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GEORGIA COURIER.
J. G. M’WHORTER
HENRY MEALING,
PUBLISHERS.
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Mr. Appleton, an intelligent and highly
faspectable Boston merchant, ,has latejv
deliveied a speech before the Massachu
setts legislature, in relation to manufac
tures, and the further protection of wool
prid woollens, which will be fount! in our
Columns this evening. Although Mr, Ap
pleton is a friend of free trade and liberal
principles, his extraordinary mercantile
and manufacturing experience, and ac
curacy, entitles his statements of facts to
great respect and consideration. They
certainly ought to be conclusive as re
spects the opponents of protection, who
have so ofien qnoted the Waltham fac
tory against increased protecting duties.—
We say conclusive against the opponents,
6tc. inasmuch as Mr. A. has, we believe,
from the commencement of that concern,
been one of its principal proprietors and
managers. We ask of out readers a care
ful perusal of that part of his speech that
delates to the manufacture of woollens.—
'The unpardonable mistatements of the
Boston committee, in their pamphlet of
196 gages, is clearly and pointedly ex
posed. He estimates that our woollen
manufactures, under the tariff, have not
more than 16 per cent, advantage over
the foreign, while the Boston committee
tell us it is equal to 80 per cent. Why
Should the manufacturer of coarse cotton
be protected by a duty nearly equal to the
cost of the fabric, while the protection on
Woollens does not equal one-sixth of its
cost, when the latter requires more cap
ital, more skill, and a much greater combi
nation of art? We ask why is this ? If
the duty on cotton goods should be redu
ced one half, a3 Mr. A. thinks it might
safely be, there would be double the pre
sent duty on woollens. This speech con
tains many valuable facts, which, if op
portunity permits, may' be hereafter the
subject of consideration.
N. Y. Statesman.
[fromthe eo ton daily advertiser.]
Encouragement of Manufactures.
We are gratified in being able to pub
lish the speech of Mr. Appleton, of this
town, in the House of Representatives,
on Thursday last, on Mr. Calhoun’s re
solutions, declaring 'the opinion of the
House, that the depressed state of the
Woollen Manufacture, and of the Agri
cultural Interest, calls for the interposition
of the National Legislature. His history
of the establishment of the cotton manu
factures in this country, is particularly in
teresting.
Mr. Appleton,s remarks on the resolutions
of the House of Representatives, fx-
pressing an opinion in favor offurther
protection to Woollens.
Mr. Speaker—Before giving my vote
pn the resolutions on your table, express
ing an opinion in favour of fuhher pro
tection to the woollen manufacture, I
must ask the indulgence of the House, to
a statement of the views by which my
mind is brought to support them,—differ
ing, as I do, very widely, from a major
ity of those who come to the same result.
On this subject it is well known the
country is divided into two great parties,
giving themselves very complacent names
—on one side the friends <>f industry, of
the American system,—on the other, the
friends of free trade, of commerce, of the
liberal system. I am willing to adopt any
or all of these names in their natural im
port,—but am willing to enlist as a parti
san of neither of these parties. Hcannot
join in the cry which denounces Adam
Smith as a dreamer, and a visionary, any
more than I can shut my eyes to the dif
fusion of wealth, prosperity and happiness,
consequent on the introduction of man
ufactures.
I agree fully to the general principle,
'.hat human industry is most productive
when left free from restraint, unshackled
by monopolies.
But in admitting this principle as funda
mental and paramount in regulating our
own industry, I do not feel under any re
straint in reference to that of another na
tion,—especially do I fed at perfect lib
erty to meet restriction by restriction.
. On this point there seems to be no
difference of opinion, since the most zeal
ous and most intelligent, of the opposers
of any addition to the duty on woollens,
(the Boston commute,) state in express
terms, that it will be incumbent on Great
Britain to retaliate on our system of pro
hibitory duties, and this in perfect con
sistency. with the principles of free trade
for which so much credit is given tq. her.
For myself, Sir, I do not perceive in
the late measures of the British govern
ment, any very rapid advances iu the sys
tem of free trade, of which so beautiful a
demonstration was made a few years since.
