Newspaper Page Text
A Word
to Doctors
W? have the highest regard for the
medical profession. Our preparations
are not sold for the purpose of antaßon
izmg them, but rather as an aid. We
lay it down as an established truth that
internal remedies are positively injuri
ous to expectant mothers. Thedistress
and discomforts experienced during the
months preceding childbirth can £ al-
Inni 1 d ° nl / by cxternal treatment—by
applying a liniment that softens and re
laxes the over-strained muscles. We
make and sell such a liniment, com
h ning the ingredients in a manner
hitherto unknown, and call it
Mother s Friend
We know that in thousands of cases
it has proved more than a blessing to
expectant mothers. It overcomes morn
ing sickness. It relieves the sense of
tightness. Headaches cease, and dan
ger from Swollen, Hard and Rising
Breasts is avoided. Labor itself is'
shortened and shorn of most of the pain.
We know that many doctors recom
mend it, and we know that multitudes
of women go to the drug stores and buy
it because they are sure their physicians
have no objections. We ask a trial
just a fair test. There is no possible
chance of injury being the result, be
tause Mother’s Friend is scientific
ally compounded. It is sold atsi a bot
tle, and should be used during most of
the period of gestation, although great
relit f is experienced if used only a short
time before childbirth. Send for our il
lustrated book about Mother’s Friend.
THE BRADFIELD REGULATOR CO.
ATLANTA, GA.
GKRGIA, Bibb County.—By virtue of
the pow< in in two deeds made by William
Crawford to the Central City and
I i ust Association, recorded in book 74,
pam sjio a .nu |4< )( t j u , Qjjjtrai city M> an
and I rust Association will sell at public
outcry, to the hlghist bidder for cash,
botween the legal hours of sale, before
the court bouse door in the city of .Macon
on the 22d day of November, 1898, the
following property: *
All that lot of land known as No. 11,
(lli) on Butlers map of IMotiroe’s estate
west of Vinevilie. Said lot Is bounded on
the north by laud of Wesley Potter, on
the w<»t by a street, on the south by a
s.l reel, and on t lie east by lot of Christo
pher and Greene. Said lot of land con
tains three-quarters (•%) of an acre, more
or less.
S.iid sale is made for the purpose of
paying a debt of $165.60, principal and
anier.-.st due by said William Crawford to
said Association, and $8.83 taxes paid by
«aid Association for the benefit of William
Crawford, on account of the default of
said Crawford. Overplus, if any, to be paid
to William Crawford.
This 22d day of October, 1898.
Central City Loan and Trust Company.
W. 11. ROSS, President.
GEORGIA, Bibb County.—By virtue ot
■the power in a deed made by W. G. Bess
tley to the Central City Loan and Trust
.Association, recorded in book 74, pag.. 2,
t ■>•• Central Ci.y laian and Trust Associa
tion will sell at public outcry before the
erair. lapse door in the city of M.teni, ,o
•the highest bidder for cash, on the 22d
day of November, 1898, the following pro
perly:
All that tract of land lying In the
Vinevilie district, Bibb county, Georgia,
fronting forty feet on Broadus street and
running back a depth of one hundred and
'twelve feet. Saiti tract being better de
scribed as beginning at a point 120 feet
from Jefferson street on the north, run
ning thence in an easterly direction 112
feet, thence northerly forty feet, thence
westerly 112 feet, thence southerly forty
feet, to the starting point. Said lot being
that sold by C. W. Smith, Jr., to said W.
G. Bessley, April 3, 1888, and recorded in
book I’l’. folio 477.
Said sale is made for the purpose of
paying a debt due by said W. G. Bessley
to said Association of $439.55, principal and
Interest, beside insurance of $3.50 paid out
for the benefit of said Bessley. Overplus,
if any. to bo paid to W. G. Bessley.
This 22d day of October, 1898.
Central City Loan and Trust Association.
W. H. ROSS, President.
GEORGIA, 8188 COUNTY—
'Under and by virtue of a power of sale
vested in the undersigned in a certain
deed from B. H. Ray as*trustee to tue un
dersigned. executed the 26th day of July,
1897, and recorded in booa li», fmio Uz,
Record of Deeds, Bibb superior court,
clerK’is otliee, August 4, 189<, the under
signed will sill at public outcry, between
ithe usual hours of sheriff’s sale on the first
Tuesday in December, 4898, befoie tuc
court house door in said county, to the
highest bidder for cash, the following de
scribed property, to wit: All that tract oi
parcel of land situate, lying and being in
'the city oi Maeon, county of Bibb, and
stitte oi Georgia, and known in the plan
*>X said city oi Macon as part of lot om
vfl) iii square sixty-one (61), fronting on
jFirst street and extending back to mt
.Number two iu said block one hundred
.and four feet and three inches (104 f. 3in.)
more or less; commencing ala point
cigliiy-eight iii t six incuts from the cor
iiet’ of bust and Pine streets, ami running
along said First street 60 feet, together
with all Hie right and title which the said
>B. 11. Kay, trustee as aforesaid, has u.
the alley oelween the property conveyed
him ami the property ot Mrs. W. T. Mor
gan, together with all encroachments on
said property: being the same propeitj on
wil.u-h B. H. Kay and family now reside.
