adaptation to the interact ot tne whole. Resolved, That as there are conflicting opinions as wall as m avowed hostility of tbe people, against tbe assumption by Congress, to aoply the national resources to the purposes mi-callel “internal Improvements;’ therefore this Lesri-Jature cannot forbear expressing their positive disapprobation of any such appropriations, until the Constitution of the United States is so amended as expressly to surrender the guaranty of the power now claimed. Mr. Beall, of Twiggs, (State Rights or Whig ,) offered the following as a substitute, viz.: Whereas, the General Assembly of the State of Geor gia, at their session iu the year 1323, did adopt the fol lowing protest: In the House of Representatives. December 10, 1323. From a painful conviction that a manifestation of the public sentiment, in tiie mo 4 imposing and impressive form, is called for by the present agitated state of the Southern section of the Union : The General Assembly of the State of Georgia have deemed it their duty to adopt the novel expedient of ad dressing, in the named tie State, the Senate of tiie Uni ted States. In her sovereign character, the State of Georgia pro tests against the Act of the last session of Congress, en titled an “-Yet in alteration of the several Acts imposing duties on imports,’’ as deceptive in its title, fraudulent in its pretexts, oppressive in its exactions, partial and un just in its operations, unconstitutional in its well known objects, ruinous to commerce and agriculture— to secure a hateful monopoly to a combination of im portunate Manufacturers Demanding the repeal of an act, which has already disturbed the Union, endangered the public tranquility, weakened the confidence of whole States in the Federal Government, and diminished the affection of large mass es of the People ot the Union itself-—and the abandon ment of the degrading system which considers the peo ple as incapable of wisely direction their own enter prise—which sets up the servants of the people in Con gress, as the exclusive judges of what pursuits are most advantageous and suitable for those by whom they were elected ; the State of Georgia expects, that, in perpetual testimony thereof, this deliberate and solemn expression of her opinions, will be carefully preserved among the archives of the Senate, in justification of her character to the present generation and to posterity : if, unfortu nately, Congress, disregarding this protest, and continu ing to pervert powers granted for clearly defined and well understood purposes, to effectuate objects never intended, by the great parties, by whom the Constitu tion was framed, to be entrusted to the controlling guardianship of tiie Federal Government, should render necessary, measures of decisive character, for the pro tection of the people of the State, and the vindication of the Constitution of the United States. And whereas, the foregoing protest was, on the 12th day of January, 1829, laid before the Senate of the U. States, with due solemnity. Be it therefore res deed by the S-nate and House of Representatives of the Slate of Georgia, in General Assembly met, and acting for the people thereof. That the State of Georgia, influenced by a sense of forbear ance, and respect for the opinions of the other States, and by community of attachment to the Union, so far as the same may be consistent with self preservation and a determined purpose to preserve the purity of ; ur republican institutions, having, in her sovereign charac ter, protested again t the Tariff, and by inference, its de pendent measure, Internal Improvement, as being an infraction of the sacred bond of our Union—demanded its repeal, and in perpetual testimony thereof, deposited that protest and demand in the archives of tiie Senate ol tne United States, cannot now, adhering firmly and unalterably, as she does, to the declarations contained in that instrument, descend, without eompromitting her honor and dignity as a sovereign and indop- ndent .State, to the measures of memorial and remon trance, which, having been patiently resorted to for years, were utterly disregarded, thus compelling her, in justification of her character, to the present generation, and to posterity, re luctantly to adopt the measure herein before recited. Res lived, nevertheless, by the General Assent ly of the Slate, of Georgia, acting for and in behalf of the people thereof, That this State looks with the deepe r solicitude to the re-election of General Jackson to the Presidency of the United States, because, in that event, we will have a certain guarantee, that lie will fearlessly go, a- far as his official powers will warrant, “in arrest ing the profligate expenditure of the public money, ex tiugui hing the pub” debt as speedily as possible, and in restraining the Government to its original simplicity in the exercise of all its functions.” And much discussion having been had upon the same, Messrs. Schley, Towns, McDonald, YVofford, Hatcher and Barns, advocating