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- • ■ Gr A T B - C IT f 5 mj ARDIAN. ff f. HOWARD and R. A. CRAWFORD, CO-EDITORS. youf 1 redual much I Georgfl own wi ex pedis so cleft over i\ ularly I structiqi City II q| next i of dii ATLANTA, OEOBOIAi JESDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1801. Georgia State Convention. I of the Convention from the buntiea in this State, are hereby noti- I hi the city of Savannah, on Thure- [ March next. GEORGE W. CRAWFORD, Feb. SI, 1861. President. public Meeting, f Fulton County: i to the State Convention, emble at Savannah, ask In regard to the question of a M Legislature. There ' iy Co|f» ! at this time throughout ct, and while we feel our i in the premises so far as benefit go, we are not I of our delegated power fe were sent more partic- l in the Convention upon V t to the United States [are net willing to stretch ng upon a subject as for ks question of Legislative I should take this power 1 session of our Con- llly carry out your in- , you to meet us at the bn Tuesday, the 5th of ^k, M. for the purpose ’ J. GLENN, pj. P. LOGAN, J. F. ALEXANDER. , 1861. United. re and more decisive- the United States Gov- iment is defined by its fialice prepense, been politicians. We have, t, believed that Mr. 1t>and of conspirators in iiout the only men in the Lred disunion for its own elopraent of the move- lengthens this opinion; ling new after the round principle of Black Re nt principle was, that the ment embraced in its high tgation of a religious belief, gest and most truculent ex- >w#rs of the Government might, aTany’Gime, be evoked for that purpose. That dogmu bf itself contained the seeds of death, and although a negro slave had not existed in America, Would, in a quarter of a century, haVe produced civil war upon the union of Church and State. Let us dififor, however, as wfcwajr on this point, no man of the slightest i ft formation upon the structure of the late Gevennaftnfc can doubt that the effect of the now doctrine of ooercion is an utter overthrow of tho. form of Government handed down to us by the Revolutionary Fathers. It is really wonderful to us how any man can reconcile the incongruous ideas of consolidation and Con stitutional republicanism—of coercion and State sovereighty. Nothing can be more inevitable than that this attempt must, sooner or later, (sad certainly sooner) result in a centralized, military despotism, without the solitary relief to be found in most of tbs similar despotisms of the earth, that one head should do the tyr annizing. We contend, then, that a revolution was twice proclaimed, and worse than proclaim ed, virtually achieved, when the Abolitionists erected with the government a religious prop agandist^ and next, when they obliterated the lines of State sovereignty by consolidation and coercion. So we have been forced to cut asun der from the anti Slave States—first to save the form of Government we elected to live under—the Government of our Fathers; and next, to save ourselves the direst physical in- ilictioaa that ever befel a people. That we may have some idea of the notion which leaders of public opinion North have of this Governmentaad the scope of its powers, we give the annexed extract from last Wednes day’s number of the New York Tribune: “ Cannot everybody see how easy it will be if hostilities between the sections arise, to make the destruction ofSlavery the issue of war? We are in conflict on the auestion. If we come to blows it will be still about slavery. And what then is inevitable? Why simply this, and nothing more, and nothing less—a fight to see whether slavery shall go up or go down. The issue cannot be escaped. The war will be wa ged to crush the eggs of the reptile that has hatched the brood of traitora and revolution ists.” If this really means anything, and if such a diabolical purpose as the last lines quoted avow, obtains, to any extent, among the masses at the North, the very sun might well turn black at the sight of the incoming conflict. Is it not a high duty, then, for us to still all jealousies •all «aptlom fault-finding and every attempt to discredit the motives or the wisdom of those who represent our dearest interests at this aw. ful juncture. We would say so long as our agents in Congress are laboring with singlenesa of purpose fer the present safety of our section, even when we think they err in a matter of judgment, it is far safer, more seemly nnd Just that we should give them the credit of pure motives, cheer them when they