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TUK €OU tUli R.
BY J. U. M’W'HOItTEB'
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k —Alt EXTRACT.
Let Winter come, wqb chilling look,
And strip the suinuieYbQffcr,
lie cannot rob me <>f,my book.
Or philosophic hour.
Y*t let him come with aspect chill.
The leaves strip from the tree :
Here's three that can be happy still—
My wife—my cat —and me -
The storm may howl, the snow may fall,
The frost may glitter bright :
1 heed them not, while on the wall,
The heart it fireshows its light.
Nor care I -How ihe wind may blow
if from a dun I'm free ;
F c»r little will suffice, you know,
My wi e—my cat—and me.
-The miser, pleasure takes in wealth,
I covet not his pelf:
Tie’s richer, who's a state of health.
Who does not fear himself.
How tweet to Jkope for better days.
Though they should never come:
While warm we sit before the blaze—
Wife—cat—and me at home. -
__ And whea aid age, with silent pace,
Strews o’er our heads its snows:
Ploughs furrows deep upon the face,
And ateals the full blowurose-
How pweet 'twill be, when death shall come
To know tkat thea Wb three,
Shall sleep together in one tomb—
'My wife—my cat—aad me*
Congress of the United States.
IN SENATE -Toesdat. Jan 23.
80UTH-CA.ROLIN A.
Detroit on the Bill further to provide for the Col
lection of Duties on Imports.
Mr. Calhouo on rising, said, that not
agreeing with the Chairman of the Judi
ciary committee, that the measures pro
posed in the bill were of an ordinary
character, and such as were sustained by
precedents; but on the contrary, fully ac
cording in the declaration of the Senator
from Mr. Pnindeiter,) that
it would in fact be a repeal of the Con
stitution, should it receive the sanction
of Congress, he had risen to offer three
resolutions, with a view of testing the
principles on which the bill rested.
He had drawn them with great care;
with a scrupulous regard to the truth of
ever? assertion they contain, which
he believed no'one who valued bis char,
acter for candor, could contradict and
that no impartial jury in Christendom
could, on an issue refuse to reader a ver
dict in their favor, and be had been e
quallv scrupulous in making uo deduc
tions but what Were sustained by the
clearest and most demonstative reason.
Mr. C. said, that though the bill was
couched in general terms, and made ap
plicable to all the States; and though it
rafered apparently on its face, to cases
entv of insurrections, or lawless resistance
of individual force, yet it would not be
denied that it was intended to be applied
particularly to the case of South Caroli
na, and with the intention, not of putting
down the lawless combination ofindivid
owls in that stats, but authorized opposi
tions of the people of South Carolina,
to an act which they conscienciously be
lieved unconstitutional and oppressive;
and as such exercising the right which
which belongs to her in the last report, as
a sovereign member of the confederacy,
she has declared to be null and void.
Whatever resistance then may be made
in the State of South Carolina, is a resis
tance by the state itself, authorized by her
sovereign authority and oot the resistance
ofa lawless combination of individuals. It
is to put down this resistance that the
measures now before the senate has been
reported, and in this character, it is wh»|
ly unprecedented, there is no example of
the kind to be fouud on our statute book.
Here then said Mr. C. presented the
great he would say.the awfully important
question—has Congress the right to pass
this billt There are two views *>f our. con
stitution going back to. its fundamental
principles, one contained Jo the procla
mation and the Message of the President,
which have given birth to the bill, and
the other in the ordinance and proceed
ings of the people of S. Carolina. As
the ene or the other of these may be
correct, the bill must be pronounced to
be constitutional or unconstitutional. If
it be true, as stated by the President, that
the peoplo of the United Spates are united
ou the principle of a social compact, as
so many individuals constituting one na
tion—if they have transfeied to the Gen
eral Government their allegiance—iT they
have parted with the right of judging,
in the last resort, what powets are reser
ved and delegaied-theo indeed, the stales
are without rights, and u.o other objection
can be made to the bill, but what might
be made to, its expediency- Rut if, on
the other band these positions are utter
ly false—if, in truth, the constitution is
tliu work of the puoplu, funning Itvooiy
.iu/ distinct political communities—il
when adopted, it formed a union of statu;,
utid n<>t of individuals—if the states have
not sunendeied tlie right of judging, in
the last resort as to the extent of there,
served, and us course of the delegated
powers—then, indeed, there is not a shad
ow of foundation in the constitution,toau
thorise the bill; but the contrary, it wenld
be,«holly repugnant to its genius; des
tructive ofys very existence, aod iuveU
ving a political sin of the highest charac
ter—of the deleeated acting against the
sovereign power of the creature warning,
against the creator.