To oe sold as the propery of the wife of
gaid Bolivar 11. Kay and their minor eml
<iruii iu tlic huud<s of said 13oli\*n 11. iv.i\,
trustee, and as the property of said B. b<
Ray trustee as aforesaid, who by virtue of
rhe' last deed herein mentioned has and had
full power to mortgage, sell, encumber all
or any pan of said property publicly or
privately, without the necessity of any
order of court therefor. This sale is made
for the purpose of paying an indebtedness
secured by said deed, to wit: Oae note for
<iie pricipal sum of one thousand dollars,
due October Ist. 1899. with semi-annual
im-erest coupons thereon from April. 1898,
and one note for the principal sum of
fourteiMi hundred dollars due October Ist,
1900. with semi-anuual interest coupons
thereon from April let. 1898; all of said
notv's pavable to Mrs. Kate M. Roush or
order at any bank in Macon with eight
per cent per annum after maturity. Said
tiled so given to secure said notes and
coupons by said B. H. Kay. trustee, hav
nr- and eon i a ini ng an express clause that
if the said B. H. Ray. trustee, shall de
fault in any of the conditions of said deed,
or if any of the principal or interest
notes which it is given to secure are not
promptly met at maturity then the said
Mrs Kate M Roush shall have the right
io declare the debt then owing to be due
and pavable and sltall be authorized to
proceed at once with the collection of the
same, either by suit at law or equity, or
by sale of the property at public sale, af
ter advertising the same in the manner
prescribed by law. The said Kate M.
Roush now declaring said debt due and
doth advertise the same once a
■week for four weeks in The Evening News
a newspaper published in Macon, and will
svM on the Ist Tuesday in December next
the property above described; first apply
ing the proceeds of said sale to the costs
of this proceeding; second, to the amount
o' indebtedness due on the day of sale to
attorneys’ fees and such other costs as
may be incurred, if any. and the balance
if uiv will turn over to said B. H Ray.
Fee simple title will be ovule to the pur
chaser or purchasers at the s * le -
MRS. K ATE M ROl xH.
■November sth. 1898.
LOCAL OPTION ELECTION NOTICE.
ORDINARY’S OFFICE,
Macon, Bibb County. Georgia
A petition having been filed in this office
on the 24 th day of October, IS9S, for an
election to be held in Bibb county, Ga..
under the local option law of the state of
Georgia and said petition being in com
pliance with said law. it is therefore here
by ordered that an election be held at the
usual places for holding elections in Bibb
county, Ga., on the Ist day of December.
1898, to determine whether or not such
liquors as are mentioned In section IMLB
of volume 1 of the Code of Georgia of 1895
shall be sold within the limits o. B.bb
county, Ga. _ . „„
This the 25tb day of October 1898.
C. M. WILEY,
Ordinary Bibb County.
(Communicated.)
SOME SOUND NUTS FOR THE
PROHIBITIONISTS TO CRACK.
The Late George E. Waring Presents the Liquor Prob=
lem in a Strong Light, and From the
Standpoint Os
fl DEVOTED TEMPERANCE ADVOCATE,
Says Prohibition is a Farce and a Failure, as a
Third of a Centurys’ Experience Proves.
HIGH LICENSE
And Strict Regulations the Only
Practical Remedy —Mr. Hamil
ton Mabry, Great Temper
ance Advocate, Endors
es Col. Waring’s
Views.
The following article from the “Out
look,” contributed by the late Colonel
Waring .is one that should be read by
everv citizen of Macon who desires to see
the questio.n of the liquor traffic treated
in a fair and common sense way. Coione'
Waring was notes] as one of the world's
greatest sanitary engineers. Called from
Memphis, Tenn., which he made a clean
and healthy city, to New York to perform
the same office, his great work in Aemeri
ca’s metropolis added to his fame. More
recently lie was sent by the United States
government to Cuba to study conditions
there and recommend such measures as,
in 'bjs opinion, would result in improving
the sanitary conditions of the island. He
contracted 'the fever while in Cuba and
hisu-ntimely deata'h has deprived the coun
try of one of its brightest and most force
ful mtn. Always a keen observer. Colonel
Waring studied closely the conditions
that obtain in New York, in relation to the
liquor traffic, and the. article written by
him for the “Outlook” presents in a clear
and forcible manner the views formed as
a result of his investigation. He has left
behind him. in his treatment of this ques
tion, a dispassionate statement that is
equally applicable in its recommendations
to every city and community in the land:
As I am going to recommend some
things which a certain class of readers
may think wrong, let me begin this paper
with a very distinct statement of my own
opinion. lam convinced that if the use
of alcoholic beverages could be absolutely
done away with, the community would
be the better for it. All that the most
zealous advocates of total abstinence say
as tt> the effects of habitual drinking and
of drunkenness is true. If it were possi
ble to stop drinking by prohibition I
should be a prohibitionist, and I should
cease my own very moderate use of wine
and spirits.