flag and stum ble, oommend and applaud where they do well end adjourn ell disputes about fbrms of Gov- eminent, till we settle the feet that wa have a country. Tie well we know to be jealous of power, but there are times of such exigency in the affkirs af a people, that power with the bridle ofT is all that will save us. It will do infinite good to trust, boner and endorse our public men just now. Ws do moot heartily deprecate the oourse which the Charleston Mercury has seen fit to persne in referenee to the utffrrn of tho Mont gomery Congress. Nothing but unaixed evil can result to the common weal from such untimely carping and rohelre, and nothing, we think, can be more certain than that a glorious and speedy deliv erance from present dangers will be affected if we stand united as a sacred band of brother!. lighting In the rnlon—*x-Oeveu*>r wise. Ex-Governor Wise, who is a member of the Virginia Convention at this tims from tho coun ty of Princes Anne, explained, on the 21st in slant, in a running debate, what he meant by “fighting in the Union." Mr. Wise said : “I wish, at this point of time, to say one word, and especially as my friend from Wetzel (Mr. Hall) has informed me of an opinion of his that gives me some pain—that by uttering the words that I intended to fight in the Union, I have caused some persons, perhaps, in the North-West to take the ground of submission to the wrongs which ws are suffering. I stand where I have always stood. I mean to stand even in the last ditch for the defence of the Union and the Constitution ; and if it is ever dissolved, it shall be dissolved by war. (Ap plause ) And I want to say a word to the South-West, and South-East, against this Fed eral doctrine, that it is treason to war in the Union against the usurpation, against the per version of power in auy form, whether by a State or by the Federal Government. I wish to show that this power to make defensive war in the Union is not an implied power—that it is not a derived power—that it is not even one that proceeds merely from the nature of the government—but that it is an expressed power given to you in the Constitution of the United States. “I am speaking in the language of the Consti tution when I say that ‘no State shall, with out the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war unless actually invaded or in tuck imminent danger at will not admit of delay. “I declare, then, by the authority of the Con stitution of the United States, that whenever this sovereign State is ready for herself to de clare that she is in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay, although she be not actually invaded by force of arms, if she be in such imminent danger as will not admit of de lay, she has the express Constitutional power to engage in war herself. She has the power to make a compact or agreement with any other State. She has the power to make a compact or agreement even with a foreign power. There is my authority, (referring to the Constitution,) and I ask gentlemen who are maintaining the Constitution to tell mo how they will get over these express declarations. Yet I am constant ly told by the knowing ones that they do not know what I mean by fighting in the Union ; and this want of understanding is solely attrib utable to the fact that they will not even read the very Constitution of the country. (Laugh ter.) You hr.ve not, without the consent of Congress, the power to do this thing, unless you are in imminent danger. Are you in im minent danger now, or not ? Upon warning to the world, that you feel the danger in such a manner as to compel you to go to war against oppression, having previously shown that your disposition, your purpose, was to defend the Union snd the Constitution—tell me, gentle men, whether that oourse would tend to pre serve peace, or to cause war ? And tell me, farther, is it wiser to ask our people to give up the stakes in this Union, that, up to a short time past, has boen blessed of God and man ? Is it policy to wake up at six o’clock in the morning, and ask them to give up the stakes of nationality, of treasury and of public lands, all at once, and to leave them to the enemy— who have proved themselves unworthy to hold this nationality and this treasury, this eminent domain? Is it policy to give up the name of Union, to give it to them, and to fix upon us who really mean to defend the Union, the cry of reproach of disunion? I tell you I mean to take the weather-gage of them and if I must fight, I will have the stakes if I