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GEORG lA, GO URIEIt.
3m G. BTWKOUTER
AND
SLLrjRir nssALzwa,
PUBLISHERS.
'—>*.—This Tap^.r is p’iblishr-1 rvnry Momiav snrl
Thursday jifiurnnon, at £5 00 per aniiuin. payable is ad-
ranee, or id 00 at the expiration of flic year.
U" Advertisements not exeecdiitp a square, inscrted'tlie
frst'ime or 02 1-2 cents, and 43 3-4 eetoe for each eoD-
r iterance.
himself t If they make 50 j»cr ccik on i whence is it that we draw those practised
their ^capital, would they not desire still j seamen indispensable for our Navy, but
are agriculturalists, from our Commerce. All history shews
that no nation iir modern times can sus-
FltO.M THE EDGEFIELD HIVE.
[RY REQUEST].
Edgefield Anti-Tariff Meeting.
At a numerous meeting of the Citizens
of Edgefield District, holde'n at the Court
House, on Monday, July 2, 1827, to con
sider of the propriety of presenting a Me
morial to Congress against the imposition
of additional duties upon the importation
of Woollens, General Jes.si: Blocker
tvas called to the Chair, and F. II. Ward-
Law, Esq. appointed Secretary.
Col. E. Simkins, sen’r. in a lnc;d and
pertinent Address exposed the in-justice
and impolicy of the measure proposed at
the last session of Congrcs'-, commonly
called “ the Woolleiis Bill,” and conclu
ded by submitting the Memorial, which is
copied below.
JVSEMOSH&X
To the Honorable the Members of the Senate and
America, in Congress assembled.
The Memorial of the undersigned Citi
zens of Edgefield District, in the State of
Soiuh-Caroliiia, respectfully represents,
That as we deem it to be our duty, so
1 ’wc know it to be our right, to remonstrate
to your honorable bodies against both the
principles and policy of the bill introduced
at the last Session of Congress, common
ly called “ ilie Woollens Bill.” We do
this because we are fully aware that the
subject will be again presented to your
consideration with all the additional weight
that can be thrown on one side of the
question, by the numerous petitions and
meetings of the manufacturers. Urging
their peculiar interests with all the energy
that paucity of numbers, magnitude of in
terest, and unity of action (inn enforce, we
arc not at all astonished, that this system
atised corps, have so -much tended to
swerve pur national councils from those
fundamental principles of national justice
and equity, on which our government is
bottomed.
Seeing these things, and knowing that
six of the Southern States note pay, annu-
more than 250,000 dollars as imposts, on
the importation of the single article of
coarse Wordlens, ('the special object of
ibis bill,j we would deem ourselves indif
ferent to the vital interests of our rising
families and country, wore we longer to
remain silent.
To sacrifice our wealth and our popu-
latiop to ilie clear necessities of our gov
ernment, is generous and patriotic; but,
to suffer the former to be drawn from us,
and the latter to be worn down bv any
means used for the benefit of a few, with
out a murmur, is cowardly.
The operation of tilings is now peculi
arly unfavorable to us. Our exports of
Cotton amounted to upwards of 20 mil
lions of dollars, and of course, we pay a
corresponding portion of the expenses of
the Country in the consumption of the
imports, yet almost all the disbursements
of the government take place north of us;
and why in the name of justice, is this
bill now to be added to our burdens? If
this system is continued, you must force
our population westward, or if they re
main here compel them, according to the
natural order of things, to decline; for
decrease the means of subsistence, and
yon must decrease our numbers, and this
TVc comnlaio of as the greatest of political
evils. This may he slow and silent in its
effects, but it is.nevertheless certain and
deadly. Dra w away the money of our
country, no matter in how small quanti
ties, and you drain tho circulating-blood
#<hti our system! But we are fold that it
is finally Ip operate for our good, and will
enable the poor man to obtain for two dol
lars, that for which he now pays three.—
When we get an article from England lin
ger a duty of 30 or 40 per cent.,and that
ity is raised to 80 or 100, we cannot for
- lives, understand the logic, that we
then be enabled to get it cheaper
before. We want no set of manu-
■rs to force, from us a certain portion
income for their own use, and then
' liiat we must consent to it as it is
good, for really we know not
\our own interests on this sub
adding insult to injury,
ate and soibnre better adapt
able superfluities oflife, than
'acturing sections, and we,
a»mand- more wealth
ure, if let alone ; and j
wal water-power and I
"pi ted for mnmifac-
to bear the burden
Justice revolts at
’h, the gifts of
AC no right in
V the distri-.