If anything has been proved by a third
of a century of “Prohibition,” it is that
it does not prohibit. It prevents the
regulation of the liquor traffic and the
collection of public revenue; it does not
prevent excessive and most demoralizing
use of liquor, in secret and exultant vio
lation of law. For all that, the temper
ance movement has done almost incal
cuable good, in that it has made drunken
ness discreditable. There is now no class
of society—no matter how low —which, as
a class, does not look down on a drunkard.
Before the advocates of temperance be
gan their active work, fifty odd years
ago, the reverse was the case. There was
then! no class —no matter how high—
which, as a class, condemned drinking as
a vice and looked with reprobation on a
respectable gentleman in his cups. Drink
ing was no more condemned than duelling
was. So recently as when I was a well
grown boy, he was a bold man who would
say that he would not acept a challenge:
and I often saw a son of a respectable
house in the village, acting as clerk in
his father’s store, sell rum at three cents
a glass, with a jolly leer in his eye when
lie was getting his customer more than
half seas over. He afterward attained a
very distinguished position, and such con
duct would now seem to him worse than
disgraceful.
There came to live among us in. those
days a handsome and cultivated gentle
man whose habits were of the worst; he
was rarely sober at noon, and he was ha
bitually drunk at night. He was much
respected, and when he died he was sin
cerely regretted. The most striking im
pression he left on 'the community was
connected with the fact that he had come
to the village with a certain sum of
money, saying that when he had drank
that up he should die. He literally drauk
himselif to death, and left but sixpence
of his fortune. While they werb sorry for
him and his ways, the people thought him
a wonderfully clever manager to have
brought things out so evenly. •
That less than sixty years should have
brought about such a vast change in sen
timent concerning drink is to the highest
honor of those who have .fought the evil
with all their might, and who are still
fighting it effectively. What they have
accomplished is simply a radical reversal
of popular sentiment. The ground they
have 'gained has been made secure largely
by the action of employers, who. as a
very widely general rule, reject applicants
who drink.
Temperance has struck its roots and
will grow stronger as time .goes on. Thank
God for this. What now most interests
those who care for good government in
New York is the degree to which and the
way in which the work of its advocates
should be aided by law and by adminis
tration. It is for those who care for such
government tbJit this appeal is made.
Our population has come from ail parts
of the world, and, as Superintendent
Byrnes once told me, "they have brought
their mannerisms and prejudisms with
them." These immigrants are very ra
pidly becoHning good Americans, but they
and their children, like the rest of us, are
much influenced by old customs, and have
rather firmly fixed ideas as to personal
rights. It is only a small proportion ot
any population that Is willing to have its
habit* interfered with by law. We are
proud of being “a liberty-loving people,”
and most of us think that liberty, Hke
' charity, begins at home; we care more for
personal liberty, which touche* our daily
i life, than we do for national liberty,
> whose touch is much. less felt. It is not
i too much to say that —the actually crimi
nal classes and the drunkards aside —cure
is a population of good citizens. Patriotic
pride in the city is by no means confined
to the rich and well-to-do. It is quite as
well established among “the other half.”
Standards vary. In one quarter of the
town, and among a certain class, there is
a respect for more laws than in another
quarter and among another class; but
there is no more respect for law in gen
eral. Laws protecting property and per
sonal safety are universally respected.
Laws which affect customs and restrain
personal indulgence have much more res
pect among those who are influenced by
high social, moral and religious standards
than among those who are not so con
trolled, but who are very good citizens,
all tbe same.
No fair view can be taken of the situa
tion without bearing constantly in mind
that this is a land of absoJute religious
freedom; that one lias as much legal right
to believe one thing as another, or to be
lieve nothing. The church may persuade
a man; it cannot force him. The law can
interfere only to protect the many against
a violation of its peace by the conduct of
the few. This is no more true as to reli
gious questions than as to personal habits
and customs. When religion, fashion or
prejudice undertakes to compel all persons
to live according 'to its standards, it in
vade individual liberty, and invites, as it
deserves, the condemnation and the re
sistance of those who claim the right to
live otherwise.
Whatever effective action is to be taken
to regulate the sale of alcoholic drinks
must be taken with constant regard to
these considerations. ‘We cannot enforce
temperance any more than we can enforce
religion. As we ,may persuade a man to
accept the tenets of Christianity, so we
may persuade him to abstain from drink
ing to excess, or from drinking at all. At
the same time, while' we cannot prevent, ’
we can regulate; and, from the nature of
the case, we can apply regulation more
easily and with far less irritation to the
sale of drink than to its use.
As an itinerant preacher of strange doc
trine can 'harangue a crowd in the street
only under the control of the police, so
the liquor seller can dispense his bever
ages only under the same control. In the
latter case, as in the former, the purpose
is to protect the community from
able infringement of its nights. The
preachers must not disturb the peace of
the public nor violate its reasonable sense
of propriety; and the saloon keeper must
be subjected to the same restriction. In
his case, 'because his influence is so all
pervading, and because his traffic is so
much more pernicious in some of its
effects, a stricter regulation is proper.
