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[Judges mtthe Supremo Court are from
,the Southern or slave-holding States; and
another is, that five out of seven of the
Committee are from the same States; and
another fact is, thatjf the bill, as amended
by the Senate in the last Congress, shall
be reported and passed, eight outjof ten of
these Judges may, and probably will, be
from those Senates.
[Here the SPEAKER called to order]
Mr. V. said, he would always cheerful
ly submit to the decision of the Chair.—
He spoke of facts, he intended to speak
freely, but not disrespectfully ; he knew
‘his own feelings, and his liability to err,
but no man, on being convinced of error,
Would with more cheerfulness and prompt
ness do justice toothers. He said, he
Would now proceed to complete what he
Was at when called to order on yesterday.
If he recollected right, he was at the
State of Virginia. That Stare has two
Chairmen, six members, all in the Op
position. North Carolina has no mem
ber on either of these Committees.—
South Carolina has two chairmen, six
members, all in the Opposition ; Geor
gia has two members, both in the Oppo
sition; Tennessee has one chairman,
four members, till in the Opposition;
Kentuckv has two members both in the
Opposition ; Ohio has four members,
One in the Opposition, and three for the
Administration ; Louisiana has three
members, one in the Opposition, and two
for the Administration Illinois has one
member in the Opposition; Indiana has
onemembpr; Mississippi has one mem
ber In the Opposition ; Alabama has one
member in the Opposition ; Missouri has
no member on either of these commit-
fees. On these committees there are
fifty-six-members—thirty-four in the Op
position, and twenty-two for the Admin
istration; and, with this strong organiza
tion against U3, we are chided by the
member from Virginia with sitting de
murely and silently, taking no part in
legislation, making no proposition, but
pouncing upon theirs—-relieving ourselves
of responsibility, and ungenerously throw
ing it upon our adversaries. Sir, this is
not a matter of our seeking ; and if gen
tlemen find themselves unequal to the
task they have undertaken, do not let
them blame us with their misfortunes.
The member from Virginia [Mr. Rax-
"t»0LPu] asks who it was, in the other
branch <lf the National Legislature, that
toted against extending our laws and
giving protection to the citizens of Louis
iana. This allusion, sir, is direced n-
gainst the President of the United States,
Who, it appears, had, ar that time, the
lame constitutional scruples relative tn
this business, that were entertained by
Jefferson, and many others of the most
worthy men of this nation. But, at the
$ame time that he ga ve this vote he was
fts much in favor of the aCquH'ion of
Louisiana as any man then in the Senate,
as his '.fficial acts will abundao 1 shew.
But when, let me ask did the member
from Virginia fall in love with the Peo
ple of the Western States? and more uar-
ticularlv let me ask, what burst o ! ' light
has drawn forth all these affectionate re
gards in favor of the Louisianians? Is it
since 'he year 1822, when he said the
framers of the Constitu ton mistook the
poliev of this country bv admitting the
Western States into the Union, on an
equal footing with the original Sta es?
When he said we of the Wes' night do ‘ >
fule People under the R >ckv Mountains,
but we should not rule him ? In 1822 we
were not, in the member’s opinion, enti
tled, or, at least, ought not to be, t > equal
privileges on this floor; but in 1528 he
becomes so extremely fond of us, that an
unimportant conscientious vote of thepre-
sent President of the United Slates, is
viewed bv him with indignation, yea, feel
ing indignation, and the whole sympathy
of his nature is awakened and alive to
our interest, prosperity and happiness.