In making these insertions Mr- C. said he had
the authority of She President of the United
States himself. He bad tacitly acknowledged,
that if the views of the constitution on which
the State of South Carolina has acted be correct,
then neither this nor any other measure of force
could be adopted against her. On no other
principle could the long and elaborate argument,
( and false he was compelled lo say as long and
elaborate,) contained «■ the proclamation, and
in the message, be explained. Well might the
President feel, that unicss the docilities on which
South Carolina had acted could be successfully
resisted.it would be impossible for the Govern
ment to adopt any measure against hen which
presented the great and solem i question—are
they true or not ? on which he proposed to make
a few remarks; with intention that the Senate
might duly and deliberately reflect on them in
She short inteval between this and Monday next.
( The day fixed for thediscussiun of the bill.)
The great question at issue is, where
.is the paramount power! Where the
.sovereignty in this complex.but beautiful
and admirable system (if well understood)
is lodged, for where the sovereignty is,
there too must be the paramount power.
A few plain and simple, and incontrover
tible positions will determine -this point.
That the people of the states, as consti
tuting several communities, formed the
constitution, is unquestionable as any
historical fact whatever. It stands upon
the most durable and unquestionable re
cord—as much so as the records of any
court in the uuivetse, and that the Union,
of which the constitutional compact is the
bond, is a union between stales, and not
between a mere mass of individuals rests
on authority nut less high—on 'he C'ms i
tifution itself, which expressly declares,
in the article of ratification—'.hat it shall
be binding between the States ratifying
the same— words more explicit—he would
sav technical, could 1101 be devised; yet
as certain as these facts are, they cannot
be addmitted,whith«ut admitting the doc
trines for which South Carolina contends.
They by the most certain and direct de
duction, conclusively will show where tho
paramount power ofthe system is; where
its sovereign authority reside*.
No one will pretend that the sover
eignty is in the Government. To mako
that .assertion would be lo go back to the
Asiatic idea of Government, it is scarce
ly the European: as the most intelligent
writers in that section of the Globe, long
since traced sovereignty to a higher
source. No, the sovereignly is not in
the Government, it is in the people.
Any other conception* is ut erly ablio
rent to the ideas of every American.
There is not a particle of sovereignty in
the Government. If, then, it be in the
people, which cannot be denied, unless
by extinguishing the lights of political
science for more than two thousand years,
the only possible question that can re
main is in what people t In the people
of ihe U. States collectively, as a mass
of individuals, or in the people of the
twenty-four States, as forming distinct
political communities confederated in this
Uuion? The facts alroady established
decide this question, and prove the sove
reignty to be in the people of the sever
al States. No such community ever ex
isted as tho people of the United Stales,
forming a collective body of individuals
in one nation; and the idea that they are
so united by the present constitution, as a
social compact, as alledged by the pro
clamation, is utterly falso & absurd. To
call the constitution the social compact,
is the greatest possible abuse of language.
No two things are more dissimilar; there
is not an expression in the whole science
of politics, m ire pei fecily definite in its
meaning than the social compact. It
means ihatassociatinnof individuals found
ed on the implied assent of all its mem
bers, which precedes all Government, and
from which Government or the constitu
tional compact springs ; aud yet,the vPres
idenr, in the daring attempt to put down
our federal system, has ventured to con
found things so totally dissimilar. The
sovereignty, thou, is in the people of the
several Slates, united in this federal Un
ion. It is not only in them, but in them
unimpaired; not a particle resides in the
Government; not one particle in the A
merican people collectively.