can, if I can win them by the battle. And if my friend had expressed himself thus, and had an un derstanding with his people that he would fight, in the Union, for the Constitution and the Union—for all the rights of Virginia under the Constitution and in the Union, with a firm de termination to give up the Union only when, in the Providence of God, :t shall be inevitably dissolved by war—if my friend from Wetzel had taken this position, firmly and nnderstand- ingly before his people, I apprehend that it would have strengthened, instead, as he sup poses, of weaken his hands. I love peace, and I love Union. But rather than let this Union stagnate in the corruption of a revolu tion of decay until the very green scum of stagnation shall offend the olfactories of every patriot, I would invoke the purification of fire and blood—those great purifiera of the Almigh ty Himself, from the redemption of the cross down to the countless instances of national crime expiated by the blood of an offending people. And if we must come to batilo, and if there shall be fouud in North-Weatern Virgin ia, or any section of Western Virginia, unsound men, whose rights I have strives ao hard to maintain, if they will not stand by my rights, and I must meet them in battle, I will bare to their spears the bosom which has defended them. I will fight on against all enemies, and especially, with all my might, against those who shall prove ingrates to a mother Common wealth like this.” WST R'.coiotti Garabaldi, (he youngest son of Garabaldi, who is described as about four teen years of age, with a decided resemblance to his illustrious father, is on a short visit (o Evan Leigh, of .Manchester, England. On the 20th ult. he was the recipient of a flatter ing address from the workmen in the service of Messrs. Leigh & Sea, engineers of that place. The Empress of France recently sent 500 franca to the wfie of a Sergeant da Villa, who had juit presented her hueband with three glrla, entemble. As the poor Sergeant had bad aix ohildren already, he wee naturally conster nated, and the Ktnprese expressed her munifi cent sympathy through the Prefect of Po lio#. P+* A new fashion in ladies’ stockings has come out in England. They are of woolen or ootton, but arc parti colored, as red and white, red and blaek, mauve and gray. When her moaisiag In color with tho drwee, tho effect is •aid to bo very pretty. Mesaage of the Principal Chief of tho Choctaw Nation. Gentlemen of lbe Senate and llouso of Represent at I vee; The nature of rapidly occurring evonie has been such, linos the adjournment of our last council, that l conoelved it to bo my duty to call you together in consultation. The posi tion we occupy to the central Government of the United Slates is somewhat complicated and peculiar; and whatever aerioualy affects that Government also affects us, either directly or indirectly. You are afrare that the question of Afriean slavery, an institution that exists in fifteen Slates of the General Government of the Uni ted State#, and also in our own country—has been in agitation, with more or less violence and intensity, for tho last thirty years, and it has finally approached a climax, and culmina ted into a crisis of momentous concern to our best interests, to our peace and to our prosper ity; and in the language of the venerable Chief of the United Slates, in his late Message to Congress, “this unwarrantable interference by one section with the affaire of another, has produced its natural result, and we behold, with intense emotion, that splendid fabrio of human government tottering and trembling upon the very brink of anarchy and ruin, and that proud temple of liberty is about to be de secrated and polluted, if not utterly destroyed, by the contentions, factions, and passions of man.” Let this sad picture, my friends and brothers, be a warning to us, aud never let contention and discord enter into our internal and domestio policy. Let the body politic be ever preserved purs and uncontaminated by passion aud prejudice. I apprehend that it will not be deemed im proper for me, in a brief manner, to refer to the present state of publio affairs in the United States, which has been produced by the con tinual agitation of this vexed question of Slavery, and ascertain, if possible, who are right and who are wrong. The Constitution of the United States declares, in Art. 4, Sec 2, that *• No person held to service or labor in one State, uuder the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on the