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i tance with the best circles of the most polish- J
|ed Continental Courts, and large information. !
iTliev made Gore House (the residence off
‘Lady Bk •ssington, and notorious during the
exhibition as Soyer’s Symposium,) the Hotel
de Rambouiliet of the day, and far surpassed j
; in splendor the traditional glories of Holland |
House; the latter was open only to the bril- !
limit whigs, and the former was open to the
brilliant minds of every party and of every j
nation. It is true, the society of Gore House
was composed entirely of men—but what
men ? Before Lady Blessington removed to
Paris, the contents of Gore House were sold,
and among other curiosities was a portfolio j
filled with original likenesses of the various
guests, each portrait being signed by the j
original. The list began with the Duke of’
\\ ellington, and included every distinguished ;
man of nearly every country in Europe.—
India nabobs, and German pianists, African
princes and Bourbons; M. de Metternich and
J|. Thiers —every body had visited that de
lightful hotel, where the hours flew by with
winged feet. Mr. N. I*. Willis, in his charm
ing fitters, has given several vivid and true
picture® of Gore House and its inmates; he
de.-cribt’ a dinner given to D’lsraeli, and a
dinner where Tom Moore delighted the coin
pan v bv bis brilliant conversation, and moved
tnein bv his touching song. Read those let
ters. It is no diAicuit task.
It was here he became intimate with Louis
Napoleon Bonaparte—now President of
Prance—then an exile, living as best be could,
upon small means and little credit, i:i obscure
lodgings in Upper Jermvn street. Count
d'Orsav rendered him, repeatedly, real and
important services. They became intimate
friends. During all Louis Napoleon’s im
prisonment in Ham, they were frequent eor
ivsoondents. When Louis Napoleon deter
mined to come to Paris, and put himself for
wuidusa candidate, it was Count d’Orsay
w o procured him the necessary money,
(S;iU,OOO.) from two of his personal friends,
Lord Chesterfield and Lord Pembroke; and
(more important services still) enlisted in tiis
cause l.u Prcssc and its influential editor, M.
Emile de Girardin. Count d’Orsay was a
good deal inclined to more than liberal opin
ions, which he imbibed from MM. Emile de
Girardiii, Victor Hugo, and Prince Napoleon
Bonaparte, (Jerome’s son. then a House
<■ j title f— and cither from the reserve Louis
Napoleon thought necessary since his eleva
tion, or a difference of political opinion, it is
certain a very great degree of coldness exist
ed between the two friends during the flrst
two vears of Napoleon’s official life. An or
der published, forbidding the Elvsee to all
persons unfurnished with letters of audience,
was said to be aimed especially at the Count
d’t b say, and gave the latter a great deal of
offence. The coldness wore away in time.
Louis Napoleon repeatedly tendered him
missions to several of the German Courts,
which he declined. About two months ago
he offered him the post of Superintendent of
the I me Arts, w ith a salary of §">,000, which
was accepted. He showed great benevo
lence during the stormy days which immedi
ately succeeded the coup d'etat. To him, M.
de Girardiii owes ids recall, and Pierre Du
pont his release from the transport ship,
bound to Cayenne.
This notice would hi more incomplete
tiian it unfortunately is, if the manners of
Count d’Orsay were passed in silence. His
were very remarkable. They were
not the manners of the mere fashionable man
of the world, “that hackneyed, cold being,
skillful in the art of niaiseries, awkward in
serious atfqirs, generous in act without being
so in intention, fund of making others happy,
but upon condition his own must not be com
promised,” whom one meets in the drawing
rooms of every large city. His individuali
ty was not effaced by his eternal contact
with men and conventionalities ; his bearing
was not the banal monotony of the fade dou
eerettx ; his conversation was not a ceaseless
repetition of the same polished, sounding
words, without meaning. Every orio who
enjoyed commerce with Count d’Orsay, felt
they were with a man ; in the softest tones
of iiis musical voice, in his blandest smile,
in his gentlest and almost feminine delicacy
of manner, there was a tone of manliness
which elevated and gave dignity to it all.
1 must not omit to mention that Count
d’Orsay founded in London the society for
the aid of Frenchmen in distress, which has
been so prolific in good deeds ; he exerted all
bis zeal, and influence, and credit in the w ork ;
by his patient labors a capital was secured
and respectable revenue insured. It has put
bread in many a starving mouth, and paid the
w retch's way home.
Where’s the medal which has no reverse ?
Count d’Orsay had not long been married
when the Earl of Blessington, riding in the
Avenue des Champs Elvsees, fell dead from
liis horse in an apoplectic tit.
It was unfortunate both for Lady Blessing
ton, Count d’Orsay and his wife. In two
vears after this melancholy event, Lady Hen
rielte d'Orsay separated from her husband,
and retired to the continent, deeming the
intimacy existing between Count d’Orsay and
Ladv Blessington too great even for their
near connection. The former continued to
reside together.
“If d’Orsay had been blessed with a large
fortune,” as said one of his friends yesterday,
“he would have left a name wholly without
stain. His comfortable fortune was soon
exhausted, by the demands made on it Dy
bis generosity and his position. This “want
of fortune condemned him to a crisis which
makes one tremble to think of; to struggles so
violent as to crush any but the strongest
heart ; to appalling vicissitudes. One who
knew’ him well, who had the secret of the
giddiness, and the dizziness, and anguish,
and torture of his life?* when he heard that
d’Orsay had died a devout Christian, said:
‘There were but tw'o ways of ending that life ;
suicide in some moral crisis, or a resigned and
pious end in alafe and confiding repentance.”