The people of the States have, indeed,
delegated a portion of their sovereignty,
to be exercised conjointly by a General
Government, and have retained the resi
due to be exercised by their respective
State Governments. But to delegate
power in the agent is as much the power
of the principal as if it remained in the
latter, and may, as between him and his
agent, be controlled or resumed at pleas
ure. Now mark the consequence.
No one can deny that the act of the
sovereign binds the citizen or subject.
The latter is not individually responsible
for the act of the political community of
which he is a member, and to which be
:>we» allegiance. The community only is
responsible. This is a principle univer
sally recognized, but without regarding a
principle so obvions—formed upon the
highest sense of justice—the bill proposes
|o make the citi*«, ni „f South Carolina,
individually responsible for the sovereign
acts of the State to which he owes hit
allegiance. An outrage more thaw bar
barian upon the fundamental principle of
political institutions, as has ever been re
cognized by all people so far advanced in
civilization as to be formed into political
communities. None can doubt tha - the
Convention of the people of South Car
olina is the true organ of her sovereign
ly. According to our American ideas,
sovereignty, instead of -lying dormant in
the miss of individuals composing a State
and instead of being capable of beiug
called iuiw action by a revolutionary
movement only, has a known, oiganic,
and peaceable means of action. That
means is a Convention of the Peeple.—
Through its ins'rumentality all of our
constitutions—State aud Federal, were
formed and ratified. Through the same
authentic voice the People of South Car
olina sp<?ke in her late Ordinance.—
Which, as far as her citizens are concern
ed, is not less obligatory than the consti
tution itself. It is easy to see that under
this aspect of the subject, this bill presents
a question infinitely beyond that *»f the
tariff or its constitutionality i es Nullifi
cation, or whether the Supreme Court
is the authority appointed by the consti*
tution to decide questions in Controversy
between the States and Federal GuVern
ment. It sweeps away the whole of these
questions.
ft may be admitted, to illustriate the idea; that
the Tariff is constitutional; the Supreme Couit
is rhe authority appointed by the constitution to
judge questions in conflict between tbe State
and Federal Government; and yet this bill can
not be justified. Hi„ r has the authority of the
Court may be, its powers are but delegated pow
ers; it makes a part of the Government itself,
and like every portion of the Government, is des
titute of the least particle of the sovereign pow
or. As delegated powers may he resumed by
the sovereign delegating the same, tnch a
resnmption may be a breach of compact—a vi
olation of th- faith of the State; but even in tbal
case the State as g cammtr iiy, and not its cit
tzens hsdtvliluaTly are liable. The state asm
community, can break no law. It can, as a
sovereign body, be a subject to none It may
pledge its faith; it may delegate its powe>e,it may
break the one and resume the othet; but the
remedy in such cases, is not hostile enactment :
not law for which the citizens individaily are
made responsible, as the hill most absurdly and
preposterously'proposes; but open force, war
itself; unless their be some provisions of reme
dial and peaceful character, provided iu tbe
compact.
I am not now, said Mr. C. about to
discuss the question of using f-»rc« on the
part of the Federal Government against
the State. That question is not n*>w be
fore tlie Senate; but should it be presen
ted in any stage of ■ Isis proceeding,l stand
readv to prove that this Government has
no right, even, to resort to force. The
illustrious men who framed our constitu
tion, wore too wise and patriotic to ad
mit of the introduction of force, in consti
tuting a federal system; thpy'had too pro
found a knowledge of the human hear ;
two deep an insight into history not to
perceive that the introduction of force
into such a system must necessarily lead
to a military despotism. The fabric is
too delicaTe o s<and its rudesbock. They
devised as a substitute, a far more effectu
al and peaceful means ; one much more
consonant to ih<* advanced progress of po
li'ical science & civilization, lie alluded
.to the provision by which all contests for
power, between the Federal Government
and the States, may be virtually decided
io a convention of the Statea. That is
the true, wise, and constitutional means
of terminating this controversy. Let the
States be convened in convwo'ion; let the
stockholders, if he might be permitted so
to express himself, of this gieat political
partnership be called together, that all
conflicts of power bet ween the Directors
and any portion of the stockholders, m.ty
be determined io conformity to the pro
visions prescribed in the charter of asso
ciation.