olaim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.” In this clause it is plain ly manifest that the framers of the Constitu tion rccoguizsd the institution of Slavery, and the right of property in Slaves is guaranteed ; and the highest tribunal of the United States, the Supreme Court, has so decided. Now, each Stale in the Confederacy is bound by the plainest terms of the original compact, to abide by, aud carry into practice, every let ter of the Federal Constitution, and upon no other basis oan the Government be maintained. Whenever Ibis instrument, which in its very nature is sacred, is violated, then the best bul wark of liberty is overthrown and destroyed. Under the Constitution, ws see that if a Slave or person held to labor by a citizen of one Sta»e, escapes into another State, whose laws do not recognize Slavery, or the right of prop erty by one person in another, that State is constitutionally bound, notwithstanding the non recognition by its laws of the institution, to deliver op the fugitive upon the claim and identification of the lawful owner. For a number of years past, that portion of the American Union, koown as the Southern, or Slave States, have made frequent complaints against their Free State brethren, for the re peated and palpable violation of the above re cited clause of the Constitution, by refusing to deliver up fugitive Slaves upon the demand of their owners. A number ot the Free States on the other hand denied (be right of proper ty in Slaves, and therefire, that they were not bound to deliver them up. This denial, you must remember, is made in pointed and direct opposition to one of the ablest and most profound decisions ever rendered by a Judicial officer. The Supreme Court of the United States is the expounder of the Constitution ; it has said that under that instrument, the right of property in Slaves, is a living, vital right. When an opinion of that august de partment of the Government is expressed, it beoomes the law of the land, and all parlies a re bound by Ha mandates. It appears that the South had at least some ground for com plaint. Thia state of things oould not long continue, without an explosion. Consequent ly, in the year 1850, these memorable laws, known as the “Compromise Measures,” were introduced into Congress, and after crimina tion and recrimination, until the Government was brought to the point of convulsion, were passed, placed upon the statute book, and be came the law of the land ; and to the faithful observance of these measure# ell parties were pledged. Among those Aets, was one known as the “ Fugitive Slave Law,” whioh was de signed to give a practical effect to the Consti tution, and more explicitly define its meaning. The Act recognizes the right of property in Slaves, and makes it obligatory upon the au thorities of the Free States to deliver them up to their owners whenever demanded and Iden tified. This is a solemn enactment of the Ne- tional Legislature, in Congress assembled ; and I apprehend (Jiat the intentional cominis-- sion of an aot by a State, which violates and defeats its provisions, constitutes in l%w and fact, treason and rebellion against the Geueral Government. The perpetration of euch an act by State authority, renders an absolute nulli ty the primary objects for whioh the central Government waa intended—and that is equal rights and equal protection to all, in person and property. A number of the Free States have, through their Legislatures, plaoed Acts upon their statuto books, known as “ Verson al Liberty” laws, whioh abrogate and ignore the practical operation of the Fugitive Slavs Lew. A large and pewtrful pnryr has been organized by those advocating the denial of the right of property in 81aves, nnd they have nominated and elected to the highest position on earth—the Presidency of the United States —an exponent of their pretended rights to set •side and disregard an Aot of Congress. Suoh an unwarrantable presumption is without e parallel in the history of free governments. These are the principal causes that have brought alarm and dismay to the patriot’s heart, and make him tremble for his country. This is why a number of the Slave States say they will resume the powers delegated to the central government, because they een no longer be protected in their rights under it. It is not my purpose here, to discuss the va rious and oontlioting opinions existing in the United States, in relation to Slaves in the Federal Territories, or public domain of the General Government. I