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sipping a “social glass” with his friend!
How many a foolish bargain has been
made under the influence of the nervine,
which temporarily makes its victim so rich!
How many important chances have been put
oil until to-morrow, and thence forever, be
cause the wine cop has thrown the system
into a state ot lassitude, neutralizing the en
ergies so essential to success in business!
‘1 he use ot intoxicating drinks as a beverage
is as much an infatuation as the smoking of
opium bv the Chinese, and the former is
quite as destructive to the success of the bu
siness man as the latter.
sth. Let hajpc predominate, but be not too
visionary. Many persons are always kept
poor because they are too visionary. Every
project looks to them like certain success,
and therefore they keep changing from one
business to another, always in hot water and
always “under the harrow.” The plan of
“counting the chickens before they are hatch*
eel,’ is an error of ancient date, but it does
not seem to improve by age.
6ili. Do not scatter your powers. Engage
in one kind of business only, arid stick to it
faithtuily until you succeed, or until you con
clude to abandon it. A constant hammering
on one nail will generally drive it home at
last, so that it can bo clinched. When a
man’s undivided attention is centered on
one object, bis mind will continually be sug
gesting improvements of value, which would
•escape him if his brain were occupied bv a
dozen different subjects at once. Many a
fortune has slipped through men’s fingers by
engaging in too many occupations at once.
7th. Engage proper employees. Never em
ploy a man of bad habits, when one whose
‘habits are good can be found to fill bis situa
tion. I have generally been extremely for
tunate in having faithful and competent pei- i
sons to til! the responsible situations in my I
business, and a man can scarcely be too I
grateful for such a blessing. \\ hen you find j
a man unfit to fill his station, either from inca- j
pacify or peculiarity of character or disposi I
tion, dispense with his services, and do not j
drag out a miserable existence in the vain at- !
tempt to change his nature. It is utterly im
possible to do so. “\oti cannot make a silk
pnrse,”&o. He has been created for some
other sphere; let him find and tii! it.
Bth. Advertise your business. Do not i
hide your lighi under a bushed. W hatever j
your occupation or calling may be, if it i
needs support from tiie public, advertise it [
thoroughly and efficiently, in some shape or j
other, that will arrest public attention, 1 free- j
lv confess that what success I have had in I
my life may fairly be aft ibuted more to the
public press than to nearly all other causes
combined.
9th. Avoid all extravagance ; and always
Jive consider ably within your income, if you
can do so wit bout absolute starvation. It
needs no prophet to tell us that those who
live fully up to their means, without any
thought of a rovers ■ in life, can never attain a
pecuniary independence.
Men and women accustomed to gratify
every whim and caprice, will find it hard at
first to cut down their various unnecessary
expenses, and will fed it a great s-elf-denial
to live in a smaller house than they h ive been
accustomed to, with less expensive furniture,
less company, less costly clothing, a less num
ber ot balls, parties, theatre goings, carri ige
ridings, pleasure excursions, cigar smokings,
liquor drinkings, &.\ Are. ; but, after all, if
they will try the plan of laying by a “nest
egg,’’ or, in other words, a ssmall urn of mo
ney, after paying all expenses, they will be
surprised at the pleasure to be derived from
constantly adding to their little “pile,” as
well as from all the economical habits which
follow in the pursuit of this peculiar pleasure.
The old suit of clothes, and the old bon
net and dress, will answer for another sea
son ; the Croton or spring water w ill taste bet
ter than champagne ; a brisk walk will prove
more exhilarating than a ride in the finest
coach ; a social family chat, an evening’s
reading in the family circle, or an hour’s play
of “hunt the slipper,” and “blind man’s buff,”
will be far more pleasant than a fifty or a five
hundred dollar party, when the"reflection on
the difference in cost is indulged in, by those
who begin to know the pleasures of saving.
Thousands of men are kept poor, and tens
of thousands are made so after they have ac
quired quite sufficient to support them Weff
through life, in consequence of layiff'''"th 0 j r
plans of living on too expensive_jtplatf,rm.
Some families in this couiftry “expend $20,-
000 per annum; and*6n ie much more, and
would seareelyjrs w how to live on a small
er s 'j m - is a more severe ordeal
“mJfiiadversity, especially sudden prosperity.
“Easy come, easy go,” is an old and true
proverb. Pride, when permitted full sway, is
the undying canker-worm which gnaws the
very vitals of a man’s worldly possessions,
let them be small or great, hundreds or mil
lions. Many persons, as they begin to pros
per, immediately commence expending for
luxuries, until in a short time their expenses
swallow up their income, and they become
ruined in their ridiculous attempts to keep
up appearances, and make a “sensation.”
I know a gentleman of fortune, who snvs
that, when he first began to prosper, his wife
would have anew and elegant sofa. “That
sofa,” he says, “cost me thirty thousand dol
lars !” The riddle is thus explained : When
the sofa reached the house, it was found nec
essary to get chairs “to match,” then side
boards, carpets, and tables, “to correspond”
with them, and so on through the entire stock
of furniture, when at last it was found that
the house itself was quite too small and olc
fashioned for the furniture, and anew one
was built “to correspond” with the sofa and
■et catenas. “Thus,”added my friend, “adding
up an outlay of $30,009 caused by that sin
gle sofa, and saddling on me, in the shape of
servants, equipage, and the necessary ex
penses attendant on keeping up a fine‘es
tablishment,’ a yearly outlay of eleven thou
sand dollars, and a tight pinch at that;
whereas, ten years ago, we lived with much
more real comfort, because with much less
care, on as many hundreds. The truth is,”
he continued, “that sofa would have brought
me to inevitable bankruptcy, had not a most
unexampled tide of prosperity kept me
above it.”
10th, Do not depend upon others. Your
success mustdepend upon your own individu
al exertions. Trust not to the assistance
of Iriends, but learn that every man must be
the arGhiteet of his own fortune; and with
proper attention to the foregoing rules, and
such observations as a man of sense will pick
up in his own experience, the road to com
petence will not, 1 think, usually be found a
difficult one. P. T. BARNUM.
Bridgeport, Conn., June 28, 1852,
The Bible in South America, — The Buenos
Ay roan Government has recently decreed that in
the course of instruction pursued in the publ'c
schools in that country, the Word of God shal; be
included. This is a very interesting fact. If ihe
children and youth of the South American Repub
lics can be educated with the Bible in their hands,
trie liberties cl those Republics may be regarded as
permancut.
Bonfytxn Srnlitul.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING,....OCT. 21,1852.