If, then, in a ease supposed, where, for the sake
of the argument, the constitutionality of the ta
riff is conceded, and with the same view the
authority claimed for the Supreme court acknow
ledged, there would be no right to pass this bill
of pains and penalties on the citizens of South
Carqjjina, for adhering to their&llegiance to the
State, how much stronger must be the objection ■
to it* passage, when we advert lo the t'ad r *k«t'rf
is not a case of resumption of power delegated
to the Government, but the defence of reserved
power against unconstitutional encroachment.
So far from conceding tbe constitutionality of the
tariff or the powers claimed for the Supreme
court./lot only the State of South-Carolina, bait
all the Southern States, believe it r-> be not only
unconstitutional, but highly oppressive; and that
thfc Supreme court, so far from being the tribu
nal appointed to decide political controversies,
is limited by the constitution itself to cases ari
sing in law and equity, and of course, where the
parties are amenable to its process.
Mr C. said, that he could not but perceive in
the bill itself evidence that there was, on tbe part
of its authors, an internal feeling of the force of
these arguments: they nave not made it directly
applicable to the case ofSouth Carolina, nor to
the case of a State, opposing, on her own sover
eign authority, what she believes to be an un
conslitu ional act of the Federal Government.
If there be guilt. South Carolina alone is euilty.
Why then make the provisions of the bill appli
cable to all the states? Why m ke it the gener
al and permameut law of the land? The other
States have not been even the abettors in the
mighty struggle of South Carolina to maintain
the constitution and tha liberties of the country!
She has been discountenanced even by her sister
States immediately interested in the i«sue ! Why
then commit the injustice of including them in
its penal enacmeuls? Why disguise the real in
tention that it is to coerce a sovereign State.exer
cisiug her constitutional right of judging in the
last resort, of her reserved rights, with a view
of protecting her citisens against the encroach
ments of the Federal Government 7 Why not
meet this issue boldly and manfu!ly7 Why con
found the movements ofa State with riots, mobs
and insurection ? But one reason can be assign
ed. A concious instinct of the palpable injustice
and absurdity nf such a bill.
Mr. C. said, that viewing the bill on,
its principles be conceived it a virtual
repeal of the constitution, as much so as
if it was expressly drawn on its face with
"be enacted by the authority of the Se
nate aud House of Representatives, that
the Constitution be, and the same is.
hereby repealed." Should it pass, it will
effectually and forever put down our
beautiful federal system, and rear on its
ruins a consolidated government. The
sovereignity of the States would be for
ever submerged—-that sovereignity which
constituted ours a federal system, and the
loss of which would make it a consolida
tion.
The issue is now before us: the decis
ion cannot be much longer delayed ; the
rejection or the passage of this bill will
probably decide it forever. Let no one
suppose lhat in deciding this great ques
tion, our system will stop at mere con--
solidation —ii is but a stage in the certain
progress to military despotism ; and that
the most odious and oppre sive ;as in
proportion to the independent, free spirit
°fthe people, must be the sternness of
the despotism nocessary To hold them in
subjection. But two modes of political
existence can long endure in our country,
the one that was formed by the framers of
our admirable Constitution, a federal
system uniting free and independent
States in a bond of union for mutual ad
vantages, a .id to be preserved by the con
curing asseut of the paits—or a govern
ment of tbe sword. The choice is before
us.
Mr. C. said, that he had drawn the
resolutions which he was about to propose
of bringing the principles of this bill dis
tinctly before the Sena'e ; aud that he
had accompanied them with the few re
marks which he made, with a view of
calling the solemn attention of its mem
bers to the mighty consequence which he
conscientiously believed to be involved
in its passage. He conceived it to be im
possible to adopt the resolu i<>ns and to
pass the bill, and that it was equally im
possible to deny the facts on which th«y
rest, or reject the conclusion deduced
therefrom.
Mi. C. then moved the following res
olutions, which we have just published/
Arrival of the Steam Boat.
Arrived at this port on Friday morning
Inst the new boat Pioneer of Macon, cap
tain McCormick, 8 days from Darien,
bringing iu low the barge boats Bonnets
of ‘Blue and Lalla Ruokh, with full
freights of groceries &c. to Day & Butts
owners, and others.