The first
■'ll, and
more ? and ns we
spread over a wide surface, and as they
arc comparatively few in numbers, howe
ver powerful in wealth, with the advan
tage of union and concert, they can still
hone to gain whatever they wish, howe
ver unequal or exorbitant, and this is one
great reason why they have succeeded
thus far.
IT your honorable bodies were'to offer
as’a bounty, 20 dollars for.every hundred
yards of domestic woollens, and our man
ufacturers through this moans, were to
receive six millions annually, enabling
them to line their rivers wtih thriving vil
lages, the whole country would proudonce
it unconstitutional ; but really, we can sec
no practical difference between this, and
where (in artic! v wc must have) the du
ties are raised from 30 to a 100 percent.,
‘bus producing prohibition, drawing the
30 per cent, from our Treasury', and giv
ing it with the additional duty, to the man
ufacturer. If there be a reason why the
former should be unconstitutional, the
same reason must exist against the latter.
A certain class of our population arc
clothed as cheaply as possible, say at ten
dollars each, and if bv this duty on wool
lens (which principally operates on
tain herself withouta Navy. We protest
against England being held out as an ex-
amplefor us to follow in manufactories;
for although almost all her enlightened
statesmen, and aH her scientific writers
now condemn the restrictive ' system, at
which our Eastern brethren are now so
eagerly grasping, we deprecate the idea of
being forced into that artificial state of ex
istence, from which even she is now seek
ing to disinthral herself. Derange her
trade, and you throw upon her community
a miserable starving mob of manufacturers
moving thro’ the land with the desolation
thrilling word of independence, which fit- 1
ty years before, in the ardor of bis manly
strength, he had sounded to the nations, at
the head of his country’s councils-,' was
now amongst the last that dwelt on his in-
quiringlips ; and when towards the hour
of noon, he felt his noble heart growing
cold within him, the last emotion that
warmed it was ‘Jefferson still survives.’—
But, he survives not; he is gone : Ye are
gbne together 1 Take them great God, to
gether, to thy rest 1”
AMUSEMENTS AND HEALTH.
The lime has now arrived when the
migratory portions of our.citizens take up
their line of march for some other portion
. _ of our country, where if they cannot es-
of famine.—Ours will not be a poor un- ca p e the heat of summer, they may at least
the
poor) any thing is added <o their expense, make us “ independent.” \V r e want not
wo see no difference in the effects between the inglorious independence of a nation,
this and a direct tax on each, and this we j who through a mistaken selfish policy,
protest against as unnecessary and unjust. i slumbers within her own borders. We
Wo believe wc have higher duties now, • want a free trade n#d a liberal exchange
House of Representatives of tke United states of *as mere protecting duties, than any other ! of every tiling, with a name known, in
country. In England or France forex- j every land, and a commerce felt on eve-
ample, where the duty may be 60 per cent, ! rv sea ! We are more than willing to pay
yet there is perhaps, a direct or internal j duties for the support of our government ;
tax .amounting to 40 per cent, making the j but not for the sustenance of a monied
avowed protecting duty in reality, but 20 f speculating aristocracy ! Wc are willing
per cent, where as wo have no direct tax- j to support manufactures to supply the es-
es, and every duty of 33 J per cant, ope- j sentials of a War, when we are involved
rates as a projecting duty to that extent, j in such a contest or about to approach
Now if our manufacturers cannot sustain j one, but as to the great pretext advanced
themselves in competition with foreigners, ! in favor of the manufacturing system, that
who have to pay their own taxes together such is the policy of this nation, with a
with ours, it is directly against the inter- sparse population, extending over more
ests of the nation to sustain them.—They i than a million of square miles, to be rais-
then become sores on the body politic, I cd into existence, and fed at the expense
which draw their heated and morbid action J of every other great interest, we must so-
armed crowd ; with the rights of armed , divert their attention from it by novelty
freemen, they will sweep onward with the j 0 f scenerv, and a multitude of incidents',
convulsive fury of the living storm ! We j We | iave Y,ttle f a ;; h in t h e benefit of trav-
protest against a system, which naturally, j e lli n g in the abstract, but as a means of
m us progress, brings down the lofty inde-! diverting our thoughts into different de
pendence of a naan, and converts him into pels ; or rather of stilling thoughts which
a mere mechanical engine administering j for thc . most part are wearing ils cits into
cotton to a spinning jenny ! j skin and bone, riding our sides, and elon-
H e protest against the shallow idea of, gating our faces, and thrusting forth our
a system, forced upon us under the im- c!ieck bones—as such a means, travelling
posing name of “ American” and whicu, ; is undoubtedly beneficial—and we re-
whilst it wrings from industry its hardest j commend j t fo all good Philadelphians,
earnings, we are told, in the end, is toj w bo would for a few weeks avoid the rat
tling of pavements, the right angles of our
from the consumption of other parts cf the
system, thus paralyzing the natural vigor
of the whole!