What, indeed, crushes the heart with so iron
a'grasp, as the life of vicissitudes led by a
brilliant poor gentleman, whose nights are
spent in receiving the adulation of the great
and beautiful, who sees a brilliant table hang
ujK>n every word which falls from his lips,
who is the model of a nice sense of honor
and th 4 delicacy of feeling, and in the morn
ing iiis vulgar inexorable creditor ; an
ambulaut money chest, with a purse for a
soul and a ledger for a heart? No ‘not at
home’ bars access to him; he enters your
bed-rfeoni, he forces himself on you in your
bath—are you not his property? Nice as
your sense of honor may be, sensitive as
youjire, you must patiently bear his insulting
remarks ; Caput domina venale sub hasta ; to
tight him for what, in another mail’s mouth,
would be a death warrant, is impossible : a
receipt in full is the condition precedent to
a challenge. He may exhaust all the names
the statute-book brands villainy with, and ap
ply them to you; he may criticize your living;
lie\nav tell you harsh truths you scarce dare
to confess to yourself; he may sneer with his
coarse, harsh sneer, under your very nose;
k *hat cau y ou do I you are his debtor ; those
■rigid columns of the left tide of the ledger, tni
j nuteallofthelinksofthechain which galls you. j
“The debtor is the creditor’s criminal, and all
the officers of power and state whom we be- i
hold make so great a figure, are no other than
so many persons in authority, to make good :
his charge against him.’ ”
Mho can wonder there are but two exits
to a life spent on this rack of debt, to which j
all the tortures of the Spanish Inquisition are j
harmless toys—for w hen could Torquemada i
| touch the mind with his thumb screw's, iron i
! boots and pincers?—but two exits, the pistol
of the suicide, or the cup of the Christian ! On
such a rack was the brilliant and accomplish-
I ed Count d’Orsay tortured for many years :
for several years he dared not cross the thresh
j hold of Gore House until after nightfall,
and on Sundays; bailiffs releived each
j other from their watches with the regularity
lof sentinels at the Horse-Guards. And he i
was the King of Fashion, and of such umlis- j
puted power, that having excited the sensibili- j
ties of a gentleman (no creditor) so much, j
he was challenged for his conduct; the friends ■
|of the challenger went to him—“ This is a bad
affair for you,” said they, “and we recom- j
mend you to make your will.” “Why so?;
do you think d’Orsay will certainly kill me?”
: “That’s not it; that’s only a bad chance, for
the champion isredontbable; but that’s noth- }
ing : you should recollect that if you go on
i the field with Count d’Orsay, it will become !
fashionable to fight with you; you will receive
| a half dozen challenges every day until you j
fall, which must happen sooner or later;” a ;
sensible obseivation, which made thechallen- :
ger reflect, and soon induced him to send j
Count d’Orsay a letter of apology, and a
| withdrawal of his challenge. Who is amb- j
itious for this vacant crown of—thorns!
Not even creditors can disturb Count j
d'Orsay now. The funeral took place in the J
small village church of Chambourcy; the:
Duk de Lesparre, Captain of the Eighth j
Hussars, and Count Alfred de Grammont, i
nephews of the deceased, were the pall hear
! er. The body was borne to the grave by six
: inhabitants of the village, w here he was uni- j
versally loved. I’iince Napoleon Bonaparte,}
(son of Jerome,) Count de Latour du Pin,
(the chief dandy of France,) Emile de Girar- !
din, Bixio, Pierre Dupont, Alex. Dumas, jr. j
and Clessinger, were among those present, j
He was buried by the side of Lady Blessing- i
ton. When Louis Napoleon heard of his
death, he said, “I have lost one of my best
friends,” and—he gave a dinner party the
day of the funeral!! Count d’Orsay was 52
years old.
Soutljmt Scntitul.
COLUMBUS. GEORGIA;
j THURSDAY MORNING,..SEPT. 30, 1852.
|
. The Necessity for a New Organization ot
Parties.
Wo hare devoted much of our space, of late, to a !
* review of the Platforms of Parties. We have shown ]
conclusively, we hope, that on the slavery, tariff, in- :
lernal improvement, and public land questions, the i
Democratic Platform was sounder, more Republican i
and Southern than that of any other National Party, i
We have however carefully kept before our readers !
the fact, that all Democrats do not stand upon the !
Party Platform.
General Cass and his friends art known to be in j
favor of Internal Improvements by the General Gov- !
ernment. Judge Douglas yields a reluctant sup
port to this Federal heresy, as well as to the Wilmot
Proviso, and is actively engaged in the insane effort
to engraft upon the Democratic creed, the dangerous
dogmas of Kossuth, on Intervention, ‘.'"j'j q’
body of Northern Democrats are in fa"*’ A “the j
Wiimot Proviso, and of the principle or’ protection !
within the revenue standard. The majority of the !
party North, and a large minority South, deny the ;
sovereignty of the States, in so far that they account ;
nullification and secession, treasonable heresies.— j
There is, however, a large party at the South and }
a very small one at the North, which recognize the i
sovereignty of the Slates, deny to the Govern- 1
ment of the United States all powers not ex- 1
s pressly delegated to it by the Constitution, and !
therefore regard Internal Improvements by the Fed- ]
* eral Government, Tariffs for Protection, all interfer
ence with slavery in State or Territory, and the doc
trine of Intervention, as unconstitutional assumptions •
of power, which a State may of right resist, even to
a dwmption of the Union. Most of these men have
heretofore co operated with the Democratic party, j
and JiaVe been recognized as Democrats.
There is, therefore, no solidarity in the Demo :
cratic party. It is composed of heterogeneous, and ;
often antagonistic materials, and is not properly a ,
party, but a conglomeration o. individuals, with no’
comin'ou bond of union but the spoils. “A party |
is a number of individuals agreeing in opinion, uni- }
ted ‘together for the purpose of attaining a certain
object.” The Democratic party lias, we admit, a !
common object—the election of a President—but its j
various members do not agree in opinion. Some of i
them are Abolitionists, others are pro-slavery men ; !
sojfic of them advocate and vote for a Protective!
Tariff, others regard it as an unconstitutional and ;
dangerous exercise of power not delegated in the :
Constitution ; aud so of all the other measures above \
mentioned. Such discordant materials never can j
form a great and effective national party ; nor, if suc-
I eesst'ui, cau it embody its principles in legislation.
! To this want of honiogeneousncss we must attribute
the fact, that the measures of the Democratic party
have been generally hermaphrodite—neither Demo
cratic nor Federal. They will reduce the Tariff, but
will not wholly abandon the principle of protection.
They will not engage in a general system of Internal ,
Improvements, but will appropriate money or land for
a specific work. They will not adopt the Wilmot
I Proviso, but give life to a Territorial ordinance em
bodying it, by creating a State out of a Territory.
There is, then, a great necessity for the reorgan
ization of the Democratic party.
In the Whig party, the necessity is still more pal
pable and urgent. On the subject of the tariff', the
j Southern and Northern wings are as wide asunder
jas the polls. Almost every Southern Whig voted
| for the repeal of the Whig Tariff of 1842. Od the
j subject of slavery, the difference is even more appa
j rent. The Northern V\ lugs, with not one exception,
! that we kuow of, are in favor of the Wilmot Proviso;
■ while all the Southern Whigs are pledged to a dis
; ruption of the Union in ease of its passage. Such a
: party cannot cohere; it must fall to pieces.