But, lest I should be misunderstood,
permit me to read an extract from the
member’s speech, mad'.* in the debate on
the noporiionmeut bill, February the 6th,
1822*. *
“ Mr. R vvnoLPii said he would again
41 call tit" a tention of the eblo r brethren
“ of the Confederacy—the poli'ical Es-
“ sans ofjo- r tribe to tbepredicament in
“which they stands We have heard a
“great deal of th *
l * who framed the
” which we now sit.
wsdoin rifthe mem
Constitution under
I have much faith
“ in their wisdom, an unshaken and un-
“ changeable faith in their virtue ; but I
“ will believe experience against the word
“ of Solomon himself. I then say, that,
“ in my feeble apprehension, they c-unmit-
“ ted an error, fundamental and fatal, as
“ practised upon since by their sucres-
'* sors—they made a provision for the ad-
“ mission of new States into ’he U-
Ji nion.”
Yes sir, .in the year 1822, it was an
err ar, fundamental and fatal, in the opin
ion of that gentleman, for the People of
the West to have die same weight in the
Councils the Nation that was enjoyed
bv the elder Esaus of the tribe. And,
sir, who is it til»; held this language rela
tive to the Western People? Who is it
that manifested this feeling of proscrip
tion towards us and our nosterity ? Sir,
it is the man who is now a' the head of
the Opposition to this Administration ; it
13 the man who was placed, by you, sir,
at the head of the principal committee of
th is House. Yes, sir, he was placed
there by aid ofihe vote of the very Peo
ple that he has derided and abused, and, ! an extract from the letter itself,
if ill health had no* prevented, would j Mr. V. read the extract,
have been in that exalted station. It is j “ And it is a matter worthy of notice,
of tha South. Our Southern brethren
were made to believe that we of the North
were political fiends, ready to oppress
them with heavy and onerous duties, and
even willing to destroy that property they
held most sacred. Sir, these are not ex
aggerated statements relative to the course
of this distinguished individual. He is
certainly the ablest political recruiting
sergeant that has been in this or any other
nation—
[Here the CHAIR interposed. It was
not in order to use terms of reproach, or
speak disrespectfully ofany member of the
House.]
M. V. said he had no such intention,
but was only using as strong terms us be
could to describe the powers of the indi
vidual as an able and efficient rallying po
litical partizan. I disclaim any thing else
and will cheerfully take back any effen-
sive words that I may have used in the
heat of debate. My object is to state
truths, yes, great truths ; and God forbid
that I sheuld here or elsewhere, manifest
any feelings towards any man, but those
of honor and propriety. I will then pro
ceed ; this same member, and in the same
debate from which I have already read
an extract, in speaking of Ohio, and its
admission into the Union—and this I wish
the members from Ohio, particularly those
of the Opposition, to pay some attention
to—used the following terms:
“ A vast augmentation of weight, in
this House and elsewhere, was now to be
given to some of :he States—and of all the
States in the Union, to the State of Ohio
—which Stale—but not by Iiis vote, he
believed he stood alone on that occasion
—he would not dress himself in borrowed
plumes, he would claim no credit for o-
thers’ liberality. The subject had been
referred to a committee, ofwhich he [Mr,
Randolph] was chairman. For some
cause, not necessary to state, it was after
wards put in other hands ; in fact, to two
individuals was entrusted the marking out
the boundaries of that state, out of which
arose the existing dispute between her
and Michigan, They had a carte blanche,
and they won the game accordingly. That
greatJSlate, one of the greatest intriguers
who ever wormed himself into any De
partment of this Government,said, he was
laying off for the purpose of clipping the
wings of Virginia. Little did l then
dream that I should ever politically live to
witness the fulfilment of this prediction,
although.! foresaw it must come, and took
my measures accordingly.”