I see nothing of it in her pertinacious ad
herence to the corn laws—a system of
prohibition. I see Nothing of it in her
shutting up the colonial trade, at the mo
ment she discovered we were ready to
adopt her own construction of reciprocity,
on which she had offered to place it. I
see nothing of it in the regulation of her
intercourse with our northern frontier,
where she counteracts her own avowed
policy of encouraging the production of
her colonics, by naturalising our produce,
provided it descend the St. Lawrence,
since thereby the freight is transferred
from an American to a British ship. In
stance, among others, the article of pot
and pearl ashes, one of the few articles of
our produce she consumes, on which she
gives a bounty of 61. per ton, (three or
four times the freight to Europe,) to force
it into that channel. Iu 1625, upwards of
-10,000 tons, more than half our whole ex
port, aDd more than her whole consump
tion, were thus tempted into that direc
tion.
I do not, however, mean to put the
question 09 this ground, any further than
relates to consistency.
I consider ihe true ground to be the ex
pediency of the measure of granting fur
ther protection to the woollen manufac
ture, as a matter of national interest—and
I shall discuss it on no other.
I lay down the proposition that the car
rying on of manufactures requiring cap
ital and skill^and producing articles neces
sary to consumption, is generally an ad
vantageous application of the industry of a
nation, inasmuch as the possessors of that
capital and skill, wherever situated, will
take care to. be well paid for the use of
them.
At the same time the first introduction
of such manufactures is attended with
much of hazard, difficulty, and expense,
and will hardly, be made in any country
without a reasonable expectation of great
er profit than the same business affords
when well established; it is therefore
good policy to offer such inducements as
will produce the effect, or will in fact in
troduce and support the manufacture in its
early stages.
I would not apply this principle to eve
ry branch of possible industry. I would
only apply it to those manufactures re
quiring much of capital or skill, or of both
—and for the carrying on of which the
country possessed facilities and advantages
equal or nearly to those of any other —
On this point I differ entirely from the
zealous advocates of the American sys
tem—I am entirely opposed to the gener
al and universal forcing.
As a general rule, agricultural products
require no protection. The most barren
spot of earth which will support a human
being, can only do so, by yielding him
something in the shape of produce as the
fruit of his labor ; this something is the
only commodity he can give in exchange;
protection to that would imply that there
was danger that he should buy the only
thing, which he has to sell. If it would
be absurd to protect the produce of the
poorest soil, still more would it be so to
proteci that of the richer, where nature
does so much and lahor so little. As an
exception to this rule, the article of fine
wool, requiring for its production a good
deal of capital, and being essential to an
important manufacture, may, properly
enough, be the subject of particular en
couragement in the first instance—and of
a moderate permanent duty, to guard
against the fluctuations of foreign markets;
but the laying of a high prohibitory duty
on this raw material, does appear to me
irreconcilable with every principle of cor
rect policy, Now, Sir, the woollen man
ufacture is a business requiring skill and
capital, and for carryiug on which this
country possesses every natural advan
tage; its introduction would seem to be
desirable, if any munufacture is so. It, in
fact has been introduced, has been estab
lished, and flourishing—it has absorbed a
great amount of capital. It is now in a
state of extreme depression, threatning
the loss of millions. The question is not
therefore merely, whether or not it is ex
pedient to stimulate the introduction of a
new manufacture, but whether the capi
tal invested in it shall be saved from ruin.
This is the representation of the state of
the woollen manufacture, and I believe it
to be true. I have no persona! know
ledge of its correctness, but it is vouched
for from quarters which leave me no room
to doubt it. The state r f the case is, be
sides, precisely what I should expect,
reas'oningfrom analogy in reference to the
cotton manufacture, of which 1 profess to
know something.
The success of the cotton manufacture
in this country takes date from the intro
duction of the power loom in 1815. Pre
vious to the war of 1812, the spinning of
cotton had been introduced,—the extrav-
egant prices of goods during the war had
occasioned a rapid increase of cotton mills
and the manufacture of a considerable
quantity of cotton clothes. But the whole
business was conducted in a very imper
fect manner, without the latest improve
ments in machinery, and with little, of sys
tem or skill. The first effect of the peace
was a total prostration. I was myself in
Rhode Island in 1815. Nothing could
exceed the deathlike stillness of her man
ufacturing villages. A few solitary spin
dles in a single factory, was the only sign
of life in the village of Pawtucket. But at
this very moment, the power loom was es
tablished and in successful operation, in
one single spot—that spot was Waltham.