only deeire to point out the chief and primary oause of the pres ent trouble# of the government of the United Stales, and that is, as you have teen, the deadly animosity entertained by a large por tion of the Northern people against domestio servitude wherever it exists. From the best is format ion that I have been able to obtaie, five of the Slave States have already with drawn from the Unioe, by separate 8tate ac tion, through eon vent ion# of the people, and have uefurled their benners to the world ae separate, free, independent govsrqmeata, and it it intimated that the formation of a South- era Confederacy is the ulterior design of the acceding States. The oaole that places these States ip this attitude, le one of (he utmost concern to ua; we and they, by a close similarity of institu done, climate, soli, and occupations, have a common destiny—upon their prosperity de pend* ours—if they go down, we go down ; if they rise, we riscL By our Constitution and lawa, the Institution of Slavery is known and recognised; it is e creature of our law, and ueh, we are bound to look to Its protec lien. We have among ns about t wo thousand Slaves, who form a large portion of our na tional wealth and prosperity. It is not straogn, theo, that we should feel concerned, and view with the deepest interest the mo mentous events trabspiriug around us. From wjini we have seen, it may. be that our insti tutions may be brought imp peril and danger. The self sacrificing Missionaries among us, have already been denounced and repudiated by a Northern Society, because they refused to interfere with the question of Slavery in our oounlry. We have aver been loyal and faithful to the government of the United States. The band of hostility has never been raised against her citizens. We hare ever regarded, with masonic fidelity, all our cove nants, treaties, and stipulation*. The best blood of our friends and brothers has been poured out side by side with her citizens, in defence of their homes and firesides, under the victorious banner of Jackson, and it is not now our purpose to desert the Star Spangled Banner, until it trails in the dust, and is renounced by these with whom we hare a common destiny. We pride ourselves upon the fact, that we hare nerer been a party to the violation of solemn treaty stipulations. It is not our in tention to change our relations to the govern ment of the United Slates as long as it is a government, and concedes and protects us in our rights. But in the event, that that gov ernment is destroyed, snd the Slave Stales form themselves into a separate and indepen dent government, then 1 apprehend that in terest and locality will prompt us to transfer our present relations with the General Gov ernment to that of the Southern States. We have been born and reared in the South, and it is endeared to us by countless associa tions and remembrances. It is the beloved home of our forefathers, and there their re mains still peacefully repose, (he oherfsbed memory of whom has erected in our hearts an altar of devotion to the scene of their ex istence. We have been nurtured and prospered bv the generous products of her soil, and it would be unnatural if our feelings and sym pathies were not on her side. But we still have hopes that the hand of provideuee will intervene, and save one of the grandest schemes of government ever devised by man, from destruction, and that the people will learn the great truth, that a republican gov ernment can only exist in the affections of the people. It is, at this time, important to us (bat the woild should know and understand our posi tion as a political body. We have fallen Upon troublous times, the kind “that try the souls of men.” We would be unworthy of the name of freemen, and recreant to our country, and to our posterity, if equivocation and eva sion of the stern facts that stare us in the face, characterize our policy. Let us be equal to the occasion. The rights claimed by ns, under treaty stipulation, with the United States, are plain and specific, and yet I do not think that they have ever been properly defined. The treaty of June 22d, 1825, concedes to us and the Chickasaws, the following bounded tract of country : “ Be ginning at a point on the Arkansas River, one hundred paces east of old Fort Smith, where the western boundary line of the State of Arkansas crosses the said river, and running thence due south to Red River, thence up Red River to the point where the meridian of one hundred degrees west longitude crosses the