It will be perceived by this extract, that
the member from Virginia, in this debate,
prided himself in voting against the admis
sion of Ohio—indeed, he has heretofore
prided himself, I believe, in voting against
every new State that has been admitted
into this Union. Here let me ask, with
whaf propriety he can now come forth &
chide tho Chief Magistrate of this nation,
because bo thought it unconstitutional to
t ixand extend the laws over the citizens of
Louisiana—opinions at that day held by
Thomas Jefferson, the pride of Virginia
and the Nation ? But I will read an ex
tract teken from the same debate, before
alluded to, and then let the House judge
which of *he two, the member from Vir
ginia or the President, has held the stron
gest language on the subject of the acqui
sition of Louisiana. In speaking of that
State, in‘he debate on the apportionment
bill, in 1822, tho gentleman from Virginia
said—
“Wewere then called on, Mr. R. con
tinued, bv some of the very men who had
a hand in framing the Constitution, and
whose wisdom has been so loudly and not
unjustly applauded, to pause before we
signed that treaty admitting vast regions of
country into the Cenfedei atiop. We
were forwained, but not forearmed, said
he, as is proved by what we are now ex
periencing, and what we are now begin
ning to experience, I repeat—for we are
vot in the green tree—and when lire time
comes when the whole country is filled
up,if thpse things are now done in the green
free, what then will be done in the drv? I,
for one, although forewarned, was not
forearmed. If I had been, I have no he
sitation in declaring, that l would have
said to th" imperial Dejanira of modern
times, take back your fatal present. I
would have staked the free navigation of
the Mississippi on the sword, and we must
have gained it.”
These, sir, were, in 1822, the feelings of
the member from Virginia towards Louis
iana. His’modern conversion every man
in this House'and in this nation will not
be at a loss to comprehend and appreci
ate.
I have another document, of more au
thenticity, as it is sanctioned by tho name
of the member frotrs Virginia. Tt is a let
ter dated the 17‘h of May, 1824. dated
from the ship Nestor, at sen. It will be
recollected that this letter made some stir
once on tho floor. It was written in fa
vor of Mr. Crawford—to this I have no
object,ons—my objections to tills letter
are of another character. I repel the as
sertion, rhat tho Western People, as a
People, ever had any feelings towards
that distinguished individual, than those
of respect and gratitude, And, sir, was it
jnst in the member from Virginia to pro
claim to the world that we were his ac
cusers and persecutors; that we, like the
Hounds of Actaon, had assailed him by
whom we had been cherished and fed.—
Sir, it i sin justice to tho Western People,
to attribute to them any such feeling; but,
! lest I should be misunderstood, I will read
Here
tho man that is entitled to more credit, if
it is right that this A Iministration should
go down, for his efficiency in effecting
that object, than any three men in
nation. This is Dot a hasty opinion of
mine; it is one long held, and often ex
pressed. I have been an attentive ob
server of his course ever since the first
organization of the party to which he be
longs. From the moment he took his
seat in the other branch of the Legisla
ture, he heshme the great rallying officer
that the very People, at whose prayers
and entreaties, and to save whom from ut-
’ter ruin ho has pursued a certain line of
this I conduct, have been his most virulent ac
cusers and persecutors for that very con
duct which has contributed at once to their
relief, the serviceable to the Go
vernment, by rescuing a large debt from
the almost total loss which would have
followed a rigid exercise of his authority.
He has availed himself of discre;ionary
powers, reposed in him by the liw, for
that purpose, and with that intent, to mit
igate the severity ol the sufferings of our
Western fellow citizens, whose clamors,
hadjhe taken a different course,would have
dissolved the present feeble and distracted
Administration of our Government, and
Ac'aeon like, lie is assailed by the very
hounds that he has cherished and fed.”
Now, Sir, as it regards the individual to
which this letter alludes, I can say, for
myself, that, in the course of my life, I
have never written but two or three polit
ical essays, and they were in his favor,
and that at a time when he was not my
choice for the office of Chief Magistrate ;
but I threw in my, feeble mite to try to
arrest the current of calumny and detrac
tion that was bearing down upon this per
secuted man, in successive torrents, that
at last over-whelmed him. It is true, that
from the succession of attacks, and the
boldness with which they were published
to the world, many good and honest men
in the West did believe that he had almost
exhausted the Treasury to get into power.