The individual, to whom, in an eminent
degree, this country is indebted for the
impulse given to the cotton .manufacture,
was the late Francis C. Lowell. Having
retired from mercantile pursuits, his at
tention was attracted, during a visit to
England in 1811, to the wonderful devel-
opement*-of the cotton manufacuture in
that country. The process of weaving by
power, was about this time introduced
with partial success. He became forcibly
impressed with the idea, that the perfec
tion of this process was alone wanting, to
ensure a brilliant success to the whole
manufactory in this country.
He devoted himself to the object; and
with the assistance which he knew how to
call to his aid, he put in operation an es
tablishment, more perfect in its entire
combsnation, as I fully believe, than any
thing of the kind then existing, in England.
Seldom had a mind of so much science
been turned to this object—and the tri
umph was complete. As a proof of the
importance to the entire improvement, I
will only mention the fact that the price
of woavihg alone, in 1815, was jnst about
double the whole expense of the manufac
ture, by the improved process.
From the practical success of this es
tablishment, confidence was by degrees
restored, power-looms were universally
introduced, and the manufacture has ra
pidly grown up to what we now.see it.
It is a common opinion that this suc
cess is owing solely to the high tariff Im
posed on imported cottons, 6 1-4 cents
the square yard in 1816,, raised to 7 1-2
in 1824. This I consider altogether a
mistake. Had the tariff been half the sum
I am of opinion it would have made little
or no difference in respect to the coarser
fabries;it was the cottons oflndia, which
were alone feared as coming in competi-
with our maunfacture; but from the mo
ment power loom cottons were brought to
market,'their superiority was so apparent
that the inferior trash oflndia disappear
ed at once. The truth was, the Ameri
can cottons were an entirely new article
—a fabric more useful for common purpo
ses, than any then in use, was produced.
As proof of this, they have been a fa
vorite article in every country to which
they have been introduced, and were free
ly sold abroad at a profit, even when the
price was double what it is at present.——
The British made nothing like them, but
have at length succeeded in making toler
able imitations, and the manufacture of
these exportations, with the stamps of our
most noted factories, is at present a very
considerable branch of trade at Manches
ter. It needs no argument to show, that
our tariffhas had very little to do in brin
ging forward the manufacture of these
coarse goods, It is true, v’e have been
extending the manufactures to the finer
branches, until we now furnish most of the
staple articles formerly imported from
Great Britain, and on those the tariffhas
acted, directly and effectually 7 .
I must here Mr. Speaker, beg leave
to say aifew words iurefeienceto a charge
formerly widely circulated, that the pro
prietors of the Waltham Company oppo
sed an addition to the duty on cottons in
1819 and 28, out of a selfish regard to
their own interest, in opposition to the
general interest of the cotton manufac
turers. This is an old story, and would
not have been adverted to by me but that it
was repeated inadvertently I have no
doubt, in the circulars distributed to tho
members of this House at the June ses
sion ; and at the late Harrisburg Con
vention it was seriously brought forward
as a matter of history, with a statement of
the fact that the same spirit were still a-
live and active. It is impossible to place
the absurdity of the original charge in a
stronger light,than by a simple statement of
it. The cotton manufacture was a bad
business—a further duty was necessary,
to make it good, the Waltham company
preferred a monopoly of a bad business,
rather than competition in a good one.—
What was the fact ? At that very time
thisbusiness, was paying a profit of 20 or
25 percent, per annum, which was not
concealed, and the selfishness consisted in
refusing to join to promote a measure, the
effect of which was to raise the price of
goods and to add so much to our profits.
The truth was* the gentlemen to whem I
have alluded, Mr. Lowell, was at Wash-
ton at the time of tbe passing of the Tar
iff of 1816, and had much influence in in
ducing the high minded representatives of
the Sotuh amongst whom I will mention
the late Mr. Lowndes, to vote for that
measure, by assuring them that the mod
erate duty of 6 1-4 cents the square yard,
would be ample to protect the manufac
ture. It turned out so, and it would have
been disgraceful to deny it.
Another and successful attempt was
made in 1824, to raise the minimum on
cottons. At that time competition had a
good deal reduced the profits on the coarse
goods, but the manufact ure of the finer, of
which alone the tariff h id any effect, was
paying a full and rather an extravagant
profit. Capital was rushing into that
branch of business more rapidly than at
any former period, when tho additional
stimulus was applied, which could have
no other effect than to urge on the wild
spirit which became, as we all remember
a perfect mania in 1825. But mark the
change since 1825 ;—and in that change
Mr. Speaker, I had abundant materials
for reflection in referonce to this whole
subject.