Mr. Murray’s reso lutions—and Messrs. Howard, of Ballwin, Beall, of Twiggs, Charles J. Jenkins. Dennis L. Ryan. Geo. Young, of Ogletho pe, and Churl -s Dougherty, ad vocating the substitute — Mr. Beall's substitute was adopted by yetis 10, nays 45 —and all the State Rights men or Whigs of that day, voted for them. How strange, then, does it seem, when I turn and look at their course now ! and y t. how true is the assertion, that they stand not now where they stood then. They have lowered Georgia's banner: they are now in the ranks of the enemy; their heavy guns and light artillery are now levelled at Geor gia’s Protest, and every seul’i >n and jaekull of party among them, now shunt “huzzas” to them, and a.e ready to swear tint “tliev h ive always been so.” ; But, Messrs. Editors, there is a remarkable fact connected w ilh these resolutions, which, when un derstood, will come home to ever man. woman and child in Georgia. During the consideration of Mr. Murray’s resolutions, the Whigs of that day moved to insert the word “ unconstitutional ” after tlio words “that law manifestly’’in the Tariff resolution, and they sought also to declare Internal Improve ments by the General Government Uuncnnsiitu tionalbut Messrs. Schley, Towns, and McDon ald, voted against these amendments. Since that time, each of them have been before tbe people of Georgia, as candidates for Governor. And notwith standing these gentlemen have acted with a party and supported its men unflinchingly, which lias also denounced for the last 12 or 15 years, a Protective Tariffan-i Internal Improvements, as unconstitutional — yet, for these oi l votes, and because they did not opeiriy avow a change of opinion, they have b ren denounced all over Georgia, by the Whigs, as Fed eralists and Consolidationistß, and as unworthy of tbe support of the republican people of Georgia And even up to last year, Gov. McDonald was thus denounced, by these Scott and Webster Whigs, for these very votes! What do we now see? Tiny were either hypocrites, then, and unworthy to be now trusted by honest men—or through party prejudice, party organization, or a disposition to “rule or ruin,” they have themselves now voted for and adopted, ns their party creel, these very sain® Federal and Consolidation principles, they have here tofore charged upon Messrs. Schley, Towns and Mc- Donald. And for witness, see the resolutions adop ted by both the Conventions lately assembled at Ma con, viz.: 5. Government should be conducted upon principles of the strictest economy, and revenue sufficient for the expense 3 thereof, in time of peace, ought to he mainly derived front a duty on imports, and not from direct taxe-; and in levying such duties sound policy requires a ju-t di-erimination and protection from fraud by speci fic duties, when practicable, whereby suitable encour agement may be assured to American industry, equally to all classes and to all portions of the country. 6. The Constitution vests in Congress the power to open and repair hatbors, and remove obstructions from navigable rivers; and it is expedient that Congress shall exercise that power whenever such improvements are necessary for the common defence or for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign nations or among the States ; such improvement* being, in every instance, national and general in their character. In the tariff resolution above, the principle of Protection, is not only admitted to be Constitution al, bat it goes further and says “sound policy re quires a discrimination,” not even upon the princi ple of ad valorem duties, (whereby a tax is paid in proportion to the value of the article,) but this p: in eiple is to be carried out by “ specific duties,” where by cheap articles and those commodities used by the poorer classes of the people, are .to pay most of the tax ; and this is to be done to give “ protection ’ or “suitable encouragement” (as the word is now used) to Northern manufacturers. And in the Internal Improvement resolution, the declaration is not only clearly and distinctly made, that “ the Constitution vests in Congress the power ” to carry on works of Internal Improvements, but says “if is expedient that Congress shall exercise that power to any extent IT may think proper, or “whenever such improvements are necessary (in the opinion of Con gress) for the common defence, or for tiie protect on and facility of commerce with foreign nations, or among the States .” Was there ever a more sudden and barefaced and open abandonment of all their old principles, on the part of any set of men. as is here exhib.ted bv the Scott and Webster parties ol thi- Stat- ? Will the honest and unsophisticated yeomanry t the country—the honest old farmers and otiers, < f the country—thus “jump Jim Crow,’ arid rims be made turn “right about face,” and follow their false and treacherous leaders? Mmy of them may do so, and they ma'y thus desert the “good old cause,” and aid in the destruction of one of the best governments man has ever yet had.—