The manufacturers of wool ask for pro
tection, and say thoir capital is unproduc
tive without it, and this they allege in tho
face of the admitted fact, that since the
tariff of 1824, the capital in the woollen
business, has risen from 10 to 40 millions.
—But whv may not we on a like princi
ple, ask also, for protection, when our
capital will now produce not more than 4
per cent ? We are all citizens of The Un
ion, entitled to common rights and privi
leges, and if any are to he assisted on the
score of policy, why not the larger por
tion ? But is it not clear, that when the
capital of New England continues to be
vested in manufactures, and still the own
ers say they cannot exist, their words and
acts are in direct contradiction, or it is a
censure on the natural sagacity and close
calculating powers of our Northern breth
ren. It is against common sense to sup
pose that men of intelligence will continue
to increase their capital in that, wh : ch
yields no profit but is an expense, where
there are so many new avenues to wealth ;
To believe this and then to see, the whole
Eastern section embellished with rising
villages where there is nothing to support
them but manufactures, is too monstrous
for credulity itself! If they had even in
creased their manufactures to too great an
extent, and thereby suffer, let them bear
it, for we know of no right in govern
ment fo pay men for their avarice or want
of judgment, We may emphatically ask
what class of men are there that do not
now suffer ? None we verily believe,
but the moneied monopolists of thc North
and East. But we have seen it recently
stated by some distinguished converts to
thc manufacturing monopoly, that the ma
nufacturers of wool have claims to the
protection of government, because Great
Britain has decreased her tax on the raw
material.—This we protest against as ar
rant sophistry, for it must have been
known fo those who advance it, that that
will only affect the manufacturers of fine
woollens; and it is the second minimum
of the woollens bill which includes the lar
gest portion of woollens imported into the
United States, and which under a mini-
lemnly protest against it.
We are no faotionists.—We think it is
out- interest, as we know it to be our tie
sire, to keep in close friendship and union
with all parts ofour now happy country
but we can never feel it to be our interest
or our desire to sacrifice our property
and with it our population and strength,
to what we know to be alone thc inter
ests of the monopolists of any section. In
defence of principle -against a petty tax
on tea, the chivalry of the South was
found freely braving the gash of death in
the dreadful field of battle. There is now
a tax proposed more insupportable; and
if its principles are orice admitted, what
guarranty have we that they will not be
pushed to any extent which avarice may
claim nr usurpation sanction! This would
be making us although, not in name, yet
to all intents and purposes, colonists to an
overbearing majority ; and we have not
yet so far sunk from the high inheritance
of our ancestors as to live in an inglorious
bondage.—We therefore, most respectful
ly, hut earnestly pray and remonstrate,
that your honorable bodies will in arrest
ing the contemplated bill, reject a system,
which cannot but be productive of the
most injurious consequences to the true
policy and lasting welfare of our happy
nadon.
Sol. A. P. Butler advocated with much
force and zeal, the adoption of the Me
morial, and proposed to the Meeting the
following resolution viz:
Resolved that tho following gentlemen,
viz : E. Swnkins, Sen. F. II. Wardlaw,
Richard Parks, B. F. Whitner, and Da
vid Richardson, be appointed a Commit
tee, whose duty it sliall be to publish in
the public prints and circulate in the dif
ferent parts of the District the above Me
morial; and also to transmit to our Repre
sentative a copy of the same to be pre
sented to Congress.
The Memorial and Resolution were
unanimously adopted.
The meeting adjourned sine die.
JESSE BLOCKER,
Chairman.