There seems to be a tendancy in hu
man enterprrsa to punish success to an
extreme which causes reaction. In com
merce, and manufactures, we constantly
see periods of over trading, and expan
sion, which produce ’ revulsions, more or
less violent, frequently connected more
or less with political events, or tbe states
of the currency. It is not always easy to
race their remote cause, or to distinguish,
cause from effect. A memorable one took
place in the year 1819, producing a great
change in the nominal value of all proper
ty, caused principally, no doubt, by the
return from a depreciated to a specie cur
both these branches were overdone, the
population dependent on them was grea
ter than could find employment—and as
a demand for goods revived, were glad to
accept any wages which would support
life. Thus the price of goods in Man
chester settled down at a monstrous re
duction. I am assured that grey calicoes
fell i* the course of six months, from l6s.
to 9s 6 ; and with slight fluctuations, pri
ces have continued nearly on the same lev
el to this time.
There was no country which did not
feel the shock of this revulsion—in this
country it will not soon be forgottoD.—
It was necessarily the roost severe on the
manufacturers of cottons and wool-
lens.
On those cottons with which English
competition interfered, a corresponding
fall of prices took place—it was more
than the amount of the protecting duty.—
So that the effect of this state of things
was the same or worse to the cotton
manufacturers, than if the whole duty on
cottons had been repealed, and prices in
England had remained at their former lev
el.
In this state of things, the tariff, which
had been unnecessarily high in ordinary
times, interposed its protecting shield to
save the cotton manufacturers from ruin ;
in the finer branches, especially in the
article of fine prints, the present tariff
leaves the manufacturers but au exceed
ingly moderate profit; perhaps an addi
tional protection would not be unreasona
ble on the last article—but I lo not think
it necessary—the severity of the crisis is
past, and any change must be for tbe bet
ter. Besides, sucli has been the liberali
ty of Congress to the cotton manufacturers,
that for one I feel an extreme reluctance
to .ask for more.
Now, sir, it is clear to my mind, that
the real difficulty with the woollen manu
facturer lies in the same cause, the ex
treme depression of woollen goods in En
gland, commencing in 1826, and continu
ing to the present time, and likely to con
tinue for an indefinite period longer.—’
From all I can learn, I believe-the fall iu
prices has been much the same as in cot
tons; but the effect on woollen manufac
ture is more severe than on the cotton,
from several causes.
Tn the first place, the duty is much
less—it is nominally S3 1-3 per cent ad
valorem, which should amount to 362-3
per cent, of the actual cost of the goods—
but this is reduced in the ratio of 10 to 12
per cent, of it by the pound sterling being
so much undervalued in the estimation of
duties at the custom house—that is to say,
the duty is estimated on the pound ster
ling at the rate of $4,44, whilst the actual
value for the last 10 years has been 4v§0
to 4,95—the last being the present price
of bills on London. This has resulted
from a gradual advanee in the price of
gold, the basis of the British currency,
compared to silver, the actual basis of
ours, since the establishment of our mint
regulations, by which the value of the
pound sterling was estimated. Thus the
whole actual duty on woollens is reduced
below 33 per cent of their actual cost.—
In the next place, the duty on wool
makes the cost of the raw material on the
average full 50 per cent higher than in
England, since our own supply is inade
quate to our consumption, and the price of
the whole is regulated by the cost of
importation. In point of fact, however,
I am informed that-wool imported from
England has on the average for the last
six months, sold at an advance of 75 per
cent on the cost, paying a large profit to
the importer—but estimating it at 50per;
cent higher than in England, since at
least one third of the entire cost of wool
len goods, on the average, is the raw
material, (his difference amounts to about
17 per cent, now deducting this from the
actual duty of 33 per cent leaves 16 per
cent as the whole advantage the Ameri
can manufacturer has in the shape of pro
tection, over the foreign manufacturer,
with the single exception of the expense
of transporting his goods to our market,
and which I am not disposed to estimate
very highly, since it is a notorious fact,
that the Yorkshire clothers, after selling
what they can of their stock at home, are
in tbe habit of shipping the remainder to.
this country, to be sold at what it will
bring—& great quantities are sold on their
account so low as to nott them less than
the low prices in England.