ELECTORAL TICKETS FOR GEORGIA.
We give onr readers to-day afl the Electoral
Tickets except that lately started in Cherokee Geor
gia, by Capt. Wofford. There are no support
ers of that ticket in this part of the State.
FOR PRESIDENT,
GEORGE M. TROUP.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
JOHN A. QUITMAN.
ELECTORS.
FOR THE STATE AT LARGE I
JOHN A. JONES,
JOHN A TUCKER.
2d District A. H. COOPER.
FOH PRESIDENT,
GEN. FRANKLIN PIERCE,
OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE.
FOR VICE-I'RESIDEXT,
Hon. WILLIAM R. KING,
OF ALABAMA.
ELECTORS.
FOR THE STATE AT LARGE t
Hon. H. V. JOHNSON, of Baldwin,
lion. W ILSON LUMPKIN, of Clark.
FOR THE DISTRICTS:
1. THOMAS M- FOREMAN, of Mclntosh.
2. RICHARD 11. CLARK, of Baker.
3. lion. HENRY G. LAMAR, of Bibb.
1— Hon. HUGH A. HARALSON, of Troup.
5. —JOSEPH E. BROWN, of Cherokee.
6. WILLIAM L. MITCHELL, of Clark.
7. —lt. W. FLOUMCOY, of W ashington.
8. Hon. W ILLIAM SCHLEY, of Richmond. j
FOR PRESIDENT,
GEN. WINFIELD SCOTT.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
WILLIAM A. GRAHAM.
ELECTORS.
FOR THE STATE AT LARGE I
JOEL CRAWFORD.
FOR THE DISTRICTS:
1. -GEORGE W. WALTIIOUR,
2. —LOT W ARREN,
3. ROBERT V. HARDEMAN,
4 —ROBERT VV. SIMMS,
5. TURNER 11. TRIPPE,
6. IRA E. DUPREE,
7. N. G. FOSTER,
8. GEORGE EVANS.
FOR PRESIDENT,
DANIEL WEBSTER,
OF MASSACHUSETTS.
FOR VICE-PRESIDENT,
CHARLES J. JENKINS,
OF GEORGIA.
ELECTORS.
FOP. TIIE STATE AT LARGE:
It. 11. GUMMING, of Richmond.
EDWARD Y. IIILL, of Troup.
FOR THE districts:
1- HAMILTON W . SHARPE, of Thomas.
2. —W M. M. BROWN, of Marion.
3. WASHINGTON POE, of Bibb.
4. BLOUNT C. FERRELL, of Troup.
5. —NOAH STRONG, of Forsyth.
6. YOUNG L. G. HARRIS, of Clark.
7. —JOHN J. FLOYD, of Newton.
8. PHILIP S. LEMLE, of Jefferson.
Election—Tuesday, 21 November.
The Presidential Election.
Tuesday the second of November will soon bt;.
! here, and the destiny of the country for years,
and it may be for all time, will be then definitively
settled. Ihe right to vote js/-the highest privilege
and most sokmn duty oJMmizenship. No man can
refuse to exerciseJth&’etective franchise, without crim
maiity : and jpffry man who abuses the privilege by
voting contrary to his conscience, is a traitor to his
country and the hopes of the world. God grant
that every American citizen may appreciate Lis pri
vileges in this crisis, and perform his duty to God,
his country, and himself.
ror which of the candidates ought Southern men
to vote ?
If Governor Troup stood any chance of election—
even if the party which he heads were a vital party,
) and had anv prospect of uniting the South—we
would cheerfully “ive him our support. But as we
are firmly convinced that we would throw away our
vote, and expose the weakness of our organization,
wo will not vote for him.
It is out of the question for any sound Southern
j mail to vote for General Scott. He is the “crea-
I tion and choice” of Seward ; he was nominated by
Northern free- soil votes ;he was almost unanimously
j opposed by the whole South—he has been rejected
! and spurned by leading Whigs in every Southern
| State, as unsound on the slavery question ; he is in
i favor of a Bank of the United States, of a Prot c
i five Tariff, of Internal Improvements by the Gen
i efal Government ; he has avowed himself at one
time to be a Native American, and opposed to the
naturalization of foreigners—lie is now in favor of
allowing all foreigners to vote who have served one
year in the navy or army ; lie has avowed himself
in favor of the emancipation of slaves, and said that
he would have voted in favor of a law to that effect,
if he had been a member of the Legislature of Vir
ginia when this subject was proposed there ; he is
the personal friend of William 11. Seward, and has
declared in so many words, that if elected President,
he will appoint abolitionists and free-soilers to office.
But over and above all this, he is a Southern man
by birth, and is giving aid and assistance to the ene
I mies ol the South by recognizing them as his friends,
giving them assurance of office if lie is elected. Ilis
only claim to Southern support is, that he is a great
General.
A Southern man may vote for Franklin Pierce, 1
and in our opinion every Southern man ought to
vote for him.
He voted against the reception of abolition petitions ,
as long as the Southern men voted against them—
j l* l ’ always voted against their reference and consid
| eration ; he voted tor and sustained Mr, Pinckney's
resolutions on this subject; he voted for and advo j
eated Mr. Calhoun's celebrated resolutions on the j
same subject, which some Southern men considered
ultra, and opposed ; though the whole North, with
here and there a brilliant exception, went in favor of
the Wilmot Proviso, there is not a particle of evi
dence that Franklin Pierce ever gave it anv coun
tenance ; he was a warm advocate of the an
nexation of Texas, whereby the Southern peo
ple acquired an Empire in which to extend their
peculiar institutions ; he has ably contended for the
; Fugitive slave law, and defeated the Democratic !
candidate for Governor of New Hampshire, because
lie would not support it also; he is opposed to pro
tective tariffs, internal improvements by the Federal
Government, United States Bank, and every other
Federal heresy, and is an old State Rights Repub- j
liean of the straightest sect.
There are some objections to Franklin Pierce, j
He is the nominee of a National party ; he regards I
slavery as an evil ; he is supported by free soilers.
We are sorry this is so, but much can be said in
extenuation. He was the “creation and choice” of
the Southern Democracy, almost all of whom are
Southern Rights men. Many Southern peo. le and
some prominent Southern politicians regard slavery
as an evil—among whom were Henry Clay and
William C. Rives ; and Franklin Pierce has
always opposed all interference with the institution
by the Federal Government, and the Northern
States and Northern people; and we may therefore
; reasonably conclude that he regards the liberation of
| the slave as a still greater evil than his servitude.