But, Sir, under all this calumny and de
traction, be still retained manly enlight
ened and firm friends, who never for a
moment believed him guilty of the smallest
dereliction of public duty. I thank God
that the public moral feeling of this
country is restored in favor of this once
injured and persecuted individual. Let it
not be said of the West, as a People, that
they are chargeable with the persecutions
of Mr. Crawford. They are the last peo
ple on earth liable to such a charge. Yes,
his celebrated report, in favor of the
Western land debtors, will be remember
ed with gratitude, and the memory of its
author will be cherished by generations
to come, as a noble act of a disinterested
and generous man, laboring to rescue
their fathers from a debt that they were
totally unable to pay. Sir, I never think
of the fate of that man, but I am chilled
to the bone. By calumny and detraction,
he was not only politically, but physically,
and mentally destroyed. The noblest
and best feelings of our nature, possessed
in such an eminent degree by that high-
minded and honorable man, were laid un
der contribution by his defamers and abu
sers, and made the daggers that pierced
him to the heart. I was going to say
more on this subject, but I forbear ; I have
no disposition to harrow up feelings and
recollections that ought to be buried—no,
no; fo bearanee is a nobie quality, and I
obey her dictates.
There is another individual, whose
character has not been permitted to es
cape in this debate ; and who has been
held up to the American People, not only
hero, hut elswhere, as one whose princi
ples were fo be avoided and detested. (I
mean the eldpr Adams.) Sir, that this
distinguished patriot committed errors in
his political course through life, there can
be no doubt;—many of his political doc
trines were not my doctrines; but, from
the justice that has been done to him hv
all parties throughout the United States,
since he has bpen gathered to, his fathers,
I had supposed he might have been suffer-,
ed to sleep in peace with bis compatriots
and compeers, Washington and Jeffer
son Mr. V. said, pointing to the De
claration of Independence, the hallowed
corps that there surround him, and the
distinguished stand that he there occupies
ought to shield him from abuse and de
traction. I envy no man his feelings who
has the heart to assault the humblest indi
vidual amongst that group of worthies ;
and assault them as we may, for effect, or
not, they will still live frpsh in the hearts
of their countrymen. Yes, John Adams
will be pointed out by living fathers a“d
living mothers, to their children, in gene
rations vet unborn, as the friend of Wash
ington, the companion of Jefferson, thro’
life and in death, and ‘he ablest and most
efficient defender of our National Inde
pendence—when his defamers and abu
sers shall he swaPowed up in forgetful
ness- Sir, I am aware that I am wan
dering. It is not my wish so to do, but
to answer the arguments and repel the
assaults of those that have preceded me.
That member from Virginia [Mr. Ran
dolph] talked very pathetically about the
poor uian ; his pound of sugar, peck of
salt, &c. Now, Sir, I would be glad to
know when all those feelings came ath
wart the member. Are they since the
Huskisson dinner at Liverpool; Th c y do
do not comport with what the member is re
ported to have said after the excursion in
the Dublin steam packets. Mr. V. said
he would read, for the information of the
House, tho member’s sentiments at that
time.
[The CHAIR said it was out of order,
and again admonished the gentleman from
Ohio, that personal allusions couItTncrt be
admitted.]
Mr. V. said, he had no wish to read
any thing that was out of order; but,af
ter the member from PennsyIvania(Mr.
Ingham] had, on yesterday, read the let
ter of Levitt Harris, going to impeach
the character and motives of the Presi
dent, ho thought it would be admissible
for him to read the paper referred to ;
but, as he had no dispoirion to do or read
any thing contrary to rule, he would sub
mit to the decision of the Chair, and speak
of the fact from memory alono. The
member from Virginia, at the time and
place to which I had last alluded urged
the People to keep down the dregs of
society. Verily, John Bull must have
stood perfectly astounded, to hear a Vir
ginia democrat haranguing the nobility
of England, to oppress and keep under
the lower orders of society. Yes, give
them another wrench of the screw, or
they will not only prove blue but-blaek
ruin Sir, this was the feeling ofthe mem
ber in 1826, but they have materially
changed in 1828.