same, thence uorth, along said meridian to the main Canadian River, thence down said river to its junction with the Arkansas River, thence down said river to the place of begin ning.” Now, to the above tract of country, we claim absolute title in fee simple, uncondi tionally, and that title is guaranteed by the act of the Congress of the United Stales, Ap proved May 28th, 1830, and I presume and believe the same to be (rue of all (he Indian Territory. We, of the Indian oountry, neith er occupy the position of a State or Territory towards the general government of the United States. Our Constitution and laws are not subject to the revision of Congress, like those of federal territories, and we have the unre stricted right of jurisdiction over the persons and property of all those who are citizens by birth or otherwise within our limits. In the 1st Article of the above mentioned treaty, it is plainly declared, “that said land shall re vert to the United States, if said Indians and their heirs become extinct, or abandon the same. Now, how is it possible t# couceive of a reversion legally, without the previous vest ment of tile ? The very fact that it does re vert, upon certaiu contingencies, provea, con clusively, that the title roust be absolute and permanent, if thiae contingencies do not traospire. The oase of a private individual under the common law, when he diea intestate and without a legal representative, and seized of land, it escheats to the government under which he lives, is analogous to our position. We hold that we have a perfect right to make whatever disposition of our real estate we choose, with the consent of the parties, and no power on earth haa any more right to dispute our title, than that of a private indi vidual in the lawful possession of bis land ; and until a certain contingency happens, that title remains with us, and in us, without the position is assumed that there is no difference between us and a wild savage tribe, wbioh would be an outrage upon every principle of justice and right. The doctrine of the State Rights, which is regarded as inherent in each State of the Amerioan Union, ia applicable to our position as a free and sovereign people. Tho right to resulate our own domestic affairs, pass all needful laws for the advancement and promotion of our social and moral existence ; the right to defend ourselves against aggres sion, &c., these are among the fundamental rights of a free and independent people. I conceive that out sovereignty is admitted and established, when we have legal requiaitea to make a treaty with another independent pow er. The parties to a valid contract or stipu lation must be able, willing, free and inde pendent, and they must aot without restraint. How could it be said that ws made a solemn covenant with the United States or any other power, if wo acted under the direotion or at the will of a greater or higher power? Such a conception is a manifest absurdity. The treaty making power is one of the legitimate rights of a sovereign ooromuoit/. And no other than an unreservedly free and indepen dent government oan make a treaty—freedom of action and will, are absolutely necessary. Suoh a thing as a treaty between the Ameri can Colonies and the King of England prior to the year 1770, would have been regarded as nonsense by the latter, because from the position that the eotatfetf Sustained to his government, (key had ne power to make a treaty, resulting from Ike fast that they #«re a part of his govwromeat. Dot our position Is widely different. The tery fast that the United States has entered into n solemn treaty with us, shows that she does not regard us as a part of her govern* igh burn, the people of. ■ our inn J t relations In guarantee# to WS ion indemnity for property lost or destroyed by persons over whom we have no jurisdiotion. For this magnanimity on her part we shall ever feel grateful. In consideration of the present perilous at titude of public sffairs in the United States, I would recommend that a general council be held at surne central point, which you may designate, of the Chickasaws, Cherokees, Creeks, Seminole*, and Choctaws, to deliber ate upon the best course to pursue, and to adopt a line of policy necessary for our safe ty and security. I would reoominend further, tnai in the event that the Slave States should hold a Convention for (he purpose of forming a new government, each of the above tribee should send one er more persons to such Con vent ion, there to represent our interests, and