’ The free-soilers who support Pierce are denounced
1 as deserters by their former allies, and their leaders
recognize the constitutionality and binding force of
the Fugitive slave law.
We will not pretend that these apologies for
Pierce are altogether satisfactory. But of this we
are certain : be is the soundest Northern politician
now living, and is more reliable than great bodies of
j Southern men.
Hopeless of Southern sectional organization for
, the protection of our rights at present, we feel
; bound to vote for that man for President who will
do us least harm ; and that man is Franklin
Pierce.
Genera! Scott anti the Foreign Vote.
We have forborne heretofore to attack General
i Scott's position on the subject of the naturalization
| of Foreigners; but since lie has taken the stump in
I the V est, and has seen fit to canvass the country for
’ votes, and makes no concealment of his new-born
; zeal for this class of our population, forbearance has
ceased to be a virtue, and we cannot refrain from the
disagreeable task of exposing his equivocation on this
subject.
In a letter to G. W. Ref.d. Esq., and others,
heretofore published in our paper of the 25th June ,
last, of the date of Nov. 10, IS4I, Gin. Scott uses j
the following pointed language :
1 now hesitate between extending the period of resi- |
dence before naturalization, and a total repeal of all
acts of Congress on the subject. My mind inclines to 1
the latter.
There is no equivocation in this paragraph. He i
evidently regards the foreign population as utterly j
unfit to exercise the privileges of an American fre- j
man. My mind inclines to the latter. lie wished j
to see all laws repealed w. ich gave to the foreigner j
the right to vote. Nor is this all. He gives the j
reason for the faith that is in him. He says in this !
same letter :
Those views have their origin in the stormy elections
ot the Spring of 1835, and were confirmed in the week
that the Harrison electors were chosen in New York.
On both occasions, 1 was in that city, and heard in the
streets “ Down with the natives.” It was heard in al
most i very group of foreigners, its the signal for rally
ing and outrage.
Fin'd with indignation, two friends sat clown with me
in my parlor at the Astor House (Nov. 1810,) to draw
up an address —designed to rally an American party
The desire to organize a Native American party,
and to disfranchise his fellow-citizens who are for
eigners by the accident of birth, but A im-ricans in
prme pie. in feeling, by residence, by interest, ly
adoption, and it may be by suffering and wounds on
the bloody battle field, was not of sudden growth in
the bosom of Gen. Scott. It had its origin in 1835,
and had increased in intensity, until “fired with in
dignation,” he sat down in his parlor at the Astir
House in Novenri! e•, 1840, and with the assistance
of two friends, drew up an address, the object of
which was to rally an American paity !
So far as we era asccrt. in, there was no change in i
General ScoTT’sopiniouson this subject until after the !
Mexican war. At least lie never gave any iutima- i
tion of such a change, until he was nominated for !
President, and it became necessary to conciliate the
foreign voters. Then, but so far as we can ascertain, I
not till then, foreigners became very great favorites j
with him. Indeed, lie cannot, it would seem, now j
utter the simplest form of speech with which stump !
orators open their addresses to the people, without j
going out of his way to explain that “fellow-citizens” j
means “native and adopted citizens, as well as all
who intend to become citizens of this great and glo
rious country.” This was the exordium of General
Scott's speech at Cleveland, and we suppose he
uses it on all occasions when lie addresses tiie peo; le
in his ehetioneeri-fjg'tour through the West. This
change iii is thus announced in Lis letter
of accoptttFreb of his nomination :
.
I therefore barely suggest, in this place, that should I,
by the partiality of my countrymen, be elevated to the
chief magistracy of the Union, I shall be ready, in mv
connection with Congress * * * *
also to recommend or approve of a single alteration in
our Naturalization Laws, suggested Ly my military
experience, viz., giving to all Foreigners the right of
citizenship, who shall faithfully serve, in time of war,
one year on board ot our public ships, or in our land
forces, regular or volunteer, on their receiving an hon
orable discharge from the service.
This new-born affection for foreigners was mani
fested in General Scott’s Cleveland speech, in a
very pathetic appeal to Irishmen. The General was
addressing Ins “fellow-citizens,” both “native and
adopted, as well as ah who intend to become citizens
of this great and glorious country,” when a patriotic
son of the Emerald Isle, who had folio wed the Gen
eral, as he rode through the city in his covered car
riage, notwithstanding the “rain and mud,’ 5 exclaim
ed, “you’re welcome here;” when ha replied. “1
hear that rich brogue—l love to hear it—-it makes
me remember the noble deeds of Irishmen, many of
whom I have led to battle and to victory.”
This great change, then, in General Scott’s views
is to be attributed to the heroic bravery of the for
eign soldiers enlisted under our banner during the
Mexican war! In 1535, that “rich brogue” fired
him with indignation—in 1852, it reminded him of
the noble deeds o‘. Irishmen ! If we may be per
mitted to assign a reason for the change of opinion
on the part of the Whig candidate for the Pn siden
cy, we would say that the “you’re welcome here,”
of the excited Hibernian, was the true one—it gave
assurance of Irish support to the Scott and Gra
ham ticket.
Irish courage had illustrated the annals of the
: country before 1835. The gallant Montgomery
i had fallen on the heights of Abraham, in the terrible
I carnage of the revolution, and General Scott had
I led thousands of his countrymen to battle and to vie-
I tory in the struggle of 181“. Nor should we forget
| that Fn-neli courage, and German courage, and Po-
I hsh courage, and English courage, had borne aloft
I the standard of the country, in-the persons of La
| Fayette, DeKalb, Steben, Kosciusko, Pulaski, and
Gates, and their gallant followers, names before
which the most gallant of the foreigners who bore
j the brunt of battle in Mexico, “pale their ineffectual
1 fires.”
In conclusion, we differed with General Scott
when, “fired with indignation,” he drew up an ad
dress, the object of which was to form a Native
American party, and deny to foreigners the rights of
American citizens, and we differ from him now,
, when, pressed by tbe exigencies of a hot political
| canvass, he hopes to secure the foreign vote by fling
ing wide open, the door of naturalization, and would
i flood the polls with foreigners fresh from camp,
i where he is lord of the asc ndant. We stand by
the o!J Republican land-marks, anxious to extend
the elective franchise to all foreigners who entitle
themselves to citizenship by the oath of allegiance and
the constitutional term of residence, but not less so
licitous to keep from the polls all persons who have
not made themselves familiar with our institutions,
and thereby learned to appreciate the rich legacy of
liberty we have iuheritpd from our revolutionary an
cestors.