These incongruous elements in existing parties are i
; perceived and feit in every part of the country. To
; the perception of them by the people, we attribute
; the astounding fact that the people feel comparative
|ly no interest in the Presidential election. Scott,
: with drum aud trumpet, cannot collect together at !
} a mass meeting, over five hundred men in any
j Southern State. The Democracy have not the
; boldness to attempt such a thing. The campaign
j songs are not even read by the people. The ora
; tors are all mute. The popular heart will not throb
at their touch. All men seem to apprehend that
victory may bo defeat, and that even defeat will not
! be intolerable.
To this, too, we attribute the Webster movement ;
in the South, and hail it as a bow of promise for the
* future. The movement itself will be an abortion.
Daniel Webster is unfit for the position which he
i occupies. He has devoted a long life in kindling ab
| oiition which now threaten to overwhelm
hi*i. He is the chosen champion of protection.—
His public life has been characterized by an intense
sectionalism. He therefore never can be the lead
er of a conservative national party. He lus no hold
upon the hearts of the people. He is distrusted by
the South. If this movement had been directed to
wards-some reliable Southern man, irrespective of
old party associations, it would have swept over the
South like a whirlwind, arid carried every thing be
fore it. A large body of Southern Rights men were
rc-ady to participate in it, and were driven off from
it only when convinced that personal antipathies
were at the bottom of it, and that personal triumph j
was preferred by its leaders to the triumph of
principle.
The movement in favor of Trout, is in the right
direction, but ill-timed. The South has always been
Republican. Proud of their States, Southern men
ceded powers to the Federal Government with great
riluotance, and have watched their exercise with ex
treme jealousy. Virginia, Kentucky, Georgia, and
South Carolina, have each occupied a hostile attitude
towards the Federal Government, and fearlessly as
serted the right of a State to resist unconstitutional
laws. This intense jealousy for tho rights of the
Suites, has been inflamed by tho impertinent and
dangerous intermeddling of the Northern people
and States with the peculiar institutions of the~South.
And now that Northern influence preponderates in
all the Departments of the Government, the great
body of the Southern people are thoroughly convin
ced that a rigid adherence to the Constitution, and
a full ami explicit recognition of the sovereignty of
the States, are absolutely essential to the harmonious
action of our system of Government, and to the pre
servation of the rights of the South. These doc
trines are the germ of a great party of the future.
In the reorganization of this party they must be
made the Shibboleth of admission into it, and every
man who docs not recognize and embrace them,
must be unchurched and excommunicated, no mat
ter how exalted his pcsition or how eminent his ser
vices. In such a reorganization, the great body of
the Southern people will fraternize. They are now
divided only by the feuds of the past. Every South
ern roan must be convinced that the South has
nothing to hope from existing parties or polities
Every year increases the power, influence and pat
ronage of the Government of th* United States, and
everv year the North is getting the control of the
Government more and more completely in its hands.
And pari passu w ith this increase of Northern pow
er, the abolition fanaticism is acquiring strength, and
| Southern influence is declining, in the councils of
! the n.tiion. Nothing, it is apparent, can prevent
a collision between the Government and the South—
or. more properly, the North and the South—but ?.
renunciation of ail doubtful powers by the Federal
Government, and a recognition of the sovereignty of
the States.
Wh en such a party is organized, good and true
men will rally to it from every section of the country,
and from every party in every section ; and when
such a party acquires the control of the Government,
every, sectional interest will be secure under its
aigis, aud fraternal love be restored to our distracted
tountry.
Another Entente.
The patch work of the Atlanta meeting has all
ripped out in one short wtwk. The Southern Ban
| tier announces another Un%n Democratic Electoral
: Ticket, for which it asks “the support of ail those
; who cannot yield liieir rignts to the bidding of an
; unauthorized faction, ridiculously claiming to be the
i ‘Democratic party’ of Georgia."’ lie further says,
i “The Union Democrats have exhausted the very
| dregs of the cup of ‘conciliation and compromise ,’
i and have been met bv a cold and even insulting re
j fusal from the opposite wing of the party. They will
! not surrender to the tyrants of the party, who usurp
| their very birth-right in being entitled to a voice in
i choosing their own agents. There is no Presi len
! tial screw that can make them submit to this kind
jof usurpation. The right is fundamental, and all
i others are worthless without it. They will not sur
i render at the bidding of a faction, let the consequen
ces be w hat they may.”
Ei- . , .
Every magnanimous man must admire the spirit
|of the editor of the Southern Banner , though he
! may deprecate the effects of his movement. We arc
: glad he has at last tasted the gall which lurks among
i the dregs of “conciliation and compromise ,” and
| hope he will become so disgusted with the beverage,
| that, when another dose is administered to the South
j by the North, lie, too, will turn from it in disgust.
! The following is the Union Democratic Elec
! toral Ticket ;
i Gen. W. I?. Wofford, 11. V. M. Mii.i.er, E. D.
! Chisolm, David Irwin, Allen Lawiion, Joseph J.
! Singleton, Hopkins llolsf.v, Jno. J. Word, M. G.
j Slaughter, Thomas W. Thomas.
! The Editor of the Banner is “persuaded that the
■’ people of the fifth and sixth Congressional Districts
J will give his ticket their support, in spite of the
i opposition or lukewarmness of some who are willing
|to surrender to the secession faction. It will also
| meet the approval of others in almost every county
i in Georgia.”
Every vote givi-n to this ticket, will weaken
| I’ierch and strengthen Scott in Georgia. As.
! however, the election will in all probability go into
the Legislature, not much danger is apprehended
| from this fresh pronunciamento on the part of the
j Union faction.
Our Fair, on the 6th and 7th October.
As the time draws near for our Annual Fair, the
! interest of ti e agricultural community in the Exhi
-1 biiion increases. The Premium List is unusually
i large and judicious. Every department of industry
; has been attended to. and has appropriate enoour
. agement offered by the Executive Committee. No
j trouble or expense has been spared to accommodate
exhibitors, and we guarantee that they will he pleas
ed with the arrangements made for their conveni
ence. We expect a large company, but the hospi
tality of our city will be equal to the occasion.
The Governor of the State of Georgia will be
present ou the occasion. The Governor of Alaba
ma is prevented from attending by the pressure of
i iiis official duties.