The city of Macon is under lasting obli
gations to.the perseverance of Messrs Day
aud Butts, and their fearless enterprise in
prosecuting an experiment so often pro
nounced chimerical. The public had
been so often told thf.i the Ocmulgee
could not be navigated by steam craf>,
that many believed it. Bui the arrival of
this handsome boat in the short passage
of eight daysjon her first trip, without
any difficulty whatever, shoes coclusive
ly the erroneousness of ibis opinion, and
that the Ocmulgee, as we have always
contended, is entitled to all the benefits
of steam navigation.
The machinery of the Pioneer is on anew
and diffeient construction from that used
on m»s< b >ais—and is believed to possess
decided advantages over any hitherto us
ed. Gi* great improvement for narrow
crooked rivers like ours is the position
of the wheels, which are placed in the stern
of the boat, instead of being on the sides.
And as the b<>afr draws but 24 inches wa
ter, it is believed there can be no obsta
cle in the way of her navigating the Riv
er during the whole of tbe business sea
son.—Macon Telegraph.
Extract from SEaaiiANr'n Eulogy an
Charles Carroll.
“ Shall we here conclude this slight
and itnoeifect sketch of the extraordinary
happiness, which was the reward of these
illustrious men? One yet remains, grea
ter than all the rest. They lived in the
faith, and they were permitted to die in
the persuasion, that wiia ever chastise
ment might b”fali their bel >veJ country,
she was not doomed to suffi.-r the uffl ction
of disunion. The father of his country,
in the inestimable legacy of advice aud
instruction, he bequeathed to us when he
look leave of public employment, dwelt
with parental solicitude upon the vital
topicof union. He warned us that it would
be assailed *■* by internal and external ene
mies, constantly and actively, though often
covertly and insidiously. 1 * And while he
warned, he exhorted ns" to frown indig*
nantly upon the first dawning of every at
tempt to alienate any portion of our coun
try from die rest, or to enfeeble the sa
cred ties that oow link together its various
parts. 1 * He could not but feeK assuied
(bat such advice would be obeyed, and
that one indignant and withering frown
would settle on him, who openly and di
rectly, or •’covertly and insidiously ,” un
der whatever name or pretext, should aim
a dagger at the heart of his country, by
seeking to destroy «>r to •* enfeeble 11 the
Union. Adams aud Jefferson, though they
lived to tbe end of »he fiftieth year, brea
thed their last breath among a people
firmly united, and rejoicing in their union.
And Carroll—he who outlived them all—
was he in this respect less happy than the
rest? Was hi* aged heart disturbed by
the fear that the exhortation of Washing
ton might prove to be unavailing? Was
the dim sight of the venerable survivor
afflicted with visions of ruin to his country
—his ear invaded with strange words, of
spurious coiuage, and of evil augury, un
known to the vocabulary of the patriots
and sagep of the Revolution? Believe it
not. The last pulsation of that heart had
in il a remnaut >f the vigour of the Con
gress of 1776. Thai eye had been accus
tomed to look through gloom and darkness
and see beyond, a glorious light. That
ear had heard the threats of confiscation
and the halter, and did not heed them.
Standing upon the rock of the Union, with
Washington and Franklin and Hancock
and Adamsand Jefferson aud their illustri
ous assneiates, he had braved the power
of the British empire in arms against his
infant country, and in Union had found
safety and triumph. The storm had raged
around them, but the rock was immoveable.
Could such a man be suddenly persuaded,
that madness had overtaken one portion
*»f his counirymefi, and degenerate fear
another? I say again, believe il not*
Lot us be assured, that he too was permit
ted to depart with the unshaken and firm
conviction, that there was still enough of
the spirit of the Revolution to preserve
its work.
UNITED STATES DISPENSATORY.
Messrs. Grigg 8f Elliot , No. 9, north
Fourth si. have just published in a large
octavo form, of about eleven hundred
pages, anew work entiiled " The United
States Dispensatory ,” by George B.
Wood, M. D. and Franklin Bacbe M. D.
of Philadelphia. The object of the vo
lume is to present an account of the medi
cinal substances in the state in which they
are broogh' into <he shops, and to teach
the modes in which they are prepared.