The member from Virginia, [Mr. Ran
dolph,] has informed us that he has wit
nessed the progress of salaries under this
Government, and has referred particular
ly to that of tho Attorney General, which,
at the time of his entering into public life
was onjy $1200 Now, sir, for the bene
fit of the member, as well as the House, I
wiinnform him bow if came to be increa
sed, as well as almost all the other salar
ies of the officers of the different Depart
ments. If the member will examine the
files of the Intelligencer, of the 18th of
November, 1803, he will find that it was
himself that made the motion- to have i
increased to $3,000, together with many
other motions for the increase of salaries
generally throughout the different Depart
ments.
A few more words, Mr. Speaker, and I
am done with this subject. I will now,
as I always have done, vote for any in
quiry relative to the correction of ahnses,
or the economy of expenditure. I anp
not particular whetherr the amendment,
or the resolution as proposed by the mo
ver, shall succeed. I will cheerfully
vote for either; and I trust that either
will be found to answer the ends of cor
rection, if indeed correction is needed;
and if Dot, I hope those that have thought
otherwise heretofore, will come forth and
declare to the world, that the disburse
ment of the public money has been faith
fully made. The member from Virginia
lias said that this is riot the time. Sir,
I hope the House will think otherwise,
notwithstanding he has told us that the
great matter must first be attended to—
that is, they must first get the power, and
all their energies must first be directed to
that great object. Will the member be so
good as to inform us, what great benefits
are to result to this nation, when the pow
er shall fall into their hands? Will State
rights be again restored, agreable to the
Virginia construction ofthe Constitution?
If so, we want to know it. The coun-
have a deep interest in these doctrines
that are to follow the halcyon days of the
new dynasty—when all may either walk,
ride, or drive through the mad up to the|
hub, shouting huzza in favor of the South
ern policy of No Roads, No Canals, No
Manufactures; but Cotton and Tobacco,
the Richmond Party, and Gen. Jacksou
forever!
s y " =
nT On Friday night last, a man who said
his name was Wagner, and that he came
last from Gwinnett county,t*eo., was de
tected in passing Counterfeit Money at
the Ticket Office of the Theatre. He
was arrested, and on being searched, be
tween 600 and 700 dollars of counterfeit
Bills on the Banks of this State, Sooth
and North Carolina, were found concealed
in his shoes, stockings and other places.
Besides the bills, he had spurious ten cent
pieces. He was committed to jail, where
he robbed the law of its penal operation
by hanging himself with his handkerchief
during the same night. 1
It was owing to tlfffvigilance and inge
nuity of Mr. Dinmore, that this fellow was
detected. He was induced to be watchful
from attempts the preceding night to im
pose spurious bills upon him. Three five
dollar bills were offered, but from the
scrutiny they underwent by the keeper of
the ticket office, suspicious fears were ex
cited in those who offered them, and they
decamped, leaving the bills in the office.
No doubt exists but that there are several
such characters in the city, and the public
are cautioned to be on their guard against
their imposition, and requested to be vigi
lant in assisting to detect them.
r Since writing the above, we are inform
ed another ingenious gentleman who calls
himself Young, and says he is from North
Carolina, has been in the ha&ds of the
Civil officers
The SPEAKER laid before the House
a communication from the Secretary of
War, tranrmitting an abstract of the an
nual returns of the Militia; which was
read, and referred to the Committee on
the subject of the Militia.
Abstract of the general annual returns of
the Militia of the United States, by
States and Territories, according to the
act of March 2d, 1803, taken from the
latest returns received at the Depart
ment of War.