It is obvious, then, that woollens are
not protected, under the circnmstances
of the case, in any proportion to cot
tons—and I ask myself what ought to be
done, supposing the tariff cn cottons were
abundance of tbe raw materia!;—this.it der by the gentleman in my rear, I
rency, both in Europe and - the United; only half or one third what it is, and in
States. That of 1826 seems to have
been more especially connected with over
trade in commerce and manufactures. In
1824 and 5, every branch of industry and
trade was, in England, pushed to the ut
most possible extent—the property was
almost overwhelming, it was difficult to
dispose of their boundless wealth. Loans
were made to every nation that would
borrow, and the wildest speculation was
the order of the day. At this very mo
ment the materials were collecting for a
sweet storm ; it hurst forth with terrific
fury in December 1825 ; a few banking
houses stopped payment—an universal
panic was created, which shook London
and England to their centre. No fewer
than 70 banking houses, if I recollect
had stopped payment before the first of
January. Many of the richest houses
only saved themselves by immense sacri
fices and all the energies of the Govern
ment and the Bank of England were bare
ly sufficient to allay the fury of the storm.
The whole currency was disturbed—mer
cantile embarrisment followed—-a total
stagnation of business, a ruinous depression
of prices, misery and starvation, in the
manufacturing districts brought up the
year, We all recollect the riots in Lan
cashire—the mad warfare against power
loins.
The weight of thi* revulsion seems to
have fallen on the manufactures of cottop
and of wool There can be 00 doubt’ that
consequence of the extensive depres
sion of prices, arising wholly out of the
starving condition of the population of
another country, that whole interest or a
great portion of it, wore in imminent
jeopardy ?—Sir, I cannot doubt that ^the
arm of the Government would be stretch
ed out to save if. Should it refuse to do
so, it would do what no other government
everdidina similar case; it would be
acting, in my opinion, against the sound
est principles of political economy ; for I
fully believe that cotton goods can be
made here on the average of years, quite
as cheap as in England. We make use
of a greater proportion of female labour,
at a rate of wages not exceeding those
usually paid in England—and in looking
at the whole manufacture, we must take
into view the high wages of the skilful
artist: and the high profits of the proprie
tor when times will admit of it, as well as
the low wages of the ordinary workman,
and the depressed prices of hard times.-—
We have a great advantage in the cheap
ness of water power compared to steam,
and in having the material at our own
door. There can be no doubt that we
shall eventually supply the whole western
continent with cottons.
Now, sir, according to every examina
tion which I can give the subject, we
have precisely the same advantages in re
ference to the woojlen manufacture, with
the single exception of tbe cheapness and
is said, will soon be obviated by an increa
sed supply at home. But in the mean
time, the high duty imposed by the go
vernment on this raw material, places the
manufacturer in a dilemma which the go
vernment seem bound to remedy. We
find here tbe same application of machi
nery, even to the pewer loom—the same
application of female labour. It cannot
be good economy to let this great interest
go down.—Neither do I think it a good
answer to say the cause of depression is
of a temporary character, time will cure
it. In a case peculiar as this, that reme
dy may come too late—a moderate
additional duty will be sufficient—but it
should be speedy. I cannot believe any
other interest will be injured by grant
ing this relief. I cannot account for the
alarm of the ship owners, for the cry that
commerce is in danger—the idea that the
extension of manufactures is injurious to
commerce, appears to me preposterous,—
especially that New England manufactures
should injure New-England commerce.—
We have no other resource to increase
our population. And without population,
bow are we to have commerce?
Under these impressions, sir, I cheer
fully adopt the essential part of the reso
lutions, the expression of an opinion in
favor of relief to the woollen manufacture.
I should have prefered that they had been
limited to such an expression—and should
bo pleased it they shall be so amend
ed.
The editor of the Boston evening Bul
letin, who formerly edited the Nantucket
Enquirer, evinces much occasional hu
mour in his sketches and remarks. The
playful satire in the annexed article is not
misapplied.—Chas. Gaz.
Usages.—Much time and breath are
spent by members of Congress and of our
several state legislatures, in the discus
sion of what are called questions of order.
Mr. Higgledy makes a motion, which Mr.