The talents and standing of the authors
rtf the volume give assurance that the
materials which ate so amply furnished
to them have been used itr tho best man
ner. We do not feel competent to de
cide upon tbe merits of the volume as it
regards the profession, but we can add,
that while the materials of the structure
appear to have been selected with great
skill aud v judgfneut, they are laid, with
admirable nicety. The cemposi'ion of
the Dispensatory is creditable to the lite
rary taleuts of the authors. The work
especially commends itself to the atten
tion of physicians, apothecaries and che
mists.—B. Gaz.
AUGUSTA.
WEDNESDAY, FEB. 6,1833
COTTON.—The arrivals are trifling and
mostly stored—Several hundred bales changed
hands, Monday ic Tuesday,at9 3-8 to 9| for fair
and good lots Good, fair and prime 10 a
Choice selections at 11 cents- Oidinaiy and in
ferior a 9£. Accounts from England to the
Bth. and France to 12th December quote same
prices as previously received and dull markets.
Abominable l We are again without a News
paper on the Northern line—not one syllable of
news of any kind. A Printer might as well be
dead as without news.
O’ The Chnrlestou Mail, which did not ar
rive to-day till half past one o’clock, brings la
ter news from Europe. The citadel of Antwerp
was takeu by the French on the 27th Dec. after
being bombarded 18 days and nights; The ves
sel left Helvoet Sluya on tbe 28th. The mail
brings nothing else of interest
Amouct of Colton picked by Hands of a Plant
er in Burke enuoty, January Bist. 1833, viz:
353—333—310 —277—266 -247
1791 lbs. Nett Cottou.
Nullification Blossoms. A Nully, with two
cockades on his hat, .passing by .a little boy, who
was trundling his hoop along the street the oth
er day, was bailed with “ Halloa, Mister ; shall
I knock one of them blossom < off your hat 7"
The celebrated Black Hawk, the Prophet and
tbe other Indian prisaners taken by Gen. Scott,
and held as hostages f»r their tribes, are to be
located at Fortress Monroe, Old Point Comfort,
in order to be more at large than they could be
at any nation on the Frontier, as wel as to les
sen the chances of escape.
The Charleston Nultificrt look upon many Os
the 0.-currences, which tread so fast on each oth
er’s heels, as very auspicious The healed pas
sions of the people, and the dishonesty of their
lead* rs—the drumming and drilling which has
thrown a whole state into a ferment, whose sub
sidence into peace and quiet, none can predict
with certainty—-the directing of the farmer’s at
tention to muskets and bayonets instead of
ploughshares and pruning books—the destruc
tion of private friendships and public confidence
—the general derangement of all kinds of bvsi
nets; these are the aw-spicious signs, that every
where strike our imagination !
ColoueU Lumpkin and Banks, of Lexington,
Oglethorpe County, have imported, for the im
provement of their iloik and that of the country,
an English Bull and two Cows. They are fine
animals and may be seen by those who take an
interest in such things (and who does not?) in
the rear of Mr. John Howard's Lot, on Telfair
Street. They will have cost thrir public spirited
owners not less than SIOOO, by tbe time they
reach home.
Mr. Harrinotor, whose Equestrian Corps our
readers remember so favorably, opened a Cir
cus last evening on the vacant lot jn fiont of tbe
Theatre, for this week. This is decidedly the
most respectable Company that has been in Au
gusta within our remembrance. The Members
of it very generally conduct themselves as Gen
tlemen, and the decent order preserved in tbeir
performances, when here last winter, should
guaranty to them similar encouragement. They
have many Stiff H>raes, among them we hoped
to sec again the favorite Mare Ophelia; but we
regret to state that she died suddenly on Mon
pay evening Inst.
We gave Gov TkoUp’s Letter in our last nuifl
ber without remark. His name is siifficient at
traction on any subject. Our readers will have
perceived, that he comes to the following con
clusions :
There is no power given by (he Con
stitution to resist the laws or the United
States.
The only constitutional remedy for
unconstitutional oppression is the ballot
box,
Amendments of the Constitution, peti
tion, teoionstance,conventions, coriespon
deuce, and consultations of the States—
these (if you please to call them remedies)
are not unconstitutional.