The great question is, how far is It wise
to go in limiting the freedom of liquor
selling? If we had only to consider the
effect of the traffic on those who support
it, the answer would not be difficult, for
whatever tends to suppress drunkenness
must be very desirable. But there are
other considerations. The need of good
government is paramount to all other
needs, .and good government relates not
only, nor chiefly, to sobriety; it includes
in its purview everything that affects the
good of the people—which is a Short
er way of saying that there is no single
interest of any man, woman or child in
the city which is not —often unconsciously
—affected by its government. This is not
the place to argue this proposition, if ar
gument is needed. Surely all who give
attention to the subject will at once admit
its truth.
We must, then, make even the drink
question subordinate to the larger ques
tion of securing the best possible admin
istration of our public affairs. In order
to get good government we must secure
the votes of many men who do not think
as we do about many things. We must give
as well as take; and if we are liberal in
our giving we can take a great deal. My
official life in New York brought me, ne
cessarily, into contact with all sorts of
people, and I came to have a sincere re
gard for whole classes which are entirely
unknown to those who move in other
circles. There is a vast deal of honest
manliness where those Who live mainly
among the more prosperous imagine that
there is only a very low grade of human
ity. actuated by a hatred of the rich and
a suspicion of the better educated.
These people want what we want. They
want good schools, clean streets, good
magistrates, a well-ordered police, suffi
cient parks, a low death rate and good
government generally. They do not "want,
»nor do we. too much interference with
personal habits and familiar customs.
They, like ourselves, grow restive and un
reasonable under espionage and unne
cessary annoyance.
On the whole it is not too much to say
that we shall never have permanent good
government in New York-so long as our
common people are annoyed as they have
been by unecessarily iritating Sunday
restrictions and too Sharp interference
with tbe saloons. When they can do
openly what they are now forced to do
by stealth —and what they will certainly
do in one way or another —they will have
more respect for law, will lead more or
derly lives, and will be less easily led to
vote for the sort of government under
which we are now suffering.
It is not easy to formulate a method of
saloon regulation and of Sunday restric
tion which will satisfy all classes, but
there is surely some middle ground on
which all can meet with reasonable satis
faction, where the conditions will not be
intolerable to any except the extremists
of both sides; and laws are not made to
satisfy extremists, but to make life agree
able to the great mass of the population.
In my judgment the influence of example,
of persuasion, of self-interest, and of so
cial improvement will be jiore effective
when our laws cease to regard drinking as
a crime. Take the mass of our German
population, for instance. They have been
accustomed for generations to the free —
but generally not excessive—drinking of
beer —and to the devotion of their Sunday
afternoons to social Intercourse in places
of public resort where beer flows freely.
The habit is practically universal with all
classes, and not even the most religious
element ot the community thinks of con
demning it. They come here and find
their innocent national habits frowned up
on, and themselves subjected to annoy
ing and, as they think, absurd restrlc-
MACON NEWS SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12 1898.
I tions. They will vote for a pretty bad lot
of public officers to escape from such
| tyranny, and they will listen with scorn
to all talk of “Reform” which proposes to
tolorate it.
Those who are addicted to strong drink,
in like manner, consider it none of the
law’s business to interfere with their per
sonal habits and tastes; and a very large
number of excellent citizens, whose habits
and tastes are not all the same, think
with them and vote with them.
While such a method cannot be easily
formulated which would satisfy our coun
try lawgivers and our city people ait the
same time, there are certain principles
which must be accepted before we get <0
a point where we shall be free from the
present disastrous interference with our
efforts for good government:
(1) The Puritan Sabbath” can never
be made acceptable to the people of New
York.
(2) Beer is not to be classed with whis
ky as an objectionable beverage.
(3) Whisky is demanded by a very large
number of persons who will connive at
the violation of law to get it, if need be,
every day in the week.
(4) Beer ds regarded by many thousands
of citizens as being harmless, if not as
necessary, as bread; and they will see the
fiend incarnate in the mayor’s chair ra
ther than have their habit of taking it—
on any day dn the week—'repressed by the
police.
(5) There will be no objection to any
reasonable tax on the sale of both bever
ages, nor to any reasonable regulation of
the manner and hours of their sale.
1. The first of these principles will be
of slower and more difficult acceptance
than all the others, for those who have
been Americans for generations, like a
very large majority of the people of this
state, have had the sanctity of the Puri
tan Sabbath ground into their habit of
thought to such a degree that—while most
of them do not allow it to control their
own habits—they think, as a matter of
course, that they must treat it with great
respect when dt is presented o hem as a
feish. Those zealous Christians who real
ly believe that it is wicked to do pleasant
things on Sunday are relatively very few;
those who are ready to take up the Puri
tan ‘Sunday as political shibboleth are, as
•we have seen, numerous enough to make
mischief for this city. Tammany, for ex
ample, asks no better ground for .1 cam
paign than the advocacy of Sunday rigid
ity by its opponents. It knows that thou
sands will vote with it because of this
condition alone.