Milledgvtille Recorder. —The last number
of the Milledgeville Recorder contains the valedic
tory of Miller Grieve, Esq., its senior editor. His
connection with the Recorder commenced twenty
years since in copartnership with R. M. Orme, Esq.
He now disconnects himself with the organ, prepara
tory to his leaving as Charge d’Affaires to Copen
hagen. The paper will henceforth continue under
he role management of R, M, Orme, Esq.
The Republic and the Elections.
The Washington Republic has a leading article
! upon the late elections in Pennsylvania, Ohio and
j Indiana, in which he attempts to prepare the public
mind for a defeat. lie says that ten or twelve
thousand majority against the Whig candidate, will
denote the certain triumph of Gen. Scott in Ohio.
A majority of five thousand against the Whigs in
1 Indiana is a matter of moonshine, andean be readi
jly overcome. Such proof of Whig ascendency may
! be very gratifying to the Editor of the Republic , but
will hardly inspire enthusiasm in this part of the
! world.
Cuban Troubles.
Every day adds to the probability of a rupture
between the United States and Spain. The massa
cre i>f Crittenden, and his brave but misguided as
sociates, has kindled a hostility in the bosoms of a
large portion of the American people, which can on
ly be allayed by the destruction of Spanish dominion
in the Island of Cuba. The discontents prevalent
among the creole population are aggravated by the
arrest, imprisonment and execution of many of tbe
first men in the Island ; and every refugee from
Spanish tyranny, but adds to the excitement in this
country. The refusal of the Spanish authorities to
allow the Crescent City to land her mails and pas.
singers on the Is and. upon the ground that the
purser had written letters for the American press,
denunciatory of the government of Cuba—and the
unauthorized search of the Cornelia, and seizure of
| passengers and papers found on hoard, by the Span
| ish authorities, will not be passed by in silence by the
| government of the United States. It is true that
the Fillmore administration is remarkably non
i combative, and has manifested a great desire to keep
the peace, even at the expense of the lives and lib
; ertit-s of American citizens; I ut his cabinet will not
| dare to resist the fide of popular indignation which
: continued submission to continued outrage will rouse
in the hearts of the American people. Nor can the
peace he preserved by this paltroon policy. The go
vernment is bound by the highest considerations, to
repress unauthorized and illegal invasions on the
part of our citizens upon Spanish territory ; and al
so to crush, if need be, with the force of arms, the
insolent tyranny of the Spanisli authorities over our
citizens and commerce. It is unfortunate that this
course was not pursued from the beginning of the
Cuban difficulties. It is a principle of an American,
to take redress of wrongs in his own hands, when
government fails to fulfil its duties; and to the con
duct of the administration when Crittenden and
his followers were murdered, more than to anv thing
else, we attribute the growing desire among large
masses of our people, to drive the Spaniards out of
Cuba. The conduct, however, of the Cuban gov
ernment lias tended directly to the same result.
Instead of conciliation, it has resorted to threats,
mid proscriptions. Every American seems to be
regarded as an enemy to tiie State ; and every
means has been used to terrify and affrighten our
citizens and drive them from the Island. Such a
policy may be wise and proper when directed to
wards semi-civilized creoles, but cannot fail to pro
duce the worst results with American citizens, who
prize honor and liberty far above life. If the course
of policy heretofore pursued by our own and the
government of Cuba is persisted in, it will inevita
bly result in the independence of the Island.
“Uncle Tom's Cabin as it is”—by W. L. G.
Smith.
We are indebted to the fanaticism of Mrs. Tlar
! hiet Beecher Stowe for this work. It is written
by Northern man, and is designed to counteract
i tl*r‘ influence of Uncle Tom's Cabin on the Northern
: mind, by a truthful description of the life of the low
ly at the South, and the hardships, wrongs and
heart breaking disappointment of the fugitive slave
ln the laud of freedom. His description of Southern
life is erroneous ; the negroes on Mr. Erskine's plan
tation are more ignoi uit and stupid than negroes
gene!ally arc at the South ; Erskine himself and
his whole family are negative characters, and are by
no means fair specimuis of Southern planters ; and
the author is evidently wholly unacquainted with the
routine of plantation life. The first half of the vol- j
ume, therefore, is very dull and insipid. As soon, ;
however, as Uncle Tom treads on Northern soil the I
interest of the narrative increases and is pretty well j
sustained to the end of the volume.
The book opens p operlv with a description of
a plantation on the Shenandoah, embowered among
the mountains of Virginia. Tbe master, Mr. Eits
ki.ne, is a weak but hospitable old widower, who
treats his slaves with great kindness, and lives m
peace with all mankind. Ilis servants are content
ed and happy, and “ Uncle Tom” is foreman and fa
vorite on the plantation, beloved of course by all the
“white folks” and much respected bv the “niggi-rs.’’
I nfortuiiatclv, however, for “Lucie To n,” age is
creeping upon him, and “Hector” having shown
liitris -ls the best hoe-hand, is put over him. This
indignity is too great for L nclc Torn’s temper—lie
grozs idle, stubborn and rebellious, and is punished
moderately in consequence.
•Just about this time, a Mr. Bates au-ives at the
j plantation to teach Mr. Erski.ne's children. He is
i from the North, and having imbibed abolition senti
| mvnts with his mother’s tnilk, straightway sets to
j work to stir up rebellion among the negroes, and
j qrd e daz/.les the imaginations of the poor slaves with
■ virions cl liberty. All 1 1 is plans however fail, and
j lie very hastily quits the premises. Uncle Tom.
however, was :i ready believer in Mr. Bates’ tea h
ings, and soon after his retreat, follows in his wake,
and amvts in Canada lie next turns up at St.
David s, a most forlorn, ragged, hungry uretell, in
the employ of an abolitionist. Disgusted with the
quartet s there provided for him, the poor fugitive
! returns to Buffalo, and makes a precarious living
during the summer months as boot-black. Winter,
however, soon comes on, and tbe poor fellow is
found o e eolJ morning buried in the snow at his
own door, almost frozen to death and frost-bitten,
j Hia friends all desert him, and his life is preserved
| by the attentions of the city officers and the svmpa
: thy of Nelly, a freed negro, who takes him into her
| Cabin, and evidently hopes in the end to make him
| her husband. She, however, was poor, and Tom
: had to stir his stumps to get bread enough to keep
soul and body together. While fighting manfully
j against starvation and wicked tn-ss, his old master
i Erskine, accompanied by bis family and ‘Tourney’’
, and “Tom’s own luhley Dinah,” arrive in Buffalo
The poor fugitive’s heart yearns to fold her in his
arms again, but he is spirited off’ by a yang of abo
i htiunists to Canada, without having had even a kiss
; trom her pouting lips. Luckily, however, for him.
j he stumbles upon a Mr. and Mrs. Sharp, famous
i abolitionists in those parts, and persuad- s them to
j assist him in the recovery of his beloved spouse. !
| Mr. Sharp and Tom post off to Niagara and aotual
| ly find Mr. Erskine at the Clifton House, on the
i Canada side. Ihe game was now in their own
i hands. But Pompey and Dinah are true to “old
masser,” and instead of being persuaded by Mr.