Undor a government founded on con
sent aud opinion evils are to be borne as
long as pugsible.
The States in virtue of their sovereign
ity, when evils are no longer supportable,
must Judge the evil and the teinedy.
The sovereign knows but two modes
of settling cuniroversies, Negotiation and
War.
Negotiation admits of arbitrati*n, and
controversies may be refered to other
States, but this is bv consent and npt by
tbe Coneiitution. It is of course not
permissible to one of the parties, to refer
it to its o<vo Courts and Juries.
When States cease to have an interest
in the Union, or suffer extreme oppres
sion, it is better that they withdraw peac
ably than that blood should be shed in
contest, uhich seldom decide any thing
and which are apt to separate the parties
for ever.
As States may do very imprudently &
unwisely, what they have a right to do,
it becomes them to act very deliberately
and cautiously, because it is lawful for
other States to unite against them, to
compel a fulfilment of their obligations
under the public law.
Mr. Leigh, the Virginia Commissioner reach
ed Charleston on Sunday evening last by way
of Columbia :
“ The lettar of Mr. Drorttgoole, Speaker of tbe
Senate, informing Mr. Leigh of his appoiuUntyi
states t'.at it will be his duty “to pioceed im
mediately to South Carolina, and communicate
the preamble and resolutions to the Governor of
that State, with a request that they be commu
nicated to tbe Legislature af that State, or auy
Convention of its citisens, or give them such oth
er direction as in hit judgment may be best cal
culated to promote the object which this Com
monwealth has in view ; and that the said com
missioner be authorised to express to tbe public
authorities and people of our sister State, in such
manner as he m»y deem most expedient, our
sine re good will to our sister State, and our
anxious solicitude that the kind aud respectful
recommendations we have addfessed to her, may
lead to an accommodation of all the difficulties
between that State to the General Government.’’
The Richmond IVhig of the 28tb ult. says,
“Mr. Leigh accepted the high trust, thus so flat
teringly confided to linn, with alacrity, and yes.
terday (Sunday) proceeded to Charleston in the
Southern stage, with credentials authenticated
by the great seal of the Commonwealth. Both
Gov. Hayne, and General Hamilton, (President
of the Convention) are in that vicinity. This
denoutment of the protracted proceedings on the
subject of Federal Relations, was received with
lively satisfaction by this community, and we
trust the public confidence in the instrument to
the means, is a fortunate augury of the final re
stoiaiion of public harmony- The appointment
of a commissioner determined upon, all eyes
turned upon Mr. Lkioh as the proper person,
acquainted as all were, with his talents, zeal, to
earnest devotion to peace, and to the Constitu
tional Rights of all parties.”
Messrs, Grigg and Elliott, of Philadelphia,
( No 9, Fourth Street) -hose Advertisement we
publish this morning, have just issued anew
Work, In a large octuvo form, entil' and ‘ The U.
Dispensatory ,” Geo. B. Wood, M. D. and Frank
lin Bache, M. D. of Philadelphia. The VNorks is
said lo be worthy of the talents and standing of
its authors, and to command itself especially to
the attention of physicians and apothecaries.
Correspondence of the Charleston Courier*
“ Mr. Burges, of Rhode Island, epuke for a
bout two hou s, when he gave- way, having g>-t
ab.iut half way throigh, in consequence of
physicuiezhaustatiou, ami the committee then
rose, and the House adjourned by half past 3
•’clock. There can be no doubt that the zeal
of the friends of the Bill to push it through ra
pidity, has greatly abated withia a few day*.