New York has not been for a genera
tion a Puritan city, and it is growing
away from Puritanism year by year. By
a very large majority, it believes in ma
king Sunday a day of innocent recreation
—and it asks nothing that it does not be
lieve to be innocent. Even the most rigid
Sabbatarian would realize, if he could
persuade himself to wander on a pleasant
Sunday afternoon through Central Park
the Art Museum and the Museum of Na
tural History, and to go up the Riverside
Drive to Claremont, that the hundreds of
thousands whom he would meet there
were only getting benefit from their happy
and healthy excursion away from the dull
and often sordid surroundings of their
workaday life. If, encouraged by this, 'he
would visit a great German beer garden,
he would find men, women and children
engaged in a perfectly rational enjoyment
to which their race had been acustomed at
home. He would see little, if anything, to
which he could object—very much less
than he would find at the same time in
any frequented street of the city. If he
could only be made to realize the degree
to which his prjudices tend to favor the
continuance a government which he
considers absolutely bad, he would see
that his plan of making Sunday a day of
open gloom and of secret evasion of law
Is the very worst plan to which he could
give his support. One of the most useful
efforts to which the reformer could apply
himself would be to preach these truths
to t'he rigid adherence of the austere Sun
day.
2. No distinction is made in the remark
able Raines Law between whisky and
other drinks which make men drunk, and
light beer and wines, which at worst —
and that rarely—make them dull. Nearly
all the harm that grows from drinking is
■the work of the liquor saloon. Waste of
time and waste of money is the worst
that can be seriously charged to the bier
garten or the bierhalle, and the waste of
time and monej’ is not a proper subject
for legislation. Lager beer and the lighter
sorts of wine contain a certain small per
centage of alcohol —not enough as the law
need notice. (Places where only these are
sold should pay a certain tax or license
fee, because their business is a long-es
tablished source of public revenue, and
because they should be securely register
ed for police supervision. Liquor saloons,
Where beverages are sold having a higher
percentage of alcohol, should pay a very
much higher tax or fee —so much as to
reduce their present number very greatly.
The saloon, in its present development,
Is a curse to the people, and the greatest
amount of restraint may properly be ap
plied to it which will leave it possible for
those to ’buy its wares to do so without
material inconvenience. Four saloons at
the crossing of two streets are a shameful
excess. The more the number of sa’oons
can be restricted, the better they can be
regulated.
3. Reprehend as we may the drinking of
strong liquors, we must confine our con
test with it to regulation and moral sua
sion. We cannot prevent it by force. So
long as men will drink, our best course is
to lessen the glaring temptation to it
■which too frequent facilities afford, and
to do what we can to make the practice
orderly and decent. Those who sell and
those who drink will offer no marked op
position to such a course. Neither will
they oppose very very considerable Sun
day restrictions, so long as these do not
make it necessary to sell and to drink on
the sly and in violation of the law. Most
of those who drink whisky would much
prefer not to break a law in doing so; and
they have a great disgust for a law which
requires them to order a "meal” when
thev want a drink. They see no virtue
in the stale old sandwich which is set out
beside their glass to make their drinking
legal. They are common-sense persons
and they want common-sense treatment.
If they cannot have it they will vote
wrong until it is given to them.
4. We can never get “the German vote,”
and the enormous sympathetic vote that
goes with it, until we allow light beer and
light wines to be sold freely on Sunday—
at least after the morning church hours—
as on any other day in the week. And we
shall never have the much needed cordial
vote and support of a large majority of
the people for good government until we
are ready to concede this much to those
who feel that they have a right to de
mand it In my opinion, there is only one
side to this question, save in the minds
of those who adhere strictly and most in
juriously, to the Sabbatarian limitations.
5. Conceding the foregoing, it will be
easy to establish and to enforce any ne
cessary regulations that good public order
and decency may require, and to impose
such a tax on the traffic in both liquor
and the lighter drinks as will cover the
whole cost of our school system, however
large it may be. Our people have been
so long accustomed to harrassingexactions
affecting their personal habits as to drink
that they will willingly pay a very high
price if they are allowed to do legally and
at their own pleasure what they are now
compelled to do under annoying restric
tions.
If our best people among the poor no
less than among the rich, could be made
to see the case as it is set forth here, and
to act and vote acordingly, we should
soon see the last of the present sort of
Tammany government. Even Tammany
itself would soon learn that its only
chance for remaining in power would be
to abandon its present corrupt ways and
to satisfy itself with the honor of ruling
the city wisely and well. It can hardly
be doubted that it would govern in this
way rather ‘than not govern at all. There
Is no reason why wise and honest govern
ment should not be gladly accepted at the
■hands of Tammany Hall. We are not
fighting the name, but the present aim, of
‘that organization. We can defeat this aim
only when we s'hail have given such treat
ment to the drink problem as common
sense. and, in,the city of New York, reli
gion itself, demands.
ifr. Hamilton Mabry, the distinguished
editor of the Outlook, who has been quoted
recently by the advocates of prohibition
as an authority for the.r contention, pre
sents i 1 the following comment on the dif
ferent phases of the liquor traffic some
ipoints that do indicate him a champion of
prohibitory legislation. On the contrary,
a careful perusal of the argument he has
advanced will shoy that he favors the li
censed regulation of the liquor traffic.