The wealth of the South is in her soil. No
i means should be neglected which promises to
develope its resources. In this point of view, the
Agricultural Press is of the first importance,
and deserves the liberal support of every en
lightened community. Not less important are our
Agricultural Fairs. Since our connection with the
agricultural Press, we have become acquainted with
facts in agriculture, horticulture and in the nursery,
of which we had previously no conception. Wo
have now a Pear ou our table which measures 14
inches in circumference, and weighs 1 pound 14 1-2
ounees. It was grown by Dr. Gorman, of Talbot
county, Ga. With such facts our Agricultural
Fairs make our farmers acquainted, and the wis
dom of the few is enjoyed by our whole people.
But high as we appreciate these sources of informa
tion, we are disposed to regard a scientific analysis
of our soils as still more important to the develop
ment of the resources of Georgia. Aud in this
connection, we refer our readers to the excelleut
suggestions contained in the letter of Gov. Collier,
which will be fouud below. A thorough geological
survey ought to be made of every county in Geor
gia. But still more important is the Chair of Ag
ricultural Chemistry in the State University. We
live in dreadful ignorance of the constituent elements
of our soils aud productions, and in our efforts
to improve our lands, we practice a wasteful system
of quackery, w’hieh is a disgrace to the State.
But we are extending our remarks too far, and
will now turn our readers over to Gov. Collier, to
whom they will listen with much more interest than
to us:
Montgomery, Sept. 24, 1852.
Char. A. Feabodt, Esq. —
Dear Sir : Upon arriving at the seat of Govern
ment, a few days since, I was honored by the re
ceipt of yours of the 16th ult., informing me that I
was unanimously elected an honorary member of
the Georgia and Alabama Agricultural Society. I
accept with pleasure this highly valued mark of dis
tinction, and b g to tender to tho Society my most
respectful acknowledgments.
I wish my engagements allowed me the leisure to
attend the Annual Fair of the Society to be held in
Columbus, on the 6th and 7th October next, and in
dulge the pleasure of associating with many friends,
whom the occasion will doubtless draw together.
But duties of an official character, require my pres
ence elsewhere.
The Agriculture of the country, it must be ad
mitted, is greatly behind the spirit of progress
which marks the age in which we live. Planters
really undervalue their most useful, and consequent
ly most honorable vocation. Would it not give an
impetus to the cause, and elevate the farming inter
ests of Georgia and Alabama, if an Agricultural and
Geological survey were made of these States, and in
connection with a chair of Agricultural Chemistry
in their Universities, a Department were establish
ed t<> be devoted exclusively to the analysis of soils,
manures, &C.l
Will not Georgia, the leader of her Southern sis
tars in the march of improvement, take the first ef
fective step ? I cannot pledge Alabama, but I hope
and believe she will not waste her energies in un
necessary delay.
I write almost upon the wing, and cannot add
more than tender to you, and the Society with
which you are so prominently and honorably con
nected, assurances of my most respectful consid
eration.
11. W. COLLIER.
Death ot Gen. S. Armstrong Bailey.
It is our painful duty to announce the decease of
Gen.S. A. Bailf.y. He died suddenly at his resi
dence in the vicinity of this city, on Sunday, the 2tith
inst., at half past eleven o’clock, A. M. The de
ceased was born, we believe, at Mount Zion, in the
county of Hancock, in this State. lie has for many
years been a resident of this city, where in all his
relations to society, he has maintained the highest rep
utation for integrity and honor. Asa member of the
bar, he enjoyed a lucrative practice from a large cir
cle of steady commercial clients and correspondents,
whose confidence in his ability and fidelity as a law
yer was unbounded ; for several years past he has
held the responsible position of Agent of the Bank
of Charleston in this city, and of a general super
intendent of its interests in the surrounding country
in Georgia and Alabama. The death of such a
man makes a void in any society t > which he belongs.
He leaves behind him an unblemished character for
honor aud integrity, as a citizen, a man, and a gen
tleman. lie leaves a large family to deplore a loss
which earth cannot repair, and into whose hearts’
wounds only the God of the fatherless can pour the
: balm of consolation. — Columbus Times, ‘•Z'Jth inst.
; Washington Correspondence of the Sentinel.
w ashington, September 24, 1852.
j The proceedings, as well as the result, of the Al
} abanta Southern Rights Convention, took our friends
I here by surprise. They had hoped that the views
I of Mr. Yancey would have found a response in tho
: action of the Convention, and that its members would
i
waive a point of et’quette, and accept Gen. Pierce’s
previous letters, his record, and the grounds on
i which he is support', and and opposed, as all sufficient
to satisfy thorn. It seems they have decided other
wise, (although, as the official account of the proceed
ings has not yet reached here, we know only the
result,) and determined to givo what aid and com
fort they could to tln ir worst enemies, by paralyzing
the energies of their friends, as far as they can.
That these high-toned and patriotic gentlemen did
| not contemplate such a result, and have acted in per
l fectiy good faith, nobody that knows them doubts ;
; but that such is the practical bearin’* of their pro
| ceeding*, is also equally certain. It Ta hoped and be
lieved. however, that the movement is powerless,
and will not do damage, while its authors miy enjoy
a monopoly at once of its eclat and its frui ion. It
is indeed a curious thing, that two gentlemen should
bo selected as its candidates, both of whom were fa
vorable to the election of Gev, Pierre. Gov. Quit
man's own preference had been expressed, and Gov.
Troup is reported, on reliable authority, to be even
more warmly in his favor than Gov. Quitman. The
incidents connected with the canvass of the latter
gentleman probably induced the apparent coldness
of his support, though he indicated the fact of his
willingness in umnistakeable terms, accompanied
with the expression of his personal respect and re
gard for Pierce.
Some of Gov. Troup’s warm friends are of opin
ion that he will not accept the nomination, and al
low himself to be made the means of hazarding the
success of one to whom he is friendly ; and many
more of Ids friends and admirers, hope that he will
show his judgment and discretion, in waiving the
barren honor tendered him at so inauspicious a
time, and in so awkward a manner.
Even, however, if he should accept, much dam
age to the Pierce ticket is not to be apprehended.—
The great bulk of the Southern Rights men, who
consented to co-operate with the Democracy in the
election of a candidate of tiieir own “creation and
choice,” whose fierc; st opposition comes from the
North and its Free Seilers, cannot stultify themselves
now, nor tilt at windmills, and will stand firm. The
Alabama reserve will stand alone until after the elec
tion, when, whatever be the result, they must again
coalesce with their brethren—in weal, if Pierce tri
umphs—in woe, if Scott hoisis the Seward banner on
the outer wall of the White House. But seeing the
necessity of future eo-operation for Southern safety,
for Heaven’s sake let not this disparity of views pro
duce a schism or a serious breach in the old party.