Sharp and Tom to assert their independence, they
actually p.-rsuade Tom to return again to “old Vir
ginny,” And the book closes very properly with a
reunion in Uncle Tom’s cabin, on the old plantation; \
and there he sits as natural as life, smoking bis old j
eob pipe, while little Tom is swinging to a cow’s
tail, and they all look just as happy as if they had i
never heard of freedom or Mr. Bates.
The moral of the story is, that the negro is j
happy and contented at the South, in a state of de- |
pendenee ; but when thrown upon iiis own resources,
and brought into competition with the superior mind
and energy of white men, he is not equal to the con
test, and sinks under its pressure into poverty and
hopeless misery.
As friends of the slave, and Southerners, we hear
tily thank Mr. Saiith for his endeavor to stem the j
current of abolition fanaticism, and commend his
Book to the patronage of Southern men. It can be
had at A. C. Flewellen & Co.’s, in this city.
Washington Correspondence of the Sentinel.
Washington, October, 1832.
“Still must we hear !” The Whig Pilgrim for the
Presidency still goes spouting and egotising through
the Western Reserve of Ohio—the very head-quar
ters of rampant Abolitionism—under the paltry pre
text of selecting a site for a Military Asylum. The
speeches all bear the same peculiar marks, and are as
like as peas, lie is the hero of them all, and the
sole topic touched upon is himself. The “I's” and
“me's” and “rnyself’s,” which pepper these dis
courses, are almost post computation. The whole
budget of bis plitieal principles seems to be com
prised in personal pronouns. The Y. Y. Herald
counted the “I's” in three of these speeches, and
showed them to equal those in a peacock's tail.
The old warrior is nothing but a political peacock,
after all, though an undoubted military genius ; but
the man who attempts that for which nature and ed
ucation have unfitted him. must inevitably make
himself ridiculous, whatever his native powers or
; public services may have been. So it is with Seott,
and worse, still, he is about to be sold to the Philis
tines more absolutely than ever, by his designing
managers, who use him as a cat’s paw. While the
j General is stumping it in Ohio—Hale, too. is there
, —Greeley has gone on to join them, and Thurlow
! Weed is this day intriguing with Tompkins, the
; Free Soil nominee in New York, in order that
’ the whole Free Soil organization may, at the elev
enth hour, be transferred to the support of Scott.
\ High hopes tire entertained by the high-contracting
pu/ties that the arrangement will work, which
would secure the Scott ascendency in the Northern
States, while his Virginia letters (now circulating se
cretly) could bo simultaneously exploded on the
South. Such is the scheme of the subtle Abolition
ists, Truman Smith and Greeley, who control the
Whig organization, and it will require the most
sleepless vigilance to thwart this diabolically ingeni
ous scheme. One unexpected difficulty presents it
self; some of the most fanatical Abolitionists—such
as Giddings—refuse to come into the arrangement,
: and “when rogues fall out”—you know the rest.
Their consequence and importance depends on the |
separate organization previous to the election, and I
they stubbornly stand in the way. Hence you will
be able to account for the murderous ferocity with
which the New York Tribune tomahawks old Gid
dings, its former friend—denounces him as a thief :
ami swin.i! r, and a “disgrace to the cans •of free- j
dom”—and is equally astonished that “a man con- !
nected with such a cause,” should show “such folly I
j and wickedness” as he, the aforesaid Joshua Gid- ‘
dings, whom it proceeds solemnly to excommunicate
from h fee Soil fellowship. All these subterranean
intrigues an ‘ g ( ' in g on, while General Seott. with
his leathers all spread like a huge turkey-cock,’
goes unconsciously strutting and gobbling to the as
sembling multitudes, drawn together bv curiosity to !
witness his advent. The poor old man, the victim
ol his own vanity, is the unconscious instrument of j
these crawling but venomous creatures in the errass ’
hut no turkey in a trap was ever more securely ca- ■
ged and secured titan he by them, as the action of
the leaders of the Southern Whig party shmv them !
to understand. They know their game, and i
their man, too, and if they can only consummate the j
coalition they are attempting, the coil of the Ana i
conda will not be more fast and fatal than theirs |
around the Government, then and thereafter;
should they triumph, the instrument of anti-slavery,
backed by the power of the pu 1-4*and sword in the
same hands, the hands of o?jo who has proclaimed
j that he will not “ tolerate sedition , faction , or oppo
-1 sition to the laws” North or South. These are
|n 4 mere guesses, or speculations. They are true.
I and founded 011 the knowledge of movements now
’ actually taking place. Os this you can rest assured,
j Tile danger threatened by such combinations, and
j the necessity of checkmating -hen?, is very obvious.
Ibo game of personal detraction against General
1 I ierce, is now abut.dimed by the aeutest of the p ;r
----! tisaris of Scott. The. N. Y. Courier and Enquirer,
1 which first fiercely denounced Scott’s nomination,
. but has since sided in on the ground of “duty to the
■ party and its principles,” (Protection, and Internal
| Improvements, &e ,) indignantly denounces the
| slanders on Pierce’s personal courage and private
■ character, as base and blackguard, mid even the
j Tribune, the subterranean organ of Abolition, while
insis-ing on the superior claims of Seott, now admits
| l ' la t “Mr. Pi- ree is a good citizen and a respectable
man,’’ showing the recoil occasioned by its previous
slanders. Very confident of the success of his sub
terranean movement, Greeley says in his last edito
rial, of the “silent movement
This silent movement-in favor of our candidate will
tell with vast effect oil the day of the election. <) tr op
ponents will be astonished at the extent of their own
defeat. 1
Such are the general aspects of the canvas at the pre
sent moment. They will change before the election
imt tis during the past month, the change will he in our
favor only. Scott must continue to gain and Pierce to
Jo e. Let our fiends then every where renew their ef
and complete their organization.
It is more than probable that these schemers will j
be disappointed, for secresy was essential to the sue- |
cess of “this S lent movement” of Greeley, Truman i
Smith 6z Cos.