The question which Colonel Waring
raises in his article printed on another
page will seem to certain of onr readers
no question at all. The argument of the
prohibitionist is very simple. It Cannot be
right for a community to sanctiqn what
it is wrong for an individual to do: it is
wrong for an individual to sell alcoholic
liquors as a beverage; therefore It is
wrong for the community 'to sanction
such sale; it is doubly wrong to sell them
cn the Sabbath; therefore it is doublv
wrong for the community to sanction
such Sabbath s'ale. If we grant that all
liquor selling is wrong, the argument still
appears to us to ignore another and a very
serious question; what are t.he rights and
duties of a majority in a democratic com
munity? We ask those of our readers who
place greater reliance on legislation as a
means oif moral reform than we do, to
consider this question without prejudice,
and the bearing of the answer on the
problem which Mr. Waring presents.
In a paternal government 'there is good
ground for claiming that the supreme au
thority is resoonslble for the conduct of
the subjects, and therefore has a right and
duty to regulate that conduct. The father
may and largely does determine the diet
and the dress of his children; no one
complains of sumptuary legislation in the
household. In a similar manner and for
a similar reason, the Czar may determine
on what conditions his people may get
■alcoholic beverages or Whether they may
get them at all. He is supposed to be wiser
than they, and they are supposed to be
under his direction and control because
he is wiser than they.
The doctrine of a democratic commun
ity is very different. No one supposes
that the majority in so heterogeneous a
population as that of the United States
affords any final stand'ard of either wis
dom or virtue. It furnishes only a general
average of wisdom and virtue, and that
average is certain to fall below the higher
standards of the best born and best edu
cated. Democracy rests, not on any no
tion that the many are wiser or more vir
tuous than the few, but on the belief that
it is safer to leave every man to judge
of his own interests 'and his own duties
than it is to intrust him 'to the care and
control of some one else. The danger to
Mm from his own ignorance or even his
own vices is less than the danger from the
selfishness of the supposedly beneficent
(fesnot into whose hands, on any other
theory, he would 'be put for safe keeping.
He will blunder, but he will learn by his
blunders; he will sin, but he will learn
by his sins. Leave him—this is what
democracy says—to determine his own
duties and to perform them o-r neglect
them as he chooses. Leave him to ascer
tain his own interests and to conserve or
sacrifice them as he chooses. Counsel,
instruct, aid, but do not control him.
Under this system government no longer
undertakes, as paternal government does,
to control men for their own good. For
the same reason that it no longer endeav
ors to regulate their religious worship, it
no longer endeavors to furnish . their
ethical ideals or to regulate their moral
conduct. It leaves them tree to self-regu
lation in tihe one domain as in the other.
It confines itself to two functions: co
operative action in certain common ac
tivities, 'as in the post office and the pub
lic school; and the protection of the com
munity from aggression by other com
munities and of the individual in the com
munity from other individuals. It re
quires, or may require, each individual to
abstain from such performances on the
Sabbath, as tend to destroy 'the Sabbath
rest of others, but it leaves, or should
leave, him perfectly free to go to church
or ride a bicycle. It interferes, or should
intrefere to prevent him prove making
his house a breeding place of pestilence;
but it leaves him free to waste his money
in what extravagance of dress or table
his folly may dictate. The principle 1*
very easy of statement, but is very diffi
cult in application. The principle is that
the government is not to protect the in
dividual from his own wrong-doing; it
is, on the contrary, ‘to leave him perfectly
free to dp wrong provided his wrong-doing
does not injure his neighbor. But it is
to prevent him from inflicting wrong
upon his neighbor, aJthough, in order to
do so, it has to interfere with his liberty
to follow his own judgment or even his
own conscience. The difficulty of appli
cation lies in the fact that it is often dif
ficult 'to determine how far government
should go in the work of protection, and
against what injuries it should protect.
It is, for example, the right of the indi
vidual to dress as he pleases, but he may
not go naked upon the streets; he may
talk as he pleases, but he may not inflict
obscene or profane language upon the
public.
There is no subject to which It is more
difficult to apply this principle than the
subject of the use of alcoholic beverages.
On the one hand it $3 absolutely certain
that the sale of such beverages, as at
present conducted, costs the community
an enormous sum in hospitals, poor
houses, jails, and criminal courts. Thia
is the practically unanimous testimony of
all students, judges qn the bench, pro
fessors of political economy*, expert* in
criminology, social statistician*- On the
other hand, it is equally certain that,
whatever may be the effect of the moder
ate use of such beverages on the indivi
dual, such moderate use inflicts no Im
mediate and recognized injury on the
community. Some years ago the Outlook
made a careful examination into the social
conditions of a ward which of all wards
in New York city had almost if not quite
the greatest number of liquor
shops. To our surprise we found it was
the one ward jp which at times twenty
fours hours weat by without any arrest I
from crime or disturbance of apy kind. ]
There wag scarcely a whisky saloon in the
ward, and very few Irish or Americans:
the population was Bohemian, and liquor
stores were beer saloon*. The lawmaker
must recognize the fact that some forma
of liquor drinking Inflict enormous wrong
on the community, and that other forms
of drinking do not; his problem is to pro
tect the public from the injuries inflicted
by the former, and not to interfere with
the latter. He must protect the innocent
from injuries inflicted by others; he is
not to protect the individual from the con
sequences of his own folly, or even of his
own wrong-doing.