make all necessary arrangements ler our wel fare. The question of seotioniziag our country, and allotting so much land to each citizen has of late excited much iuterest and feelmg among us. This is a question upon which the people should be fully enlightened, and it should be maturely discussed among them, aud the position of all fairly defined. Gen eral acquiescence is the main thing to obtain. My own opioion is that it would be condu cive to our interest, and to our national pros perity, in fact to (hat of all (he Indian terri tory, if ii can be done so as to give satisfac tion to all the parties ooncerued. If, for instance, the above named tribes were to have tbeir respective trade of country sur veyed, and apportion an equal amount of land to each citizen, that is consume the whole, aud divide it all out, so tnat there would be no public land remaining. This plan, 1 think, would place us in a much surer aud safer position. We would then hold our land by individual tenure and title, aud all civil ized people respect the rights of private pro perty. In the event that it becomes necessary to raise a public revenue, we would reBort to di rect taxation, and lay a tariff upon all goods or merchandise brought into the country, &o. Nothing engages the affections or strikes the imagination of man so foicibly as the abso lute possession of property, in whatever shape, and it always acts as an impetus to iudustry and enterprise. I would recommsnd that you select one or more discreet persons to proceed immediately to Washington City, clothed wi'b the full power to perform whatever our interest re quires in that ciiy. We have considerable monied investmems there, in the security of which we are deeply interested. I would ad vise that the person or persons sent by you, ba directed to see the President of the United States, have a personal interview with him, and obtain his advice and counsel in relation to our affaits. The office of National Attorney is one of eo great importance to the Nation. 1 would therefore recommend that his uuties be en- Urged and his salary increased, so as to ren der his services more effective to the country. And 1 would suggest that you empower him to employ the best legal talent in his country, to act in connection with himself, to arrange and digest the laws of the Nation, and form a criminal code, subject to your adoption at the next Council. Under the new Constitu tion there is no criminal law ia the Nation, except what was passed at the last Counoil.— I am informed that a gentleman of experienoe and ability oontemplatea the establishment of a printing press in our country, and de signs issuing a newspaper, which is intended for the advancement and promotion of the Indian interest generally in the Indian Ter ritory. Such an enterprise ie greatly needed among us. We should have some mode of Government expression, and in an acoocmical point of view we would be greatly benefitted. I trust that you will use every effort to sustain the institution among us. I would recommend that you make provision to remove the Na tional Library from Fort Smith and Skully- vtile to this place. In conclusion permit, me to urge upon you (be great importance of dispassionate action —by conciliation—yet firm in the right.— Banish prejudice aud paseion from your miodf, and uffer them not to deter you from the du ty you owe your country. Great events are rapidly transpiring around you. Human Gov ernments and Constitutions are being hurl ed to the ground, desecrated and trampjed un* der foot. My countrymen, stand by your colon! Never give up the ship! We are few in numbers, but strong in principle.— Though we may meet the unhappy fate of the Montezumas, and our existence be blotted from the face of the earth, our memory will go down to future generations as a bright and blazing light of unyielding fidelity to what we conceive to be right. Let the glorious banner of ‘equal rights' go proudly to the bleeie, and rely upon the God of nations to sustain you. Let us show to the World that we are worthy of liberty, and our national reputation as a.law abiding peo ple. Let not our time honored eeoutebeon be tarnished by rashness or imprudence. Let us act as a people who know their rights, and knowing, dare defend them. May a kind and benignant Providence ever preserve, guide and protect us. GEORGE HUDSON. RESOLUTIONS Expressing the feeling and sentiments of the General Council of the Choctaw Nation in reference to the pelitieal disagreement ex isting between the Northern