F. II. WARDLAW, Secretary.
Thc last moments of Jefferson and Ad
ams.— * he following beautiful extract is
mum disguise, imposes a duty of from 37jl j taken from the first number of the Amer-
to lo9J per cent, agains* which we so- ican Quarterly Review, p. 74, and is from
the pen of Mr Edward Everett, a mem
ber of Congress from Massachusetts :
“ The veil of eternity was first lifted
up from betore the eyes of Mr. Jefferson.
For several weeks, his strength has been,
gradually failing, though his mind’s vigor
remained uninipared. As he drew near
er to the last, and no expectation remain
ed that iiis term could bo much protracted,
lie expressed, no other wish, than that he
might live to breathe the air of the fifii-
eth anniversary of independence. This
he was graciously permitted to do. But it
lemnly raise our protest. Even admitting
what is advanced to be true, we do not
admit the principle that government is
hound to protect any class of citizens from
the irregularities or policy of any foreign
government—as well might we claim pro
tection from the irregularities of any set
of men controlling the cotton trade in fo
reign markets. This is indeed, one of the
risks of the manufacturer, which he knew
before he entered into the business, and
of course, there is no obligation to sustain
him. if he loses.
'V e earnestly solicit the attention ot the was evident, on the morning of the fourth,
lIO rC t Cl f II o i fi Mir? r\ iso o A r? a m n ..te t It 'i 4 TJ * f . J a m a a A. 1 7 . t • . 1 • l
members to the injurious effects on bur j that Providence intended that this day’
■ypow-
Earth
common country, where one section may
vote away six millions to a manufacturing
section, in expectation that the latter sec
tion may vote with them on the great ques
tions arising on the public lands in the
West, involving perhaps the gift of mil
lions. \V e then stand in the position of
“ hewers of wood and drawers of water.”
This would be creating a system of pat
ronage, which would wear away the sub
stantial land-marks of liberty. We want
it freedom in name, but in fact.-—Ab-
act liberty like nil other abstractions,
no existence. We want it in some-
tangible, in the just and equal pro-
a of our rights and property,
protest against all prohibitions, as
; flg the revenue of the govern-
Njcreasing our imports and con-
e commerce of the country,
essels principally which bring
decrease the latter and you
armer. This then must
•y, that great, safe, and
our defence, for from
be
consecrated by bis deed, sholild now
solemnized by his death. On some mo
mentary rtiviyalof his wasting strength,
the friends around would have soothed
him with the hope of continuing; but he
answered their kind encouragements only
by saying he did not fear to die. Once,
as he drew near to his close, he lifted up
his languid head, and murmured with a
smile, ‘ it is the four?h of July,’ v^ile his
repeated exclamation on the last great
day, was, Nunc dimittis Domine,’ Lord
lettest thy servant depart in peace.’ He
departed in peace a little before one
o’clock of this memorable day; uncon
scious that his co-patriot, who, fifty years,
before had shared its efforts and perils
was now the partner of glory.
“ Mr. Adams’s mind had also wander
ed back over the long line of great things,
with which his life was ‘filled, and found
rest on the thought of independence.—
When the discharge of artillery proclaim
ed the triumphant anniversary, he pro
nounced it ‘ a great, a glorious day.’ The
! streets, the eternal clatter of the pavior’s
I rammer, the dolorous cries “ of rock fish
j and paugies,” Cow-cumbers, and water
| millions, and the insipidity of Schuylkill
water, together with whatever else may
minister to the annoyance of one portion
of citizens, and the profit of another; to es
cape these, we say, and all the nameless
ills that our city’s heir to, we recommend
to those who can, to change the scene—
but for once, do not let them “ go by the
way of New York up the North River to
A!bany,and across by stages to Ballstown.
There is such “ an eternal sing song” in
this moveme nt, such an insipid return in
this regular march, that nothing but gen
tility itself could support; Schuylkill wa
ters, q?w-cumbers and paugies were a par
adise to it. Let no one boast of socieiy
at the Springs ; society in its better sense,
is unknown at such places—great Springs
are but focusses of fashion and folly ;
rallying points for the thoughtless and gay;
where the young meet to cheat each oth
er into marriage, and the old attend to
rate their children “ sound as thosq of
highest market.” An invalid in such a
place could neither find quiet nor receive
sympathy; and to the healthy and rich,
what attactions can these frivolities pos
sess ? Ts it not enough that they have
proffered to fashion the long nights of win
ter; that they have in all that season min
istered at the altar of art with a devotion
that in other times might have entitled
them to an Apotheosis—but must they
how down to the same deity in summer’s
heat—must the idols that fashion and
weakness have set up in their houses—the
deiipenales—must they too be worship
ped in the high place, in the groves, and
in the borders of the land ?—Surely this is
imposing a yoke grievous to be borne.