Piggledy moves to amend ; Mr. Hurley
moves a substitute, and is called to order
by Mr. Burley. A debate arises, fruitful
of declamation and redundant of historical
lore. The whole assembly becomes ani
mated—every man’s wig begins to curl;
because it is a matter that effects every
man’s legislative rights. Nothing can be
more interesting. The tariff—Foreign
Aggressions—The Fisheries—Internal
Improvements, yea, the Bill for the better
preservation of woodcocks and flounders \,
are all neglected and forgotton, by reason
of this new and sudden incident. It must
be settled however, without delay ; for
the benefit of coming generations, as well
tis for the present regulation of affairs.—
On such occasions, speeches like the fol
lowing are commonly uttered or reported.
Mr. Hurley—I rise, Mr. Speaker ; to
declare my conviction, rav solemn convic
tion, that the motion which I have had the
honour to offer, is in order, entirely in or
der. It is a well known fact, that in all
parliametUarv discussions, questions on
amendments take precedence of all other
questions ; and not according to priority,
but by the good old rule, that the last shall
he first and the first hast. I insist upon it
then, and in doing so I discharge my con
science, and my duty to my constituents,
that the proposition which I have now the
honor to offer, is strictly in order. It is
perfectly in accordance with every known
usage of deliberate assemblies, in every
quarter of the civilized globe ; and there
fore I again declare most earnestly and
positively, my setiled and immoveable be
lief, thatriie motion which I had the hon
or just now to submit, is altogether in or
der, and perfectly consonant with all
known and established usages.
Mr. Burley—Mr. Speaker, I do not
rise, sir, because I am apprehensive, sir,
that the pernicious doctrines, sir, just a-
vowed by the gentleman on my right ma_v
prevail. Sir, it is contrary to all prece
dent, instead of agreeing with established
rules as that gentleman insists, to put a
question on a minor proposition when a
major proposition is pending. Sir,it is un
parliamentary, it is monstrous, and sir, I
will take it upon myself to say sir, in the
face of this honorable body, in the face of
the community, in the face of the world
sir, that, sir, it is not only monstrous sir,
but sir, it is preposterous—^es sir, pre
posterous. And now sir, what is the ob
ject of this pernicious doctrine ? Why sir
it is in effect to defeat the momentous a-
amendment which I have had the honor to
propose. A proposition, sir, the conse
quence of which will be felt from Cape
Cod to Cape Horn, from the artic to the
anti-artic circles, and from the Oriental to
the Occidental regions of the globe. Sir,
no longer ago than to day, I was assailed
sir, in apublic print, for my independence
in maintaining the very principle for
which I now contend sir. Yes sir, in pub.
lie prim. But sir, I regard such things as
the idle wind, Sir. I can say, sir, with my
Uncle Toby,sir, when he opened the win
dow sir, said he sir, go sir, poor devil, sir,
the world is wide open, sir, for me and
thee, sir—and now, sir—ahem !—I fee!
better, sir.
Mr. Higgledy—Mr. Speaker, it really
seems to me, that the learned gentlemen
who have just had the honor to precede
me, have both mistaken the true intent
and meaning of the question now before
this honorable body. I have moved sir,
for a committee to inquire into the expe
diency ofimposing a tax on gingerbread.
It is a general proposition—one of infinite
importance to the nation ; but the gentle
man on my right proposes an amendment
to which indeed, I have no objection ; he
advocates the general principle, though he
would confine the tax to two and a half
cents on the square yard ; while the gen
tleman on my left thrusts in a new mo- ■
tion in the shape of a substitute, that em
braces, not only the imposts for which I
contend: but a tax on that wholesome, that
healthful, and indispensable article, sir-*-
molasses candy!
Mr. Piggledy—Sir, defence of the
amendment which I feel it my duty to,
propose, and in defiance of tho col! to ©r-
must
trouble tbe House with a few remarks i
the course of which I hope to show how
extremely erroneous are that gentleman’s
ideasin relatjonto usages of other wise
and deliberative assemblies ; both in A
merica and in Europe ; both i n modern
and in ancient times. Sir, I wip g0 no
farther back than the days of Kins AlfrnA
urhpn ParvUnol . . .*
when Cardinal Woolsev was archbishop
of Edinburgh, in order to establish the
fact that questions precisely similiar to the
present, weie decided in ihe mode and
manner which it is my good fortune to ad.
vocate. Sir, when the Welsh Parliament
was in session at Dundee, in 1547, it was
moved by a certain peer, that no membe-
should enter the hall, without feathers
in his hat, a motion to amend was made
by another noble gentleman, whereby it
would have been lawful to appear with a-
ny number of feathers or plumes, not ex
ceeding seven. A substitute for the whole
proposition was then submitted by the
Earl of Pokeatem, which embraced not
only hat and feather,but boots aud breech
es—whereupon a call to order was inter
posed ; and after due discussion it was
not sustained. But Sir, what does all this
signify ? Some people pretend to scout at
ancient & esrablishedusages. But I consi
der them, especially when derived from a
wise and magnanimous nation, essential to
the preservation of our glorious liberties.