Maine,
New Hampshire,
Massachusetts,
Vermont,
Rhode Island,
Connecticut*
New York,
New Jersey,
Pennsylvania,
Delaware,
Maryland,
Virginia,
North Carolina,
South Carolina,
Georgia,
Alabama,
Louisiana,
Mississippi,
Tennessee,
Kentucky,
Ohio,
Indiana,
Illinois,
Missouri,
Michigan Territory,
Arkansas Territory,
Florida Territory,
District of Columbia,
40,209
30,159
54,935
25,581
9,460
25,731
150,027
42,283
157,775
7,451
40.091
100,662
60,660
36,429
39,056
23,000
12,274
5,291
42,985
70,266
110,364
37,787
8,310
2,824
1,503
2,028
00
2,317
1,150,158
We do not recollect a session of Con
gress in whieff the practice of letter-writing
from Washington, to the editors of news
papers, has been abused to the same ex
tent as at the present session. It is impos
sible for the readers of these letters to
form a correct opinion of the talents and
the political character and influence of
our public men at Washington from such
representations, so distored and discolor
ed are they by the party views of those
who indite them. The custom has degen
erated into a system of mutual abuse and
coarse party slang. Tho most respecta
ble papers in the union are lending their
columns to aid in the dissemination of these
discreditable effusions. What must for
eigners think of us, in the conduct of our
party feuds, for many of the letter-writers
from Washington are believed to be mem
bers of Congress themselves, who enter
into this vile and vulgar course of mutual
disparagement. We do not in thie remark
include the whole of these political epis
tles. Soma of them we have admired as
well for the talent of elegant writing they
display, as the candour and moderation of
the opinions expressed, and such we have
had thB satisfaction occasionally to trans
fer to our columns. But the greater num
ber present the reverse of this description,
the style being as vituperative and coarse
as the sentiments are uncandid and illib
eral.— Charles'on Pat.
We learn that the City Council has
readily complied with the request of the
Committee appointed to procure a char
ter for a Rail Road Company, to have a
model of a Rail Road made and exhibit
ed for the inspection of the citizens—
Council have directed a committee to
have the model constructed, provided the
expence of the same does not exceed Five
Hundred Dollars.— Charleston Pat.
The contract for opening Elliott’s Cut by
a Canal has also been formed. The work
will begin immediately, and be completed
in July 1829. The canal will be 40 feet
wide at the bottom, 100 feet at top, and
have eight feet draft at high water. The
estimated cost of this work was $11,000.
The contract has been made at $11,500.
Charleston Pi/L
AUGUSTA.
MONDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1828.
i been in the hauls
for commitment^
Accident.—On Friday night last, we
regret to learn, that the Engineer of the
Steam-boat Samuel Howard, in returning
on board, fell into the river and was
drowned^
Many prescriptions and remedies have
been made and invented for the preven
tion and cure of intemperance. They
have all failed—even Chambers* Infalli
ble has begun to lose its credit—we are
inclined to think ourselves, that the world
will finally settle down in the belief that
the surest and safest remedy is—ho? to
drink at all.
We have received the first N timber of
the Southron, printed at Milledgevile,
by P. C. Guieu and John A. Jones. It
is printed in a very handsome style, on an
imperial sheet; and the Editors say, “our
colours are American—our signal, free
trade, state rights and the Federal consti-
tutionf*
The celebrated Burletta of Tom and
Jerry, will bo brought out this evening,
under the direction of Mr. De Camp. Its
great attraction ought to draw a crowded
audience.