Ibe statement of these fids is neoessarv to t - x
j plain tile apparent impolicy on tlio part of the Whig
J Committee, in letting Gen. fciontt loose to make a
: “holy sho.v ’ol himsi If before the public. This eo-
I alitiol) wits foreshadowed by I'lia-bleus Stevens, of
t ennsy ivrnia, in his speech just before the adjourn
j rnent of Cotigivss. In that speech he advocated
tlio arrangement since partially consummated, on
strong grounds. The following extract from his
speech will suffice :
Now, sir, I intend to bo frank on this subject. So far
as enforcing the provi-ions of the Constitution, with re
It aid to slavery, is concerned in all its parts, I believe no
man in this Union credd be more faithful than General
Scott. His whole life has been spent in admini sering
and submitting to discipline; and having taken the of
ficial oath of Chief Magistrate to support the Constitu
tion o! the United Stales, it see iis to me that none but
base-minded men would sni-tru t its fulfillment, but if
i gentlemen require, as they do require, that any act of
> Congress, amending or repealing the Fugitive Slave
| Law , should be met by Execnliee obstruction, and ar
rested by Executive veto; and that the wholeiufluence
■ ol his administration should he used for that purpose I
i am tree to say, TH-XT I DO NOT BELIEVE THr’y
i u L AX^V PO * N GEN - SCOTT FOR SUCH
HIGH-HANDSD TYRANNY.
! Jt they require that tiie. Executive shall afford facilities
I >or extending slavery into territory now free, or the ad
mission ol new State- into the Union, bevond the line of
compact now <-xi tiag, I THINK I HAZARD NOTH-
Cyo IN SAY ING THAT THEY CANNOT RELY
Ltt i\ GEN. SCOTT. Upon the other hand, I am
constrained to admit, that in all official as well us extra
i official efforts by the use of the Executive veto, to pre
i vent the amendment or repeal of the Fugitive Slave
! fair, and to ado and facilities for the spread of slaverv
into tree lands and lor the admission of new slave States
i Vjto Ks Union, THEY CAN RELY MOST IM
t L.CIi’LY UPON GEN. PIERCE, notwithstanding
what some foolish men have published about seme
i speech mad# by him at New Boston. [Laughter.] If
jhe did utter such sentiments—it he overdid tail into the
; path of rectitude, it was momentary and accidental, gnii
t or which he is not to I e held responsible, [renewed
Igugliteri—FOß ALL IJJS VOTES IN CONGRESS.
AND ALL HIS PUBLIC ACTS EVERY WHERE.
fCLAffI HIM THE CHAMPION OF SLA
VER T.
Now every well informed Southern man knows
that tl}e whole North does not contain a more con
sistent and unflinching Abolitionist than Thud- Ste
| wns, nor a more sagacious and shrewder one. If
any body is to be humbugged in any arrangement
to which he is a party, it certainly will not be him
self ; and he is at this time laboring most assiduous
ly on the stump to carry Pennsylvania for Scott,
On the other sid.-, so strong is the Democratic
pressure on the Abolition or Free Soil supporters of
Pierce, that their brethren declare them to be apos
tates and deserters. John Van Bureu and the Dem
ocratic Free Sealers bid fair to share the fate of the !
flymg fish, for “Prince John,” at Hillsborough, 1
spoke as follows:
Mr. Van Buren was satisfied that the action of the j
Buffalo Democrats in 18-18, secured the election of the
VV big candidate. They accepted the Baltimore plat
form of ‘52, because thatp'atform demanded of them
that they should not agitate the question of slavery.
He was willing to stand by the jrrovisions of the Con
stitution—all of its provisions. He believed it true that
the Constitution secured the right to recover runaway
slaves ; and we must all live to it, or the Constitution
was at an end; if it was a duty to live up to it, that
duty should be performed in a constitutional manner.
If Washington and Jay and such men made a bargain,
he should believe it a fair one, though Abby Folsom and
her crew should denounce it as contrary.
Now, whatever credence may be attached to the
sincerity of the conversion, is it not obvious to every
fair-minded man, that the contrast between the two
parties is simply this : Free Soilers act with both—
but they control the Whig nrgrnization, and sit at
its head —in the Democratic organization, they are
received on sufferance only, and constitute its caudal
extremity. Hence the bolting of the more impatient
spirits among them, sueli as Chase and Tompkins.
There is no such bolting from the Whig party, which
opens its arms wide to take in these prodigals from
the Democracy, into its sympathising bosom. In
the meantime the VY ebster movement g. es on. In
Boston, there was a large meeting on the 6th inst. i
attended by 4000 to 6000 persons. A letter was
read from Hiram Ketehum, of Yew York, in which i
I lie speaks thus sternly :
j lam not surprised that you should deeply feel that the
Vi hig party of Massachusetts has been wronged ; and
Daniel VV eb-ter has been wronged bv the proceedings of
the Whig Convention in Baltimore—Massachusetts, the
j foremost of Whig States, Daniel Webster, the foremost
lof Wnigmon. For my own part, I feel that the Whig
j party of die whole country has been false to its most
| cheri-hed principles, and to the most distingui-hed cham
pion ol those principles—the m in who, of all men. has
made us proud of our party Had the members of that
Convention dared to embody in a resolution, the reason
assigned in p ivate conversation by many of them, for
| the rejection of Mr. Webster, thev would have been’lti -
| sed and scorned from Baltimore to their homes. That
! reason was, that lie was too great a man to be apprecia
! ted by the American people, and was therefore un
j popular.
• Still, in spite of this, the knowing ones say that
negotiations are on foot to buy out the Webster in
terest at the North, but it is to be hoped that this is
a slander, for tlo-y can take no steps backwtud with
out disgrace. The Webster and Jenkins ticket,
however, is a curious combination. For Mr. Web
ster, by all his speeches, even to the last, in 1831, i
i s’iwds pledged to a policy, the persistanee in which, j
; Charles J. Jenkins stands solemnly pledged to resist,
j even to a disrupt are of the Union, as collating Web !
! ster’s declarations with the 4th article of the Geor- i
gia platform, drawn up by Jenkins himself, will con
clusively show.
A contrast in parallel columns carries conviction j
: of this autag uiistn with it, but in these days froth :
j and splatter seem to be regarded as the best substi-
I for facts and common sense—a id “sound and
| r ‘"T’ signifying nothing,” the test o p tri .'ism.