Men may w ell differ on a practical question of voting,
without impugning each other’s patriotism or hones
ty of purpose, even when an identity of interest and
<>f principle would seem to make the duty plain.
So let us not squabble among ourselves, but as in
tho case of Lot and Abraham, each quietly go his
own way. Unlike those Patriarchs, however, to be
reunited at the end of the journey, and not continue
in the different paths, for there cau bo peace among
us without permanent division.
Therefore it is earnestly to bo hoped, that in Ala
bama and elsewhere, that broad toleration will be
exhibited which has heretofore been so beautitul a
trait of our organization, and that we who have
fronted so many perils together in one old Southern
Rights block-house, will not now “fall out by the
way,” pending a Ess material issue. In Georgia,
the ro-union of the Southern Rights and Union Dein
ocrats, on terms so favorable to the former, will of
course frustrate the disorganization contemplated by
the Montgomery nomination. It certainly proved
the falsity of the notion, that the Southern Rights
wing of the Democracy, by breaking their separate
organization, were powerless in the hands of the
compromisers. If any objection could he made to
these proceedings, it was that the Southern Rights
men carried matters with too high a hand, but the
circumstances justified them, and the Union Demo
crats showed correct judgment, as well as honesty,
in fraternizing for the general good.
With respect to Georgia, then, the Troup ticket
will not answer. The Webster movement imperils
the Pierce strength far more, for his organs- there
are sliding back to the old Whig ground of general
antagonism to the Democracy very fast, and it be
gins to look something like the cat in the meal tub.
The Recorder, the Journal ij- Messenger , the Re
publican, and the Chronicle j- Sentinel, are all
firing harder into Pierce than into Scott, ani seem j
more bent on abusing the Democratic candidate than ‘
helping their own. The Webster men may be
trusted, with good watching. The ways of the
Georgia politicians always have boeq like those of
Providence—“p*s* finding out.”
The summerset of Senator Berrien, in favor of
Scott, is the most astounding feat of ground and lofty
tumbling yet perpetrated there. His antecedents—
his speeches—his past and present position as a
Southern Rights leader, who was superseded by
Toombs in the Senate, chi. fly because of his alledged
complicity with the secessionists —all combine t> cre
ate astonishment at his adhesion. But he will car
ry no weight to the cause he has espoused, but dead
weight. Ilis past services plead for forbearance in
the decadence of his influence, and hence, although
Southern Rights men may well be pained and indig
nant at his desertion, they yet should imitate the re
serve of the poet of purgatory, waiving the notice of !
some of his former friends with the brief remark, j
“We will not speak of them.” What renders this !
course of Mr. Berrien's more remarkable, is the tact j
that many persons thought the choice ot the Ala- :
barn a “ultraists” would fall or. him. Yet he takes j
ground which Stephens and Toombs <lO not consider ;
Southern enough for them !
Os the prominent Whig leaders in Georgia, Daw
son alone keeps him in countenance, and he went
into it “like a capuchin,’’ and after backing and til
ling until he did not know where to find himself.
But probably the Alabama leaders counted on
‘outh Carolina, always a spear’s length in advance
of the Southern host, when action is to be had. If
so, they have counted without their host, for South
Carolina cannot and will not countenance this move
ment. seeing clearly how idle and inefficient, and in
fact, how inconsistent it would be, for her to play
such a part. She reserves herself for results, and
will not waste her strength and cripple her arm, by
striking at the air. Site will quietly, wi.hout fuss
or confusion, vote for Pierce, and throw her weight
into the scale where it will tell for the South, and
for the cause she has at heart. That such will be
her course, the declarations of her most aide and in
fluential men, and the tone of her leading papers,
prove. The Mercury, well known as the exponent
of the strongest secession feeling in the State, has
not countenanced the movement, while refraining
j from censuring it, but has published, without one
word of comment, the argument of its W asliington
correspondent against it, and strictures of some se
verity on the measures adopted, though not the
men. whose motives and character are justly dealt
with. This shows the temper of the Mercury in
the matter, and through it, of the most “ultra” por
tion of llic people of the State. The present attitude
of South Carolina is full of dignity and of wisdom
She forbears menacing where she cannot act, but
bides her time, watches and waits.
In Georgia and South Carolina, then, the move
ment of the Alabama Convention won’t answer.
In Mississippi, i. is evident that not a Corporal's
Guard can be mustered in its favor, for .Jefferson
Davis, Meßea. Brmvn, Thompson, and the other
State Rights leaders, have not lost the confidence of
those with whom they have stood, shoulder to
! shoulder, so long. In Louisiana and Arkansas, it
I
I will not make a ripple, for Soule and Johnson stand
I in the same position there that Davis and Butler
and Hunter stand olsewh re. The Old Dominion
and North Carolina both have wheeled into line,
numbering both State Rights Democrats and Whigs
i in their re-organized Democracy, and, therefore, no
where out of Alabama can it find support. While
even in Alabama it finds but one leg to stand on—
and that a lame one—the possible dread that Pierce
might, prove (in defiance of all proof) to be “‘a
Northern man with Southern principles',” after the
Van Buren pattern. Even in Alabama, however,
with Clay in the North, and Bragg and Campbell in
j the South, and the eloquent voice of Vaneey, carry-
I ing conviction with it, in the interior, and a host of
others as reliable and worthy, vouching for the can
didate of their “creation and choice.” this unfortu
nate movement can scarcely cause a ripple. It is to
be hoped that the estimable gentlemen who have
made this mistake will speedily see the matter in its
true light, and quietly permit their candidates to
withdraw their honored names, which others ‘
will little known in the canvass as,fier.
they were pot enrolled <>n a President home news
But here I am. p*t received an*- 1 on fi^moutons —
from Wash*- ban-.,,, ‘*° ) “r ( "f he R'vsideii
le, us t- f ‘ ‘ **ken_ the J
tial c:> farmer. Scott l£f •
stump, and is stultifying himself veryhwt. They
managed to muzzle him very effectually, early
in the canvass, but he lias slipped it off now, and
is running about very rabid. The strongest symp
tom of canine madness is displayed by him in his
Cleveland speech—the most ridiculous of his absurd
performances in this line. The terror of water it
displays is a bad sign, when the dog star rages. It
may be necessary to inform you and your readers
that this speech, which I append, is not a burlesque
or a travesty, but the bona fide speech, as reported
for the New York Tribune , his pet abolition organ.