From conversation and reading have
our citizens acquired no taste for the beau
ties of nature ? has the constant ceiling of
brick, and the carpeting of stone that dec
orate our city never inspired them with a
wish to see how nature spreads out her or
naments ; how she lines down her hills
with verdure, and enamels her plains with
flowers—-has the trencher flatness of our
city, with its direct north and south exten
sion of streets and intersections from an
gular points, never inspired the affluent
fashionable, with a desire to tread the un
dulations of nature's home, to see how
chance or convenience runs its path—to
climb up the steep, and breatiie a gale
that man .Ind beast have not a dozen times
respired, or to which the gutter and the
sewer have not imparted their mephitic
contributions. What need have our fair
fashionables to engulph quarts of the sul
phurated waters of Saratoga; let them
ramble the fields, and climb the mountains,
and they may throw the physic to the dogs.
It is a fact that ladies who would think it
indelicate to name the ingredients of an
apothecary’s aperient, will drink huge
draughts of Ballstown, and talk ofitsjeom-
forting effects. If any one will take the
trouble to examine the well executed
views that glisten along the walls of our
fashionable parlours, they will find that
hundreds of dollars are yearly expended
upon Europiean scenery, represented as
grand and magnificent,' which compared
to the hills and valleys, streams and rav
ines of Pennsylvania, are tame and insip
id—but our own scenery, our wild and
giddy heights, our placid valleys and our
rushing torrents are unknown ; some for
eign pen must praise them beforc-they can
be admired by ourselves ; some nobleman
must pronounce them second only to the
artificial ge\ gaws of his own homestead,
betore they can be declared worthy gazing
at. It should not be forgotten that the
mind is greatly affected by the scenery a-
mong which it isNcultivated : and it may
hence be inferred that ten months confine
ment to the unvaried view of brick walls,
and the remaining two to the sandy level
of a fashionable retreat, can scarcely be
considered as friendly to the growth of hu
man intellect, as influenced by outward
circumstances : and least of all can the
mind be benefited by a change from the
relaziug and satiating formalities of fash
ion, in this city, to the vitiating and relax
ing formalities of a fashionable watering
place. One month’s unrestrained resi
dence in the interior of our own state, out
of the reach of fashion’s influence, and
beyond the necessity of frivolous parade,
would fortify the mind and body to a whole’
year’s support of those evils to which the
wealthy and fashionable are heirs.
We sincerely desire that those who seek
amusement at much expense, should adopt
the channelmost likely to lead to the ob
ject they seek; and we are certain that
the method of spending the summer
months of recreation, at which we have
hinted, will be found productive of the
most beneficial results.—Evening Post.
Gen. Jackson to Mr. Beverly.
nERMITAGE, JUNE 5th, 1827.
Dear Sir—Your letter of the l6th
ult. from Louisville Ky. is just received
and in couformity with your request, I ad
dress my answer to Wheeling, Va.
Your inquiries relative to the proposi
tion of bargain made through Mr. Clay’s
friends to some of mine, concerning the
then pending Presidential election, were
answered freely and frankly at the time ;
hut without any calculation that they were
to be thrown into the public journals—
buy/acts cannot be altered ; and as your
letter seems not to have been written for
publication, I can assure you that having
noconcealmont myself, nor any dread a-
rising from what i may have said on the
occasion and subject alluded to, my feel
ings towards you are not in the least
changed. I always intended, should Mr.
Clay come out over his own name, and
denv having any knowledge of tho com
munication made by his friend to my
friends and to me, that I would givo him
the name of the gentleman through whom
that communication came. I have notseen
your letter alluded to, as having been
published in the Telegraph; although that
paper, as I am informed, is regularly mail
ed for me at Washington, still I receive it
irregularly, and that containing your let
ter has not come to hand, of course I can
not say whether your statement is substan
tially correct or not--I will repeat, however,
again, the occurrence, and to which my
reply to you must have conformed, and
from which, if there has been any varia
tion you can correct it. It is this. Ear
ly in January 1825,a member of Congress
of high respectability, visited me one
morning, and observed, that he had a
communication he was desirous to make
to me—that he was informed there was a
great intrigue going on; and that it was
right I should be informed of it—that he
came as a friend—and let me receive the
communication as I might, the friendly
motives through which it was made he
hoped would prevent any change of friend
ship or feeling with regard to him. To
which I replied, from his high standing as
a gentleman, and member of Congress,
and from his uniform, friendly and gentle
manly conduct towards myself, I could
not suppose he would make any commu
nication to me, which he supposed was
improper, Therefore, his motives being
pure, let me tbink as I might of the com
munication, my fooling towards him would
remain unaltered.