la our short Editorial career, we have proba
bly steered as clear of unpleasant controversies
with our brethren, as most others; and consider
ing the inflamed state of public feeling, we have
reason to congratulate ourselves on our good
luck. The liberal and intelligent part of our
brethren have, without exception, extended to us
the hand of courtesy, and where our sentiments
have been different, they have never descended to
personal abuse and blackguardism to show that
their opinions were right and ours wrong. Their
own good sense directed their remarks to the
merits of the question, and not to the demerits of
the disputants. With such opponents, temperate
debate tends to elicit political light, and by the
liveliness and wit of the replies, to relieve the
dullness of regular discussions. But when the
disputant seeks only to misrepresent the views of
his opponent, and has nothing better in the way
of argument than personality, of which the Edi
tor of the Chronicle has generally presented so
striking an example, both himself and his cause,
deservedly suffer republic estimation, and all the
advantages which might be derived from the dis
cussion to the cause of Troth, are lost in the ma
levolence of personal abuse, and the vindictive
feelings which are thereby generated. That the
Chronicle deals in nothing else in all its diatribes,
is so notorious a truth, that we will hai dly be
accused of high treason for mentioning it. This
is the only weapon he wields, and we are sure
n» good man can be desirous of becoming his
rival in the use of it.
As we expected, he denies as a “ false and ma
licious insinuation,” that he lately refused to
pledge his paper to support Gen. Jackson. If
he will be good enough to examine his May Nos.
for 1826, he may refresh his memory and that
of his friends. At the period, when the Georgia
Courier was started by its original owners, the
Chronicle attempted by the perversion of a gen
eral term, to fasten upon it a charge, which he
then conceived to be unpopular, and hoped,
might blast its success in Georgia. The Editors
then pereeived the drift of bis cunning and were
aware of the meanness ofthe motive; aad it was
during the replies which followed on this subject,
that the Chronicle refuse ! to pledge itself, as we
have stated. The Editor's motives are best
known to himself, but we believe, he thought it
was rather too soon for him to swerve from the
dignified and enlightened course, which bad dis
tinguished the administration of his predecessor.
^The period of which we speak, was a period of
“non-committal,” for our other neighbor at the
same time refused a similar pledge. Up* men
tion it not in censure ; for we did not expect he
would support Mr. Adams; much less did we ex
pect him to take up Gen. Jackson, as long as
there existed the slightest probability of a third
candidate, who might be less obnoxious than
either, to Georgia in gseeeal, «r the party inpap-
t»enter, who swayed her destuue?. Fcr titty
body knows that Gen. Jacksou would not receive
the vote of Georgia, if John Quincy Adams were
not his only opponent, and that auy other third
candidate of respectable pretensions would be
supported in preference to either. Gen. Jackson
is supported only as an alternative—as a />..
in the opinion of Georgia4P
The expression “ hireling presses,’* which we
said had never made its appearance in the de
cent columns of the Chronicle, he is pleased to
warp from its true reference, and give it a parti
cular application to the Junior Editor. Who the
Junior Editor ofthe Courier is, is more than the
Chronicle knows : if he means the humble indi
vidunl whose idle pen was amused by an occa
sional paragraph in its columns in its early ca-
reer, the Chronicle has missed his aim and hi*
arrows tipped as they have been with gall and
bitterness.instead ofproducing“rankling wounds’*
have spent their malignant strength on the vield-
iug air. Above all, we never penned a solitary line
in reply to the malignant falsehoods, which a:
that time teemed in the Chronicle. Our pen could
not be boughtfor such a service, and if the pub
lic shall forgive us for our present transgressi on
they will have more clemency towards us than
we deserve.
The Chronicle comments with its usual discern
raent on the motives which induced us to endeav
or to sooth the passions which agitated the pub-
lie bosom, and still the tempest, which with such
desolating fury, swept the political horizon. At
our outset, we determined to exclude, as much as
we could, all offensive, merely-party matter from
our columns, and particularly not to write an-
thing which could possibly add to the public ex
citement : but by a moderate and impartial course
endeavorltoipresent the merits ofthe different cas.
didates instead oftheir faults—to praise all—and
this is the “head and front” of our offendin'*'.—
Whether we have effected anything, or whether
we deserve any credit for our motives, the pub
lic will decide. They have already decided, and
given the Georgia Courier a patronage never sur
passed in this city.