Did ever mortal man, who had the slightest preten
sions to common sense, or who had reached the age
of puberty, make such a display of vanity and short- i
sighted hum buggery as this !
Fellow-Citizens : When I say fellow-citizens, I
mean native and adopted citizens, as well as all who j
intend to become citizens of this great arid glorious ;
; country. I thank you for the enthusia.-tic reeep ion j
vou have given me iChvers ] But there, is one -hing i
1 regret m visiting this beautiful city, and that is the
rain. I was pained that while I was comfortably shel
tered in a covered carriage, you should have been expo
sed to rain and mud During my military campaigns,
and at other times in the discharge ot the duties of my
office, and during the gieater part of my life, I have J
been on the march, and have always been aesustonud \
to expose myself to the weather and other inconvenien
ces of camp life, in common with the brave soldier of ;
the army, and I am pained at this time to see you put :
to such inconvenience on my account. | Great cheer- |
ing.] Fellow citizens, I have thought a man could j
hardly call himself a citizen ot this great country with- j
ly celebrated as one of the most beautiful of the whole 1
West. [“You’re welcomehre,’ from an Irishman.] Ii
hear that rich brogue—l love to hear it —it makes me re- j
member the noble deeds ot Irishmen many ot whom I j
have led to battle and to victory. [Great cheering.! ,
Fellow citizens, I do not intend to make, a speech ; I j
am not journeying for that purpose; I am travelling
for the purpose of selecting a site fora military ho pi- I
tal. I simplv came at yonr call to thank you for this j
greeting. You have seen fit to greet me cordially ; so j
would you greet any of your country’s generals. I ue- i
cept it as an evidence of your patriotism ; it convinces ]
rne of your devotion and love ot your country — j
[Cheers.] I will not detain you longer ; you are wet |
and covered with mud. 1 repeat my thanks tor this en
thusiastic reception. [Great cheering.]
“An ounce of civet, good apothecary'” After;
this, will even Henry W. Hilliard dare talk again
of the civil capacity of his gunpowder candidate ? j
“Fawning” must now be added to “fuss and feath
ers,” and “folly,” too. It is not impossible, how- j
ever, that by the aid of Hale, who is stumping
Ohio, and straining every nerve to alienate demo- j
eratic votes from Pierce, assisted by Chase, who has
the same object in view—that Ohio may be carried |
for Scott. Hence the purpose of his pilgrimage to j
help his freosoil allies. The central .abolition organ,
here, is helping the game. The National Era thus
closes an article :
There will be an electoral ticket for Hale in every |
free State, and probably in each ot the States ot Virgi- i
nia, Maryland, and Kentucky ; and a vote will be giv- j
cn to him, which, if not so large as the Van Buren vote, i
of 1848, the strength of which was factitious —will be |
large enough to affect the result of the contest between j
the two old parties. How it will affect the result, re- ;
mains to be seen. In New York, from appearances, ;
Mr. Hale will draw as largely front the. Democratic as
Whig ranks; and in Ohio, we must recollect that while I
Tilden and Briggs, prominent Whig Free-Soilers in j
1348, no-v support Scott — Spalding, Townshend, Brin- i
kerhoff, and Chase, prominent Democratic Free-Soilers |
in 1848, continue to sustain the Independent Democra
cy, and are supporting Hale.
Meantime, Hale hat taken the field in Western New
York and Ohio, and, wherever he goes, will find access
to the hearts of the people, Whig and Democratic, and
multiply voters for Freedom.
The Republic , of to-day, chuckles over the same
hope, and quotes an Ohio paper to prove that the ;
freesoilere are making a dead set at Pic-roe. How ■
6trange, then, that while facing this fire in front from
his deadly foes, he should be subject to a fire in the rear
from the State Rights men of Alabama, (or a few of
them,) because ha did not answer a, letter that need
ed no answer, and pile ap paper pledges!
Asa specimen of the way the Scott men carry
on the war against Pierce, irrespective of the slave
ry issue, l auot from the New Yprk Tribune oqe
instance. Referring to a shuffling speech of Gen.
Cass, touching the difference between Pierce a per
sonal views and those of his party, in relation to In
ternal improvements, Greeley thus triumphantly re
fers to to Pierca’s opinions;
Now Gen. Cass knows —he could not help knowing
—that the opposition to River and Harbor Improve
ments evinced by Representatives of New Hampshire
is entirely confined to his own party. The W nig i
and Free-soil Members from that State have uniformly I
(we cannot remember an exception) voted for and i
warmly sustained such Improvements. They did so at !
the late Session of Congress, as also the preceding ;
Session, (Feb., March, 1851,) when the River and liar- \
bor bill was deliberately talked to death by a Loeo-Fo- j
co minority,in obedience to the fiat of a secret caucus, j
No members are moo? liberal toward Improvements in j
the We-t than the Whigs from New Hump-hire, while j
Frank Pierce & Cos. have steadily and bitterly oppo-ed I
them. It is not the State, therefore, but the party that ;
opposes such Improvements, and Gen. Cass should have 1
stated the truth.
In New York and Pennsylvania the battle will be
close, though the Democrats are very confident of ,
! carrying both—the they former claim by 15,000, the i
I latter by a smaller majority. These large States j
1 usually hold the balance of power, though many well- j
informed persons seem to think that Pierce tri- j
umph will be as signal as that of Polk, leaving net a ,
feather of his antagonist fluttering.
In the North-west it is not to be doubted that j
Pierce’s record and known strict construction doc- |
trines will hurt him.
In my next letter I will give you a summing up of
j the late underground abolition proceedings, which I
S have kept a close eye on. The length of this letter
I forbi ‘h further sp dilation on that topic, as well as
that of Cuban Ann.xation, which is looming up
very large again, and destined to amount to some
thing this time. The Herald has b en pretending
! to throw iigiit on this movement, and has published
lists of members of -the “Lone Star,” and other or
-1 ganizations. in which figure conspicuously nam s
W..-11 known in the Southern movement, here and at
| the South—Editorial, military and civil, and some
! Ex-ail of these. A powerful and organized move
i merit is progressing. May God aid the right !
I sand you a copy of Hawthorne’s Life of Pierce.
It is a complete vindication of him against all si..ri
ders, and proves him worthy the Presidency.
ANON.