—The gentleman proceeded, He said
means by which she was brought
court a witness against me, and 0 flH
testimony, it does not become a maq
my situation to speak. Were I tod.,,
the correctness of her testimony,
disclose the causes which made her a *;,
ness against.me, it might be attributed
the desperate energy of a dying nia,]
escape the odium of guilt and the ignoa'
ny of his crime. Whether I am i, 1n .
cent or guilty—whether my life i S(o ^
a sacrifice or an expiation, are kno^,.
him before whom I must shortly app^-1
and at whose august court I shall v ,
tremble to present the record of my
viction, and to receive that justice n,.
his impartial hand administers to alli
creatures. At this hour of my existed
so embittered and filled as it is with
lamity and affliction, it is painful to me,
witness the coldness and estrangement
my destitute and bereaved children. E.
I repose confidence in the sacred prony»
that there is one who will be a father
the fatherless, and I trust they may hi
educated in the nurture of ihe Lorded
instructed in the holy doctrines of religi -
as to be useful in this world and happv -
the next. Although the evils off
world are manifold and heavy, and ah
though its blessings are contemptible’j,
comparison with those which are in re-
serve tor the righteous in the other Vf .
ties are sundered by death which vib nte
painfully on the heart of him who b
even received from heaven the promise if
its grace. It was wisely ordained by him
who infused that principle into our nature
that man under the sorest afflictions, shoalf
entertain an eager, a lingering fondness
for those objects with whom the various
relations of social life connect him. I fi ni j
in the faith that I shall meet my Saviour,
to whoni we all owe a responsibility in.
finitely more dreadful than any human
tribunal can exact, in peace, a consolation
to a dying man which is “ prized above all
price.” It is not the shame of a public
execution, nor is it the ignomiinous silence
of the grave to w-hich my body mast
shortly be consigned, that strikes so deep
ly on my heart—-but at is the withering
frown of a censorious world upon a mar;
who dies a willing but unholy victim to
the laws of his country, without the means
of exculpating his memory from the odium
of the foulest deed of human wickedness.
I could have wished the termination of
mv life prolonged, that by kindness and
affection to those helpless orphans I shall
leave behind me, to have vindicated my
name from the reproach of havin'
l
he had been informed, by the friends of j brought upon them their wretchorines
Mr, Clay, that the friends of Mr. Adams I and their bereavment. It seemed froir
bad made overtures to them, saying, if! my birth that I was destined
Mr. Clay and his friends would unite in
aid of the election of Mr. Adams, Mr.
Clav should be Secretary of State. That
the friends of Mr. Adams were urging, as
a reason to induce the friends of Mr.—
Clay to accede to theiF proposition, that
if I was elected President, Mr. Adams
would bo continued Secretary of State,
(inuendo; there would bo no room for
Kentucky.) That the friends of Mr.
Clay stated, the West did not wish to sep
arate frsm the West; and if I would sav,
or permit any of my confidential friends to
say, that in case I was elected President,
Mr. Adams should not be continued Sec
retary of State, bv a complete union of
Mr. Clay and his friends, they would put
an end to the Presidential contest in one
hour. And he was of opinion it was right
to fight such intriguers with their own
weapons. To which, in substance, I re
plied, “ that in politics as in everything
else, mv guide was principle; and contra
ry to the expressed and unbiassed will of
the people, or their constituted agents I
never would step into the Presidential
chair; and requested him to say to Mr.
Clav and his friends, (for I did suppose
he had come from Mr. Clay, although he
used the term Mr. Clay’s friends,) that be
fore I would reach the Presidential chair
by such means, of bargain and corruption,
I would see the earth open and swallow
both Mr. Clay and his friends and my
self with them. If they had not confi
dence in me to believe, if I was elected
that I would call to my aid in the cabinet
men of the first virtue, talent and integri
ty, not to vote forme.” The second day
after this communication and reply, it was
announced in the newspapers that Mr.