To restate the problem another way:
The lawmaker must recognize in the law
alike the conscience of the total abstain
er and the conscience of the moderate
drinker. He must not assume that one
has a conscience and the other has none,
nor so frame the law as to enforce the
conscience of one upon the conduct of the
other. There are some who regard alcohol
in all its forms as a poison, never under
any circumstances to be taken into the
human body; there are others who are
people pretending to be Christians who
of the opinion of the German in Penn
sylvania who said: “I hear that there are
will not drink beer. But, for my part,
I do rot see how one can be a Christian
and refuse so good a gift of God as beer.”
How are these two classes to live peace
abley together in a free community? The
mere rule of 'the majority affords no basis
for such a common life. This rule will
•leave the community which is dominated
by the German sentiment without any li
quor laws and with the unrestrained sale
of liquor; it will leave the community
which is dominated by the total abstainer
without any liquor, and the moderate
drinker perpetually angered by what he
regards as interference with his natural
right to determine the question of diet
for himself; and it will leave the com
munity in which both classes live side by
side in a perpetual conflict and the liquor
question always in politics. There must
be some better way than this to make
liberty and protection live peaceably to
gether.
Are there any limits to the right of the
major*'. . .o, uCiat are they? If the
majority tiiinks, as many do think, that
the use of tea and coffee are injurious,
have they a right to prohibit the sale of
tea and coffee? If they think the eating
of pie produces dyspepsia, and makes the
children pale, cadaverous, thin-blooded,
and inefficient, have they a right to pro
hibit the sale of pie? Has a contamnity
in which the majority are a
. , , . men
right ito prohibit the sale of
cause, in their judgment, it
bloodthirsty, and leads to quarrels, a jJf‘S
of violence and war? We shall all afe£e,
probably, that there is some limit to
moral right of the majority other than
that determined by its political power.
What is that limit? The answer is: it
has moral right to do whatever in its
judgment is necessary to protect the in
nocent from the wrong-doing of others —
whether it be intentionally criminal or
merely ignorantly careless; but it has no
moral right, in criminal legislation, to do
more. It is by the application of this
principle, with possible modifications and
exceptions, that the answer is to be found.
How shall the total abstainer and the
moderate drinker live peaceably together?
The moderate drinker must recognize
that it is the function of the law to pro
tect the community from the enormous
injuries 'which result from the unrestrict
ed and unregulated sale of liquor; and the
total abstainer must recognize the right of
the moderate drinker to purchase and
drink intoxicating liquors under condi
tions which do not inflict direct injuries
upon others.
The first result of the recognition of
this principle would be vigorous legal
measures to protect 'the community at
large and all individuals in the commun
ity against the injuries inflicted by drunk
enness. A man may have a right to drink;
but he has no right to indulge in drink to
such an extent as to make himself of
fensive to others in public places, or to be
dangerous to the members of his family at
home, or to incapacitate himself for their
support, and so throw on the community
the burden which it belongs to him to
bear. The law ought not to treat drink
ing as a crime; but it ought to treat
drunkenness as a crime. Every drunken
man ought to be arrested; every habitual
drunkard ought to be sent to a reforma
tory and kept there until cured, even if
that requires a life imprisonment; every
man incapacitating himself for the sup
port of his family ought to be .compelled
to work, and the proceeds of his work
used toward the support of his family;
every saloon which turns drunken men
out into the streets unable to take care
of themselves, and every saloon which'
proves itself a source of public disorder,
should be closed by law and not allowed
to open again; the children should be pro
tected from their own ignorance, and sell
ing to minors should be prohibited and
punished. This much, at least, the com
munity and the inocent individuals in the
community have a right to demand of the
state.