Whether it is as, some pretend, that the rpinion
of the Executive has changed, or has become
better understood; or whether, as others say,
tome indictations have been given of an intention
on the part of Nullification, to postpone any <>-
vert act of opp sitiur. until the last hope of ob
taining any reduction of the existing rate of du
ties should have been abandoned, I know not;
but the fact of an abatement of seal it not to lie
contradicted. Mr. Burges is fur advanced in
years, and has stiff-red a good deal from thnt
kind ofacute'iudispositton which more t‘ an ago
wears away the human structure. He went on,
however, very well, and spoke with nil that feel,
ing which imparts to a nmn us genius all ill)
materii lof eloquence. He was oi course against
the present bill He pointed eu< nn error in the
report of the Committee of Ways amt Means
accompanying the hill, which, as it may become
historical, ought to be corrected. It is stated
in that report that the Cotton Manufacture in
Rhode Island does not date back beyond 1799,
while the first hill a Tariff of ptoteciive charac
ter passed in 1789. Mr. Burges staled, th»t
in 1791, in the month of April, he had himself
seen the Cotton manufacture iu Rhode Island,
as he wns going to school to pick up same of
those scraps of latin with which ttie learned
gentleman f.ora G rogia (Mr. Wilde) frequent
ly enlightens and honors the House. But he
said that the Manufacture had existed in that
State, as far back as 1789.
There has been an intense curiosity excited
to hear the discussions of the next week in Se--
aate. Our city is is filling rapidly with
even from very distant parts, who are brought
hither by that feeling It is not yet known what
course will be pursued by Mi. Calhoun, in refer
ence to his resolutions, If he should call them
up in the general oi tiers of the day, which
will precede the special older, it wilt exciudV
almost every other kind of business while thasa
agitating »sul>jects are pending. It bat been
suggested as a probable course, thnt the hill ami
resolutions will be taken up and discussed to
gether.
, From the Richmond Compiler, January 24,
Are we all mad? Is out country converted in
to one great Bedlam?
We are the happiest peop’e under the 3un-
This,we all have sence enough to admit—and alt
the nation* of tbe earth are ready to pay us this
tribute of their admiration.
We have millions of acres nf laud to clear amt
to cultivate—productinas of t.he^r^rcst ‘and most
varied description—the fi test a Heat, the finest
tohacep, the finest cotton —and m* ize-without
stint or limit. No man need be sen! supprrless
to bed—and every one “may boil his pullet on
Sunday.”
Every one may have a share, with the least
cost, in the administration of the government.—
He may vote fur almost evciy man, and almost
fvery one may vole for him. Religion is free—-
the Press is fiee— Debate is free. The Sun do
not shine on as free a spot on the globe.
The taxes are comparatively lie hr —the Fed
eral Government is abent realizing that most urrt
paralleled problem—a country free from dent
—Yet who will believe it, that it is in this coun
try, and at this precise time af its prosperity tu
mults are arising—threats are thrown out—
seniors appearing in the most awful forms—and
we begin to talk of cutting each other’s throats.
Cast our eyes around us, and where do we
not find some proofs of the hallucination?—The
Manufacturers of tire East insist upon no relaxa
tion of the Tariff—they go for the whole. The
majority of the Politicians of 3. Carolina threat
en to nullify the revenue MWs of the Union—
they go for the whole the other way. At Charles
ton, they talk of force; and at Washington, they
also talk of force—and here, where we could do
so much to pour oil Upon the waves, and to still
tbe threatening tempest, we debate tor weeks at
a lime, even while the Ist of February is at
hand?—God save the Commonwealth.
CIVIS.
Mdrder —We learn that an outrageous
murder was committed on Saturday eve
ning last, not far from Stantonville in this
district, on the body of Jason Howard,
by John Barkley. Howard, it is said was
on the road to market, with a wagon;
was walking when met by Barkley An Jere
miah Green, returning from muster.
Barkley ordered Howard to give the rotd
and as he stepped to one side, raised hie
gun and shot him down I He lived an.
hour or two. —Barkley and Green fled,,
but Green has since made affidavit, we
understand of the facts above staled.—
There was no quarrel, but it is sard,-
when Barkley loaded his gun at the time
ter, he declared his intention of killing
another man, wirii whom he had some dif
ference. He was intoxicated. The fol
lowing description of his person has been
given us, with a request to give it publi
city.
John Barkley is about 3 feet 10 inches ,
high 43 or 44 years of age, complexion sal
low, with light brown hair .considerably in*
dined to grey sandy beard,his chin square
some of his front leeih decayed; he is at
shoemaker by trade; drinks freely ecce*
sionallv.de is very disorderly when drunk
chews'tobacco to excess; very, profane is
his conversational* dresser