Clay had come out openly and avowedly
n favor of Mr. Adams.
It may be proper to observe, that in the
supposition that Mr. Cla'- was privy to the
proposition stated, I may have done injus
tice to him ; if so the gentleman inform
ing me, can explain.
I am very respectfully, your most, obe
dient servant.
ANDREW JACKSON.
Mr. Carter Beverly.
From the Pendleton Messenger.
John Wood was executed at this place
on Friday last agreeably to sentence. The
following letter addressed to his mother
a few days before his execution, has been
handed us for publication
THE STATE OF SOUTH-CAROLINA
Pendleton Jail, JunelV2th, 1827.
Dear Mother :—Amidst the horrors
of a dungeon in which I have lingered out
nearly six long months, and in which the
laws of my country have doomed me to
pass the few remaining days that await
me in this world, I perform the last me
lancholy duty of addressing you a letter
which will probably not reach you until
y»ur unhappy son shall have suffered a
death of infamy and shame upon the gal-
low*. I have been arrested, tried and
convjcted by the laws of my country of
the murder of Elizabeth Wood, my wife;
my conviction has been sanctioned by the
highest tribunal in our state, and the awful
sentence which the laws of God and Chris
tian men have annexed to that crime, will
be executed on my body on Friday next,
1 he wretchedness of my si tuation is not a
little aggravated by the reflection, that my
daughter Emily, , nv child of ten years
old, was the witness whose testimony
brought upon me the awful Vate which I
am destined so soon to realiza^ Of the,
to move ia
in the humbln walks of human life, and
that misfortune had spread her blightin
shadow over mv existence, but I slant
now at a point in human life, front which
I can look beyond the narrow confines of
this world wilh a humble but steadfast
hope of a better destinv. Standing as I do
on the margin of that narrow- isthmus that
separates time frpm eternity, and which
we must ah pass at some period or other
I embrace this awful point of my life to,
impress upon you the nothingness of this
world, and the tremendous importance of
preparation for the next. Devote your
heart to that God whose grace is prom
ised to the humble ns well as the great—to
him whose benevolence is commensurate
with his power ; and when the awful
sound of the Archangel shall summon tho
nations of the earth to abide the decrees
of his just and merciful council, that our
hearts may then mingle in "eternal peace,
is the devout prayer ofvour unhaopv son:
JOHN WOOD*
MISERIES OF EDITORS.
1. To receixe manuscript which even
the author cannot read, and thfen to be
blamed for a dunse, because we cannot de-*
cypher it. Sometimes the compositor
will mistake an i for if and a t for an l.
which gives him the.trouble of correcting
foul proofs and tiiereby wasting much
time.
2. Receiving a long article of 3 or 4
columns, written in crooked lines’and with
watery ink, on tbe day previous to pub
lication, which if admitted, all the late
news must be cancelled, and if laid over
for another week, we must bear the wri
ter s frowns, or'perhaps lose a subscriber.
3. Delivering a proof sheet to an author
for examination, when he alters almost
every paragraph and sentence, if ,we gruro*
ble, he tells us “it is our duty to oblige
him.” 9
4. Suing a subscriber, who has taken
the papers for ten years, and never paid
a,cent; if after much equivocation he isjob-
liged to pay the debt, he exclaims—“I
am now fully determined to encourage
the rascal no longer.”
5. A visit from a dandy in a flying tail
ed sourtout, he sweeps down every think
in his way—reads manuscripts in the
hands of the compositors, and discompo
ses our papers; we must be silent for he is
a polite gentleman.
6. Inserting an offensive article which
makes us liable to prosecution if we do
not give up the author; he, kind soul,
leaves us to fight our way through the laws
as well as we are able.
7. Borrowing particular papers from
the office, after promising to return them
until our patience is almost worn out; on j
enquiring, we are informed that they have
been torn up for waste paper.
8. Insertinga piece of poetry on some
P r . et ^ ma 'd and being questioned by every
air damsel in the neighborhood, whether
we alluded to her!
9. Sending the paper for two or three
years to a distant subscriber who either
runs away or dies, and leaves nothing te
pay with.
1(L A Kill from our paper maker, which
must immediatly be paid when alas! our
pockets are empty/
The preceding is a small specimen of
what Editors endure; their expenses gen
erally over-balance tbe incomes; and up*
On the whole it is an unthankful employ
ment, creating enemies, and combating
with poverty.
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