Another result of this recognition of
the two-fold principle stated above—per
sonal protection and personal liberty—-
would be local option: that is, the recog
nition of 'the right of each local com
munity to determine for itself the police
regulations of the liquor traffic, leaving
the state to punish violations of private
rights and perpetration of public disorder
by a law’ uniform in all localities. If the
people of St. Lawrence county" desire to
abolish all saloons, why should New York
city refuse them the liberty.' If the peo
ple of New York city desire opportunities
for drinking within limits that afford pro
tection to others, wny should the people of
St. Lawrence county refuse them that
liberty? The injuries produced by mod
erate drinking in New York city on the
people of St. Lawrence county are remote
indirect, impossible to esiimate. It js
really not for their own protection that
rural communities endeavor to determine
by legislation the moral conditions of
great cities. It is on the mistaken no
tion that in a free community the majority
is in loco parentis; and is somehow res
ponsible for the moral character and con
duct of each local community, and each
individual in the local community. And
this is a mistaken notion. It has for its
support neither a sound political economy
nor a sound religion. Every individual
must give account of himself to God, not
only for his religious faith, but also for
the ethical principles, w’hieh determine
his conduct. The limit of criminal legis
lation is protection of the otherwise un
protected. The attempt to cope with the
evils of the liquor traffic by allowing the
conscience of one class in the community
•to regulate the habits of another class ha*
been tried op a large scale, and as re
gards the large cities, always unsuccess
fully. It would be well to give an equally
faithful trial to the other principle; to
close 'by law those saloons which are’ di
rect sources of disaster and nurseries of
crime; to tax all saloons with Something
like a fair proportion of the burdens
which the saloons as whole lay upon the
community; to forbid open saloons at
those hours of the night which experi
ence proves are most eoincjdepfc with
public disorder; to discriminate, if pos
sible, between distilled liquors which pro
voke to violence and crime and the light
wines and beers which do not; and to
leave each local community to determine
within certain restrictions Imposed by the
elAte, the police regulation of the traffic
Particularly, the city of New York should
give to the great cities the right of legij,
latten which It has given to the smaller
towns, and should enable New York erty,
or more probably each borough in that
city, or possibly each ward or election dis
trict, to decide for itself whether saloons
should be open at all, and, if so, whether
they should be open for any sale of liquor
on any part of Sunday. Whatever the Im
mediate consequences, we believe that the
final result would be not only a purifica
tion of polities, from which the corrupt
ing influences of the liquor traffic would
be thus removed, but an increase of tern l
peranoe in practice by the only method
which promises enduring results —namely,
•that of remitting the question of self-con
trol, as far as is consistent with public
safety, to the individual himself
• ft] u hi
The Kind You Have Always Bought, and which has been
. in use for over 30 years, has borne the signature of
« „ has been made under his per
e 50,,a l supervision since its infancy.
e t c Allow no one to deceive you in this.
AH Counterfeits, Imitations and Suhstil-ites are bur Ex
e pvrnnents that frille with and endanger the health of
e ntants and Children—Experience against Experiment.
*1 W ap
: What is CASTORIA .
O Castoria is a substitute for Castor Oil. Varegorie, Drops
and Soothing Syrups. It is ilarmle-- and Pleasant. It
e contains neither Opium, Morphine nor other Narcotic
substance. Its age Is its guarantee. It destroys Worms
a and allays Feverishness. It cures Diarrluva, and Wind
Colie. It relieves Teething' Troubles, cures Constipation
e and Ilatulency. It assimilates the Food, regulates the
s Stomach and Bowels, giving healthy and natural sleep.
■ ihe Children's Panacea--Tile Mother’s Friend.
1
genuine: CASTORIA always
r CXF Bears the Signature of
■ The Kind You Have Always Bought
In Use For Over 30 Years.
, ~ THE CENTAUR COMPANY, TT MURRAY STREET, NEW" YORK CITY,
t istSkJESA 'are ■=.
r
Home Industries
and Institutions
HENRY STEVENS, SONS & CO
H. STEVENS' SONS CO., Macon, Ga., Manufacturers of Sewer and Railroad cul
vert pipe, fittings, fire brick, clay, etc. Wall tubing that will last forever.
MACON REFRIGERATORS.
MUECK E’S Improved Dry Air Refrlger ators. The best Refrigerators made. Manu
factured right here In Macon, any size and of any material desired. It has qualities
which no other refrigerator on the market possesses. Come and ree them at th* fao
j -y w * t.
Macon s Oldest Established and Reliable Jewellers,
J H & W. W. WILLIAMS,
352 Second’Street.
ti * Invite their customers and general cus-
/ tomers to call, now that Christmas time
f r is coming on and see their beautiful line
■ ~~WwC ■ sterlin silver noveltise suitable for
C' flt'*"Bra holiday gifts for father, mother, brother or
-''£*** sister. Our entirely new selected choice
. -‘j&wßWb V \WM cases of manicure sets, traveling shaving
HMmML i W seLs aIHI Inen s toilet sets. All kinds
® of arl silver ware ami all that pertains to
I a W<ll k< Pt jewelry store in delicate ami
y . | U'aESßfflMJwk esthetic styles of watches, diamond jew-
Clry and opera glasses, can be found at
. ’*• WILLIAMS’. Give us a call and we will
welcome vou.
i r Riinn pn ea ' state surance »
461 Second St. Phone 439
FOR RENT.
372 College street. 719 Arch street.
233 Bond street. g room dwelling on Hill
261 Bond stieet. street near Whittle school.
482 Orange street.
858 New street. 6 r “°™ duelling on Stubbs
1522 Fourth street. Hill.
613 Georgia avenue. Dwelling and store corner
517 Georgia avenue. Third and Oak streets.
We represent several strong Fire Insurance
Companies.
THE FAIR STORE *
Has removed to Cherry street, next to
Payne & Willingham’s and L. McMa
nus’ furniture stores and opposite Em
pire Store.
IT IS TIME
TO I
/// Fs O t
of what kind of cooking apparatus shall be put in for
fall ’ The oil and gas stove will have to be abandoned.
Why not get a TRIUMPH STEEL RANGE ?
It is the most perfect yet invented, and is unsurpassed
for the quality of its work and economy of fuel. Is
less trouble, cleaner and less expensive than any other
stove made. Come in and examine it. Price S3O,
with complete furniture list of 30 pieces.
§,v •\ ’ O •
3