Sir, a person lately had the civility to tell
me, that the precedents and usages of old
en time were all nonsense—he even went
so far, sir, as to say that those usages
might be converted to almost any purpose
—yea, said he, by prefixing two letters
only, may transform all usages into sa-usa-
ges.
Mr. Smudge—Sir, I am reminded by
the last word of the gentlemen before ine,
that the hour of adjournment has arrived.
Wherefore I move you sir, that this house
adjourn to Tuesday next.
aefiffllatur* of Soutfj=<£arolfn;r.
SENATE.
WEDENSDAY, JANUARY 30.
The Senate met agreeable to adjourn-
ment, and the journal of yesterday read
with closed doors. The President submit-
ted a communication from Mr. Graham,
relatiug to liis votes on the impeachment
of Judge James, which was ordered to be
laid on the table.
On motion, the Senate resolved itself
into a Court on the impeachment of Judge
James, and Mr, Huger submitted the fol
lowing, which was agreed to, viz.; “ This
Court, in discharging the painful dutv
imposed upon it by the Constitution of
the State of South-Carolina, having passed
sentance of removal from office upon the
Hon. William D. Janies feels it incum
bent upon itself, in justice to the said
Wrn. D. James publicly to declare
their sincere conviction that his charac
ter for honesty and integrity as a man,
has not been impeached by this sen
tence ; and in consideration of this be
lief, as well as in consideration of the re
volutionary services of the said William D.
James be it therefore.
Resolved, That this court recommend
to both branches of tne Legislature that
the said William D. James be authorised
to draw on the Treasury of the Upper
Division for the full amount of salary, al
ready appropriated, up to the 1st Jauuarv
1829.
The President having enquired of re
spondent if he had any cause to urge why
judgment should not be pronounced, he
rose, and in a firm voice, addressed the
Court as follows ;
Mr President—I have served mv conn*
try too long, not to be sensible of mydu*
ty to submit as well as I may, to this hea*
vy stroke. I could have wished that my
old age bad been spared this awful calam
ity ; but Providence has thought proper
*o bring me through the varied and trying
scenes of a long life, to this bitter period.
To the Almighty Ruler, and to him alone
I look for support and consolation in my
affliction. I pray him to bless and pros*
per my Country, which while it casts me off,
cannot and I trust will not be disposed, to
deprive me of the consolations which re*
suit from a consciousness of good inten*
tions, and honest conduct in office.
The President then pronounced tha
following sentence ;
Hon William D. James—The Court
has fouud you not guilty of the charges
in the third and fifth articles of impeach*
ment preferred against you by the house
of representatives. The Court has found
you guilty of the charges contained in tha
first, second and fourth articles, aud the
sentence of the Court is that you be re*
moved from office.
The Court was then dissolved.
Extract of a letter from Washington,
dated Jan. 9.
“Mr. McDuffie is confined with indis
position, and unable to bring forward the
usual appropriation bills for the present.
“The Jackson dinner was not as crowd*
as on former occasions, although a large
number attended. I am told that the
transparency of the General on horseback,
which was placed at the end of the room,
in the midst of the festivity, caught fire,
and that some one of the tipsiest of the
throng cried out, “let him burn; the old
fellow is used to standing fire.
jV. Y. American-
Origin of the word grog.
The British sailors had always been ac*
customed todrink their allowance ot bran /
or rum clear, till Admiral Vernon order
those under his command to mix it
water. This innovation gave great o •
fence to the sailors, and for a time rec er^
ed the Admiral extremely unpopular-"*'
The admiral at that time wore a gtograi
me wwig - o «
coat; for which reason, they nick-Ba®-^
.U
him old grog. Aod hence^ by degro®^.^
mixed liquor he constrained them t0 rl .
universally obtained among them ‘“S ap
pellation of grog.