I WRITTEN FOR THE SENTINEL.]
The Public Press.
Mr. Lomax : It is much to be regretted that
many of our political journals are conducted by
men who (judging from their articles) appear to be’
aih oned of nothing but decency, and will tell any
thing but the truth for money. What must be the
opinions entertained by foreigners who read many
of our papers during the excitement of a Presiden
tial election ? If you believe our papers, there has
not been, since the days of Monroe, a Presidential
candidate that was not a disgrace to the country
Judge Crawford was the prince of intriguers—a
! drunkard and a gourmand.
Mr. Adams wms charged with cheating a poor
! widow.
Mr. Clav was a common blackleg.
General Jackson, a street-bully and murderer.
’ Mr. Calhoun, (one of the purest men that ever
j lived.) was called John Catiline Calhoun,
j Mr. Van Buren, Old Nick in disguise.
! Gen. Harrison, an old granny,
j Gen. Taylor, a brave old fool—wanting in inde
i peiidi iiee—one that would do or say anything to lie
‘.President.
Gen. Cass, one who had swindled the government.
; by extra charges, and was the friend of Louis
I Pli lip; e.
Gen. Pierce, a drunkard, a coward, and an aboli-
| tion is:. ‘
\ Gen. Scott, a silly coxcomb and too! of Seward. J
i As temporary Secretary of War, ordering his own j
j claims to be passed that were not regular.
Mr. Webster, a drunken sot and traitor to his j>artd ( ,
Mr. I Ly, l .’ “ist, se-Tino ‘
i Gov. Troup, one of Nature's nobles, a man that
-aU 8 done more for Georgia and State Rights than j
a y man ever did, one of the most unobtrusive g--n- I
| tiemen I ever knew, who has been Dominated, with- i
I out his knowledge or consent, has been called by !
I on - °f these lovers of decency, a suitable candidate I
for Lunatics, end this *■ “’ ~ v ’ y * R ij.
~7 to °) n . v a Georgian. Shame,
where is thy blush ?,
It is paying a poor compliment to the good sense
and good feelings of the American people, to sup
pose that they approve of such modes of electioneer
ing. The duty of an Editor is to lay before bis
readers all the information necessary to enable tln-rn
to arrive at correct conclusions ; neither to state false -
hoods nor suppress the truth. Let them do this,
and their papers will be a blessing, instead of what
! thev arc—a curse nud a nuisance.
ZENO.
Troup and Quitnmil Meeting.
According to a previous call, a respectable num
-1 b- r ot’ tlie friends of South rn Rights assembled at
j Concert llall, and organized by calling G. L. De-
La u nay, Esq., to the Chair, and requesting R. M.
I Gray to act as Secretary. The meeting being call
ed to order, A. 11. Cooper, Esq. moved that a com*
! mittee consisting of throe be appointed to confer and
’ report business for the action of the meeting. On
, motion, the chairman appointed Messrs. A. 11. Coop
! er, Geo. \V. Lively and VVm. A. lied ell that Com
mittee, who retired, and after a short absence, re
turned, and through the chairman, A. 11. Cooper,
Esq., reported the following resolutions, prefacing j
their adoption with a few remarks, showing conclu- j
sively that the future interest of the South demands j
a continuation of the Southern Rights party, devoted ;
exc u-ively to the interests of tilt South:
Res lived, That the Federal Government has no right ‘
to inte litre with the institution of slavery in the Statts, |
Di-tiict of Cos! imbia or Territories belonging to the U. ;
States, in any in nineso as to impair the relation be- ;
tween muster and slave.
Resolved, That any citizen of the United State? ha- |
the right to carry slaves into the Territorh s belonging ;
to the I'nited States, and hold them there as property, i
and that it is the duty of Congress to pas.? sucii laws as j
may be necessary to protect sucii property, as well an j
any other.
Resolved, That the States composing this Union are !
sovereign States. j
Resolved, That the people of any State of this L 7, ion |
nave a right to dissolve their connection with the other |
States for any in traction of the sovereignty of a State, j
or for any violation of the Co- stitutiona! con-pact in the !
)a-t resort, and that the Federal Govern:: e it has no !
right to use force for tho purpose of bringing back such j
State into the Union.
, Resulted, That it is the right of the people in all re- I
publican government? to be advised oi’ the views and I
p:i:iciple.- of all aspirant? to the high administrative of- !
tices, and that it is the duty of the nominees to answer i
questions respectfully proposed to them, touching any ‘
points connected with their Constitutional rights, and j
that whereas, the Southern Rights Convention of the !
State of Alabama have respeetfully propounded inter- j
rogatories to both the Whig and Democratic nominees I
for the Presidency, involving the principles contained in j
the above resolutions, to which they have failed to reply, |
we, a portion of the Southern Rights party of Georgia, |
cannot vote for either of said nominees. j
Resolved, That we nominate for the Presidency, lion. {
Geckoe M. Troop, of Georgia, and for the Vice-Presi
dency, Gen. John A. Quitman, of Mississippi.
Resolved, That we recommend for Electors tor the
State at large, Hon. JOHN A. JONES oi Paulding,
and JOHN A. TUCKER of Stewart, ana we nominate
for the 2d Congressional District; and
that we request our Southern Rights friend? through
out the Stale to nominate Electors for their respective
districts.
On motion of Wm. A. Bedell, it was unanimous
ly voted to fill the blank for the Troup and Quitman
Electoral Ticket, in the Second Congressional dia
triot, with the name of Alex. 11. Cooper, Esq., of
Muscogee.
On motion, the obairman appointed a committee
of three, consisting of Messrs. Paul J. Seinmcs, Ro
bert R. Howard and A. H. Cooper, to communicate
with Messrs. John A. Jones and John A Tucker,
and inform them of the action if this meeting.
On motion, the city papers were requested to pub
lish these proceedings.
Meeting then adjourned, to meet on Saturday eve
ning 7 o’clock, 9th of October, at Concert Hall.
G. L. DeLAUNAY, Chairman.
Richard M. G*at, Secretary.
Sept. 25, 1853.
Cotton Planters’ Convention.
Notice is hereby given that a Convention of Cot
ton Planters will be held in the City of Montgomery’-,
Ala., on the. 3d Monday in November next, being
the loth day of the month.
It is respectfully requested that all the counties
and districts, as well as all the Agricultural Associa
tions in the Southern States, appoint delegates to
this Convention, and by a general, united concert of
action, endeavor to protect themselves from the ruin
ous fluctuations in the price of their great staple.