In the meantime tile Liberty Party, who have
j nominated Goodell—the raving Abolitionist — ire as
busy as bees. Here is their last movement. They,
however, are but a handfulf, and cannot effect lie re
sult, since they number more women than men.
Still it is a party, as any congregation of piivate in
dividuals may, by courtesy’, be designated,
Li itF.i;tv Party Nominations.— Liberty Partv Na
tional and State Conventions, have been held in Syra-
I £•'*'; / lu ;, lo!,nur nominated Wm. Goodell, of New
i \ oi k, ior i resident, and 3. M. Piper, of Virginia, for
I ,ce The latter nominated the following !
btate ticket: For Governor, Wm. R. Smith, of Wayne * !
jor Lieut Governor, J. Preston Adams, of Jefferson;
for Lanai Commissioner, Charles Wheaten, of Onon
dana; for State Prison inspector, Win. Shafcott, of
Oaynga. Both Conventions adopted resolutions reaf
fining tnc old issues of the Liberty Party.
The greater in this case lias absorbed the less,
j Tll ° O'ee Soil organization swallowed up the Aboli
tion, both tending to the same point. The North
ern mind still up to fever heat on the subject
of slavery, and hah Lit. rat 11 re, the Drama, and po
litieal and social movements tend to increase it. The
literature, sueli as “Uncle Tom’s Cabin,” “The
M bite Slave, articles in Literary Neswpapers, in
lie shape ol tales or verses, as plenty as “the leaves
in Y aiambmsa ;” the Dramatic adjuncts are v, r
sions of these tales for the stage, where they have
prodigious runs, such as “Uncle To n’s Cabin” in
New York and Boston. The political aspect is two
1..1d the separate Abolition movements by individ
uals and the organized action through the Presi
dential conflict, which daily assumes a more section
al aspect. The Seott men arc playing their game
for the North, and openly basing their calculations
on tile fact that the chief reliance of Pierce must be
on the South. Hence the retraction of the New
Boston slander at the North, and the indefatigable
efforts of their organs now to prove him the fast
friend and a.ly of the Southern secessionists, and
lienee also the almoit frenzied assaults on Pierre
Soule, who is doing most gallant s rvicr iri the cause, i
and reiterating his old doctrines in the very teeth of
the fanatics of Massachusetts in old Faneuil Hall.
Anj one who watches tlio game of The Republic
now, will see that it rests the hopes of its party ex
elnsively on the Free Soilish affinities, an.l points
| due North, with undeviating fidelity. The Repub
j lie has hailed with great delight, the Alabama move
j incut, and chronicles every movement connected
wish it, with grant care and minuteness. Its evi
dent satisfaction will be any thing but agreeable to I
the gentlemen who originated it. Tie* impression .
! still prevails very strongly here, that the nominees !
j will not and ought not to accept, for two reasons : J
j firstly, the necessity of defeating the Seward cundi- |
; Lite and supporting a man faithful to the South—
the only Northern m.n in whom, ns Richard K. j
, dalle says, the South should trust—and secondly, I
j the liiisc inipri ssions which the North will form of
■ -Lc real strength of the Southern Bights party, as j
represented by the few hundred voters, who alone
wdl support that ticket at this time. For outh I
Catolina considers it ill timed and injudicious, and
Mississippi docs the same. Why, then, should our I
Alabama friends persist in keeping themselves and ‘
us in a false position relatively, tit a moment when [
i common sat tv requires a long pull, a strong
! P ull - :ln ' ! a P!l ail together, for Frank Pierce—the
j man who sat at the feet of our great Gamaliel—. John
; C. Calhoun and who never, by word or deed, has
since recanted or disowned those State Rights prin
! c ipFs embodied in his sp ecli in support of Calhoun's
resolutions, covering the whole g'ound more fully
i than the interrogatories of the Alabama Committee.
L‘t I roup and Quitman themselves, throw their
weight into the scale where it belongs, and ii”t al
; low their silence to be misconstrued into opposition, !
■I especially after having expressed their willingness to (
: support him. Such are the views of true friends of \
I the Southern Eights party and cause, and among
them, some of the most eminent of its leaders in the
Southern States, who arc at once grieved and wound
ed by the course which a few of thi ir ! rcthren have
adopted lake the muster-roll of the Southern
Rights party, and look for the names of those, who, 1
j in the hear of the struggle, braved obloquy and dan-
I ?er and popular execration, rising here like tli his-
I s 'g of angry vipers against them—men, who never !
have flinched or faltered, nor recanted, apd who stand
ready now, as then, to face the halter with which j
toe \r big leader then threat- ned them under the
bit sit and Compromise ! \\ here are these men now ?
Heart and band, brain and soul, supporting Pierce, j
j because tin y know him to be safe for them and
theirs. Are they all to be deemed dastards or time
servers, jdiots or renegades, and all the honesty, the
intelligence, and the fidelity of the party, to be cen
tered in the few who constitute exceptions to the
rule 1 Our Alabama friends seem to forget that
their course implies desertion or treachery, on the
p-lft of others who l ave taken a different one ( but
they should recollect that the only true definition ot
“i.noonsjstencv.” on which they lay such stress, is,
“a change of opinion or position without a correspon
ding change of circumstances to justify it,” any oth
er is amenable to the reproach of stupid stolidity,
that never can accommodate itself to exigencies as
they arise. llcp-less and helpless inleed would the
South be, if Davis, and Soule, and Hunter, and But
ler, and Rhett. and Yancey, ami Brown, and Vena
ble and .Johnson, and the host of other Southern
supporters of Pierce from the State Rights ranks,
were to be classed among those who prefer the tri
umph of party to that of principle, or were to be re
garded as blind guides. Such an admission in it
self would be sufficient cause to abandon the Troup
ticket in despair, for if these men be faithless t j ,
star of the South will have set forever.
This is a delicate theme, I know, but the trutl
should always bo freely spoken among friends e ve,!
| at the hazard of offence, for these are I.o’times
j for ceremony, and men who have stood the brum
of the battle together, have a right to be blunt win,
each other. ANo\
Soil of the South—Opinions of the Press
Ihe Son, of the South For October.—This
number is worth a years subscription Indeed the sin
! S le article on strawberries for the South, is worth all
j of a year's subscription. If we had the cuts w„
sli uld certainly copy it into our columns, but as wo
have not, we can only recommend our readers to
subscribe for the Soil of the South, itself. \y e f ear
i the value of agricultural papers is not fully appi'e
eiated by our farmers. Let all procure otic iumie
| diateiy.— Atlanta Republican.
j The Soil of the South— For the present month
: has reached us and, as usual, it contains seasonable
and highly instructive matter. We have often before
spoke in praiseworthy terms of this journal,.- nd each
number satisfies us that its editors are fully comp,..
tent to the task they have undertaken, and it now
bi„s fair in our opinion, to rival, if not superceds all
the other journals of its character in ihe South.