and Southern States of the American Union. Resolved, By the Central Council q/* the Choctaw Nation, assembled. That we view with deep regret and great solicitude, the present unhappy political disagreement between the Northern and Southern States of the Ameri can Union, tending to a permanent dissolu tion of the Government, and the disturbance of the various important relations existing with (bat Government, by treaty ttipulations and international lawa, and portending muoh injury to the Choctaw Govern meat and people. Resolved, further, That vrt must express the earnest desire, and ready hope entertained by the entire Cboetaw people, that any and all political disturbances agitating and dividing the people of the various States may be hon orably and speedily adjusted ; and the exam pie and blessing, and fostering cars of their General Government, and the many and friend ly aooial (tee existing with their people, con tinue, for the enlightenment In moral, and good Government and prosperity in the me lerial concerns of life to our whole pepula tion. r Resolved, further, That in the event a per maoent dissolution of the America Union takas plaoa, our many relatione with the Got ernment mult cease, and we ebnll be left to fol - low the natural effeolione, education, institu tions, and interest of oor people, which indie- eelubly hind us in every way to the destiny #f- our neighbor*, aud breihran of the 8ou4heim States; upon whom wo are eonftdent, wo can rely for th«preservation of our right*, of lifb,- ltberty, and property, and the«ontii|uanee of »Mf wets of friendship, genet** sonneo* and fraternal support. ' * Reeoteed, father, That vt dailra to aaiut* : 3SS33 Jmicab) existing bei Hi»M_ „ Siaioi, tho right, nnd feeling. , 0 will rent,in reepecled bj them ; end be * ed from Ibe enroncbmenii of otb.ra Reeolved further, Tbol Hi, Eteelhu, Principal Chief, be rcqueeied to eocl,» on appropriate com mu ideation from ul. cop/ ot ibe,a reiolutiun, lo the GoiwS the Southern Staler, with ibe reqoM they be laid before (be Stale Con»,a each Stole, e, man; ao bare nsembW dato of tbair roeopiiot | aad that iJJ bare not, they be publiehedin the nr"" of ihe Stale. Keeotiei, further, Thai Ibese rr»| taka efeat, aud ba in foroe frum u tbeir passage. Approred Keb 7tfc ffl S H. OATMAN, proprietor, and < • Italian, American and Egyptian Mad Monuments, Tombs, Tablets, Head and R Stones, Uiub, Vases, Marble and Eu»i_ Slate Mantels, Statuary Figures, aod F«rj iog Marble of all descriptions. Always on hand a fine assortment of 1 ments, both Tlain and Carved, of all sises,^| prices to suit. Call and see specimens, at Ware Rooui^ Yard, opposite Georgia Railroad Depot, ieb2f> if. J. H. L0VEJ0Y K\ WHOLESALE & RETAIL AMD DBA1.KX IB Tobarrt, Wine, Liquor, (’iron, it I Cherokee Block, Peach-Tree Street,•*"| Atlanta, Georgia. feb25-ly THOMAS & ABBOTT, ATTORNEYS AT Li Atlanta, Georgia. Office in Smith’s Building, Whitehall!! G. 8. Thowas, jatfltf Bbb. F. / PROFESSOR NOTTS DANCING ACADEMIA corxxb or peach tree aud marietta i Atlanta, Geergia. D AYS OF TUITION: Mondays and I days, from 3 till 5 o’clock, P. M- fofjl dies, Misses and Masters; and theiAtnfi at night, from 7* till 10 o'clock, for Younfl tie men. ,. L x . , • • ^ Term*, $10 for the full courie of It nl* fieb. 10—tf. J. W. HEWELL! waeassALB aud detail dbalib n Fancy and Staple DRY GOODS MARKHAM’S BLOCK, I Cornar "WTiUtihaU Sc AIuIjhuiaM ATLANTA, OBOSCHA. Fab. 16—ly. UU'KOVKU j METALIC BURIAL A LSO, a general asiortu^ Weodt&ftin*, iocls*C^ Wood and Mahogany. MarahaPs Sheet Metallc Burial C An entirely new article, nearly as lights and eloted up with luaia Rubber—»ir for sale at my Rooms, in Markham’* ing, on Whitehall street, up stairs. L. R0BI!« Residence On Bridge street, near ( Collier's. Orders, by telegraph, or otherwise,! ly attended to jo* “ SIOH B. BOBSOX. ROBERT < S. B. ROBSON &< WHOLESALE UR0CN* Commission Merchotft Whitehall Street. ATLANTA Bell Everything in tbeir Line ofl Hr Atcnt Prteet f* , octlw *1 COKE! COKE!! COKED AT THE GAB WOBK8. . A LARGE quantity for ill, at the 6 of 111 cent, per buthel. , Fab-Jl-dtr. J.F. WAKNSM T EN 8barea afBtMk in the ri.<nui«B r ■ “ ciation. Appl/afejn BuihMug Am Fab. I*. SUta of CwrgtK, Fulton < TWO month. After ilalr annlkailiiii — U t than .1 Or.ltn.rr rf uM c.molr Wjf UtalMl Katat. .( JohaO. H«l. •' * d.crue.1. P. I Ro"**’ 1 1 T.b. SI, lMt. W. HkUIAf ' Vauggla—M!ltp» cow* Wb«OA Oil— f. Ma/IUM Anpllr. » » , Of ntMliUii tnm tha BaMAombtoW BA<Uaklara.U.ui. «f aaU C..mr, * OoL. fyim-trn