By order of the Central Committee, appointed by
the Cotton Planters’ Convention held in Macon
(Ga.) in October, 1851.
J. GOLDTII WAITE, Chairman.
Sept. 22, 1852.
N. B.—The Agricultural, as well as all other
newspapers in the Soutln rn States, are requested to
give this notice a few insertions, and call the atten
tion of the Planters to its importance.
The New Postage Law.
AN ACT to amend the a<’t entitled “Ah act to re
duce and modify the rates of postage in the Unit and
States, and for other purposes,” passed March
third, eighteen hundred and fifty one.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Rep
resentatives of the United States of America, in
Congress assembled , That from and after the thir
tieth day of September, eighteen hundred and fifty,
two, the postage upon all printed matter passing
through the mail of the Unit and States, instead of
the r>ites now charged, shall be as follows, tmvit:
Each newspaper, periodical, unsealed circular, or
other article of printed matter, not exceeding throe
ounces in weight, shall be sent to any part of the
! United States for one cent; and for every addilion
| al ounce, or fraction of an ounce, one cent additional
\ shall be charged ; and when the postage upon any
; newspaper or periodical is paid yearly or quarterly
| in advauee, at the office of delivery, or at the office
| where the same is mailed, arid evidence of suc'l
! payment is furnished to the office of delivery in such
’ manik ras the Post-office Department shall, bv g. n
j era! regulation, prescribe, one-half of said rates only
■ shall be charged. Newspapers and periodicals iwt
I weighing over one ounce and a half, when cireu
! luted in the State where published, shall be eharg-d
j one-lialf of the rates b. fore mentioned : Provided.
i That small newspapers and periodicals, published
’ monthly’ or oftener, and patnphh ts not containing
more than sixteen octavo pages, when sent in single
packages, weighing at least eight ounces, to one ad
dr* ss, and pre paid by affixing postage stamps Jiere
| to, shall be charged only half of a cent for each
I ounce or fraction of an ounce, notwithstanding the
| postage calculated on eaeli separate article of su*-ii
I would exceed that amount. The postage on all
{ transient matter shall be pre paid, by stamps or oth
j erwise, or shall be charged double the rates above
: mention, and.
| Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That books,
! bound or unbound, not weighing over four p >unds,
shall be deemed mailable matter, and shall be cluirge
j ab'e with postage at one cent an ounce tor al! dis
j tancus under three thousand miles, and two e> tits
an ounce for all distances over three thousand miles,
to which fifty per cent, shall be added in all eases
where the same may he s-lit without being pre-paid,
and oil all printed matter chargeable by weight to
be weighed when dry. The publishers of newspa
per and periodicals may send to each otli- r from their
respective offices of publication, free of -postage, one
copy of eaeli publication; and may also send to each
aeiual subscriber, enclosed in their publications, bills
and receipts for the same, free of postage. The
publishers of weekly newspapers may sen 1 to eaeli
actual su’ scriber, within the county where their re
spective papers arc printed and published, one copy
of postage.
oec. 3. And be .- ~ . , .
newspaper, periodical, magazine, or other printed
paper or matter, shsfll be entitled to be sent at the
rates ot postage in this act specified, unless the fol
lowing conditions be observed :
finst. It shall be sent without anv cover or wrap
per, or in a cover or wranuc” - , ~ ,
\ ’ t .AY open at the ends or
‘ -.s, so mat the character >f the matter contained
therein may be determined without removing such
wrapper. Second. There shall be no word or com
munication printed on the same after its puldication,
or upon the cover or wrapper thereof, except the
name and address of the person to whom it is to bo
sent. Third. There shall be no paper or other thing
enclosed in or with such printed matter; and if
these conditions are not complied with, such printed
matter shall be subject to letter postage; and all
matter sent by mail from one part of the United
States to another, the postage of which is not fixed
by the provisions of ibis act, shall, unless the same
be entitled to be sent free of postage, be charg’ and
with letter postage.
Sec. 4. And be it farther enacted, That if the
publisher of any periodical, after being three months
previously notified that his publication is not taken
from the office to which it is sent for delivery, con
tinue to forward such publication in the mail, tho
post-master to whose office such public ition i sent,
may dispose of the same for the postage, mil *s
the publisher shall pay it; and whenever any print
ed matter of any description, received during one
quarter of the fiscal year, shall have remained in the
office without being called for during the whole of
any succeeding quarter, the post-master at such of
fice shall eil the same and credit tier proceeds of
such sale in his quarterly accounts, under such reg
ulations and after such notice as the Post-office De
partment shall pn scribe.
Sec. 5. And be it further enacted. That so much
of the second section of the act entitled “An Act to
modify and reduce the rates of postage in the United
SUt, s, and for other putqxises,” approved March
third, eighteen hundred and fifty-one, as relates to
the postago or free circulation or transmission of
newspapers, periodicals and other printed matter, and
all other provisions of law inconsistent with the pro
visions of this act, are hereby repealed.
Sec;. 6. And be it further enacted. That when a
list of uncalled for letters shall b*’ published in any
newspaper printed in any foreign language, said Ist
shall be published in such newspnptr having tie
largest circulation within the range f delivery of
said office.
Approved August 30. 1552.
I Augusta—The Freshet —The Lower Bridge
! Repaired. —The damages sustained by the recent
! freshet are fast disappearing. Portions of the Geor->
gia and South Caroliua Railroads were carried
[ awav. hut in a few days both were so far repaired as
to enable passenger and freight trains to reach their
respective depots. The upper bridge was also car
ried away, and a portion of the lower. The lat
ter, we are gratified to state, has been so far repaired
that drays and wagons will pass over it to-day, thus
affording an uninterrupted transportation of goods
from one road to the other. Up to this time, goods
from the Soutii Carolina Railroad for this city and
tho iuterior were brought over in flats, averaging of
late eighty dray loads per day.
Our city authorities have not been idle. Every
street in the city, and every avenue leading to it, we
believe is now in travelling order.
Health of the City. —The best evidence we have
as regards the health of our city, is that oar physi
cians (and we have a number of them) have but lit
tle to do. Several of them have informed us that
thev have never known the city more healthy tit tins
season of the year than at present. Asa fui thee
evidence, we would state that several persons and
families who left the city thinking that the freshet
would cause sickness, have returned and resumed
their usual occupations. —Augusta Constitu
tionalist.
(CT The Cholera is raging severely in the counties
of Owen and Grant, Kentucky.