The “ gentleman” of whom he speaks, we sup
pose may be the Author of “Indian Hostilities,"
but be he who he may, gentleman or not, he hax
grossly mistaken us, if the Chronicle has correct'y
reported him. We remember, hoth before and
after the Baltimore Address, and at the time of
the Election, maintaining that as General Jack-
son recieved the greater number of electoral
votes, according to the spirit of our institution*,
he ought to have 'been President of the United
States; but that this circumstance did not ex' lude
the constitutional discretion of the House of Re-
presentatives, when the selection between the
three highest on the electoral ticket was referred
to their decision Of the ability ofthe Baltimore
Jackson Address we have both spoken and writ
ten; but dissented from its conclusions at the
time, and certainly never had any idea, from
statements contained in it, which we disbelieved
at the time, and which have been abundantly re
fused since, of abandoning Mr. Adams, for whom
our preference was early, and even decided, af
ter the declin!itio'*of Mr. Calhoun. The Chron
icle’s “gentleman” may be a gentleman, hut h<r
has mistaken our meaning and intentions, if hi;
conceptions, are truly presented in the Chronicle.
The sneer at our commercial friends, whom hp
was afraid more distinctly to particularize, we
we leave to its reward—statmg simply that be
could not have meant our Irish Kindred, whose
good feeling he has repeatedly attempted to alien
ate from us by the most wanton and perverse
misrepresentation. From the time of the unfor-
nate Dunlap, who awakened snch unwonted svffi-
pathy in the tender bosom of our neighbor, he has
found, in every little anecdote, displaying the off
hand wit of the Irish character, a deliberat** fc
wanton attack upon the pride and glory of the
Irishnation That we receive commercio/patro
nage equal, if not superior to the Chronicle, it is
our pride to acknowledge ; but that this is not at
tributable to political reasons, the Chronicle
knows as well as we do. We have as many
friends of one party as another, and hope to have
as long as the course of impartial and equal jus
tice, which we have endeavored to pursue, shall
deserve their countenance.
We consider ourselves no man’s men—we la
bor for no party, but endeavor dispassionately to
present all views and considerations, which we
think will aid the cause of Truth and subserve the
interests and glory of our country As we have
often said, we prefer Mr. Adams on the score of
superior intelligence—not that we believe he is a
greater patriot—but that we know the great in
terests of a great nation will be more ably con
sulted and promoted by the Statesman, whose life
has been spent in the acquisition of wisdom, and
is illustrated by the rich trophies of long experi
ence.
The Chronicle say3 of us: “ They talk of dis
interestedness 1 and that too while they areevery
moment sacrificing thir own opinions, prefer
ences, and views of public good to a Coalition
founded on the most sordid and mercenary feel
ings of self-interest!” Oh l mon sicur, you do u*
de grand honaire.
FOR THE GEORGIA CGURIEft-
DECOMPOSITION OF WOOD.
If timber could be completely saturated
with lime, or acid, as aquafortis, (diluted,)
or mineral as cobalt, or completely coated
with charcoal, then we could entertain
reasonable hopes of its duration. These
substances have the property of extirpat
ing insects of almost every kind, and if
they can be kept from wood, no decay will
be apprehended, at least for a very long
time, for although moisture is the primary
cause of decay, yet unassisted by worm*
its action is so slow that it is scarcely per
ceptible. Paint of all kinds are used for
the purpose of preserving timber from
moisture, and they would answer the pur
pose did not the cost limit the application
to only one side of the timber, whereas, it
would be requisite to cover the whole
back, front and sides, to effect any good
purpose. Paint mixed of metalic oxides*
answer the purpose also of extirpating tho
worm, as they are generally poisonous.
We have been led to the fact, that mois
ture is the true and primary cause of decay,
from the following observations:—Pests
set in the earth, sills of houses built near
the ground, the sleepers and floors of cel
lars, add wooden gutters, are, from their
situation, more exposed to moisture, and
ve the first that decay; aoft.wood of wj