Published at Columbus, Ga.—price $1, — Laurens
ville (S. C.) Herald.
The Soil oe the South. —We have received
from the publishers, T. Lomax & Cos., Columbus
Ga., the tenth number of tin- second volume of the
above periodical. It is published monthlv in six'een
large and handsomely printed pages at the low price
of one dollar per annum. It is ably edited, and i*
devoted to the discussion of all subjects pertaining to
the interests of agriculture,horticuliuae rural and do
mestic economy,— Mobile Register.
The Soil of the South.— We a!wavs take p].a
sure in recommending this valuable Agricultural
paper to our readers as being the best published in
the South. Ihe Oet .her number contains 08 differ
■ ent -'l'tides on agriculture, of the most instructive
name. It i published monthly in Columbus, Ga..
l at ‘* e l° w IT.ce ol one dollar p r annum.—*S\ Sun,
i
t- oiL of the South —The October number of this,
us fa I Agricultural m mtlily is on our table. It is
; 1 ‘ins well filled with good things, and we are plead
ed to see that there is no falling off iii the present
number. We trust it will receive a patronage com
m iisurate with its merits. — Rome Courier.
Soil of the Sojjth.— We have received th-
October No. of ibis invaluable fanner’s companion,
lne eheapm&s of this inon lily ought to place it in,
the hands of every farmer in the Southern States.
The No. before us contains Mr. Peabody’s method
of strawberry culture. Published by T. Lomax &
La. Columbus, GjU., at $1 per annum.— Washington
(Ga ) Gaz.
Soil of the South.—Wc have so frequently
commended this able agricultural journal tuthepat-
I’onage of the farmers and planters of our district,
tli t it s almost a work o. supererogation to again
present its claims. An examination of the October
numb T compels us, however, to notice it once mop.
and to say to all engaged in agriculture that they
could not expend a dollar more judiciously than by
subscribing it for the Soil of the South. Published
monthly at Columbus, Ga.— Newberry (S. C.)
Sentinel.
Fire.— At about half past twelve o’clock Sunday
morning the alarm of Fire was heard, and on i„„
ng out We discovered the S nokc-house of l)r. Baird
in flames. Ihrough the prompt and energetic ex
ertion 5 , of the Firemen of our city, aided by the
timely services of the neighboring citizens the fire
was prevented from communicating with any other
building. It is supposed to have proceeded from a live
coal in some fresh ashes that had been deposited in
the smoke-house during the day. The Smoke-house,,
including a storeroom and pantry, all under on.- roof,
were burned to the ground. Loss about S3OO.
[Enquirer.
NEWS OF THE WEEK.
The Election News from Ohio, Pennsylva
nia, and Indiana.
1 he following dispatch was received on Saturday
| at 8 o’clock P. M., and was immediately issued in an
I extra. The mails of Sunday and Monday have
j since been received, giving partial returns, all of
I hch indicate the coi red ness of the dispatch. This
j dispatch, th. refore, contains the latest intelligence on
| the subject, and is from a source entitled to the ful
jst confidence. The Scott men here are indisposed
\o believe its contents. They will be found, nev. rthe
j Ess, we believe, to be correct in substance, and there
is no doubt that Scott h is received a Waterloo fall in
ail thr.-e of the States named :
•Just after our evening edition was struck off, we
rc< e ■ed the following important and decisive TYle
g aphic dispa ch :
Washing on City, 15th Oct., 3 o'clock P. M.
For Capt .John Forsyth ;
“Pennsylvania has gene Democratic over 10,000 ;
Ohio 15.000; Indiana do. 12,000; Baltimore do.
3.600 ”
This dispatch is from a reliable and highly respec
table and wdl informed source.— Times,
Hurricane at Apalachicola.
This unfortunate city lias been visited by another
terrible storm. We learn from a letter before ns da
t-d the 14th insi., that on Saturday the 9th inst ,
about 12 M. the tempest which had been gathering
for two I ours, burst forth in all its fury on the dev.it.-d
fit-’, carrying every movable tiling before it. Houses
were blown down, roofs, porticos, chimneys, and
fin os carried away, vessels capsized or carried high
and dry on terra firma. The poor are the greatest
sufferers, many of them homeless, and the (ishertn u
have all lo t their boats and tackle. The storm
last* and over two hours. At three o’clock our inform-,
ant a.Hied forth to survey the damtge. We givo
tlie result of his observations in his words :
“Captain Howard, th-.* pilot, together with two of’
liis seamen, were drowned. The brig “M. tamora” is
and smasted and high and dry- I drove my buggy
around her this morning. The barque “Glenn’* is
ashore, but can he got off without great expense or
trouble. Two pilot boats with some half a dozen
lighters are either capsized or sunk. The steamboats
Palmetto and Albany are total wrecks. The Kisers
of real esta e are as follows :
.J. L. Mitcheil, ware-house and pickery down, va
j lued at SIO,OOO ; Darden’s steam press, do. do. $12.-
000; Athenaeum, owned by Ilavriek, do.; Living
j ston’s house, (new) do; School House, do.; Negro
i church (new) do. do $600; .Jaim s Penn’s house
: (new) do. do. $500; Tom McMahon’s house, do.
Capt. Bennett's house, unroofed ; Capt. Courts m's
j house; do.; Bryan's house, do.; Ilauley's resi
j denoe do.; House of the heirs of 11. R. Woo l, do. ;
Hobart’s residence, do.; Council chamber do. ;
H. F. Simon’s store, do.; J. Griesson’s residence
do.; Exchange (drinking house) side off and un
roofed ; Ellison’s store do.; Columbus block gen
erally unroofed ; Ormans, Sprats, and Kains’houses
piazzas gone.
Had the gale lasted but two hours longer the
town would have been annihilated. The water was
not so high as last year, but. the wind more violent.
The energy of our citizens is not paralyzed—houses
already are rising on the ruins. The store of Ab
bott and Griffin (druggists) is unroofed—the Prin
ting office knocked into “pi” no more issues. Stores
on water street, roofs generally injured. No rain
sinoe the gale and the weather is now delightfully
calm.”
O’ “Uncle Tom's Cabin,” translated into Ger,
man. is now appearing in a German paper publish
ed in Boston.