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XHE COURIER.
by J. G. M’WHORTER.
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Fruin Ike Connecticut Observer.
THE DEATH SOMG OF THE DRUNKARD
The sparkling cup! Hie glittering cup}
Oh, Who will drink its sweetness up T
It wilt paint the cheek with the hue of health,
It will fill the purse with the dream of wealth,
It will lien! tlie wounds of Affiiction^rod,
And dsown tlie voice of an angry God,
1 fill everv sorrow shall vanish away
From Ihe’light of »«* rapture-beaming ray.
If it cannot give y»W an endless breath,
ft will Uanisli at least ail thought of death,
If it shuts you out from a Heaven of bliss,
it catr make a Heaven of a world like this;
Drink, ’till the jay of Earth hath fled.
Drink, ’till the lifts of the soul be dead,
prink, ’till the channel of love is dry,
Drink* while you live— drink, ’ullyow die.
They have cnlle I the wine-cup’s sparkling flow,
But the smiling herald of bitter wo }
They say, though ha beauties be rich anu rare,
Yet the arrows of Death are sharpened there;
They say, that it fills the eye with tears,
And bows down the head like a hundred years,
That it hang's out its banner from poisonous caves
Or the yapor that hovers o'er hidden graves.
They lie* I have drank.’till my friends all fled,
Anril, the destroyer am net dead K
Not dead, though dark my soul’s eclipse,
The breath ofmy life lingers yet on my lips;
Though my manly beauty hath vanished away,
And my dim spiAt reels on its downward way,
I can look up and read, on n Irowning sky, ■
Tlie words of the temptei —•‘Thou shall not die.
Oli! where are my children ? they meet me on
more,
With the bright smiles and glances that cheered
IPs e hofi>re,
There are tears in the eye, Si shame on the brow,
And they coldly pass by when they look on ine
now.
My wife • wlteie is she 7 I can never forget,
Though the sun of her beauty in darkness has set,
She drank r.ot of this cup of trembling and fear,
And yet she is dead, and I am still here.
Give lm* the cup ! I standalone,
AiH the light of my soul is dimm’d and gone,
The pulse at my heart is feeble and slow.
And the words that I utter are broken and low ;
Give me the cup! the finger of scorn
Waj( point at my steps as I wander on;
Let them laugh, let them jeer, let them scorn, as
they will,
(Jive me the cup ! I’ll he happy still, s. L. n.
Front the Savaaah Georgian.
REVENUE COLLECTION BILL.
We this morning lay before our reu-
Jeis, in due comse of publication of tlie
laws passed at the last session of the 22d
Congress, the "Act further to provide for
the Collection of Duties on Imports,” the
prominent features of which were long
siuce unveiled to their view. While we
regret the late distracted state of the conn
try produced by the course of tho domiiv
ant party in a sister State, which gave
birth to such a law, we cannot but view it,
however unpopular and unconstitutional
iu some of its provisions, as a meastne 4
purely detensive in its character. In this
opinion we expec some whose opinions
we respect, to differ from us; but we feel
cheated by the reflection that there are
many of the same opinion with us who
have always been found strenuously de
fending from destruction the battlements
of the Constitution. Iu all Government",
when a minority set themselve? up as the
exeusive judges of what laws are Consti
tutional or not, and in support of tlieir o
pioiuns defy those laws made to uphold
the Government under whose aegis at
home and abroad their rights aud liberties
have been protected, it becomes the Su
preme Power to enact laws for the Jpre
servation of the Government. Iu this
our Government, tho laws necessary for
its preservation receive the assent of the
people* Enacted by their Representa
tives and those of tho States, they thence
deiive a claim to their confidence, which,
the edicts of a despot can never claim.—
Called upon to uphold the laws enacted
for their oWtt exclusive benefit, they will,
of course, examine and decide f*>r 'hern
selves, whether their Representatives
have violated the confidence reposed in
them. If,af er the decision of their sober
judgment, they find that their confidence
has been violated by the enactment of
laws oppressive in their character, they
will apply the peaceful remedy, of u.tter
ing their sentiments in a deep but power
ful voico through the ballot boxes. If the
fa.ult lies not at their own door, but at the
door of the Representatives of their fel
low-citizens in other States, they will, af
ter repeated remonstrances with, and pro
tests agaitist the exerciso of such unconsti
tutional power, appeal to their, biethr.eo
them.'elves to remedy the evij, by depriv
ing their Representatives misrepresenting
their feelings and their wishes, of the seats
to which they had been elevated. Thus
has a maj 'ritv of the South, hi their op
position to the oppression of tb.e Protec
tive Tariff, acted. Their appeal was hoard
by many of their brethren in other sec
tions of tho Union, in the election to Con
gress of new members, disposed and anx
ious to listen to the just demands of the
South. So powerful this feeliog, that ma
-'•mbers of the last Congress deemed
it politic to reduce tlieir high ultra- tarifl
views, ahd pass the tariff Act of ,32, whic t
was hailed by the South as indicative o
the justice which would be yielded them
by the 23d Congress. Bat this reasona
ble hope did not meet the v.ows of the
leading Nullifiecs. We mus* piake sav
thev the administration unpopular with the
Peoule. We cannot submit to pass four
years under an administration, with our
ambitious expectation blasted to the bud.
We will arouse the People of Carolina—
that People whose bosoms have ever kin*
died at the idea of oppression. We will
tell them that they live under a foreign
Government—that they are crushed by
the laws of a Congressional majority-thai
the Union is not worth preserving—that
the Star Spangled Banner’ which led
their ancestors to victory, is not their flag
—that they must renounce it, and plant
the Palmetto on their soil as the only ban
ner worthy of their devotion. Those who
will not listen to our counsel we will threat
en with disfranchisement —we will gag
with tost oaths. But they soon found their
error. They encountered a minority woo
were too virtuous and firm to be deleted
by threats, too patriotic to view with ab
horrence the Institutions of their wide
spread country—whe, ihongh loving * e
name of Caroline, yet clung to the appel
lation of citizen of United America an
appellation cherished by the virtuous, the
chivalrous Lafayette. This minority in
their resistance to an Ordinance destruc
tive oftbrir dearest liberti.s, was sustain*
ed bv tho public voice of the People ex
pressed through the State and National
Legislatures. Tho spirit of disunion was
rebuked by the voice of public opiuton,
and Nullification stoughta retreat by yie cl
ing to the Manufacturer more than his
wildest dreams had anticipated. But such
will ever bo the result of rash and hasty
legislation.
These remarks have fallen from us
without premeditation, for we took up the
pen-to show that equal powers had been
asked for and coulerred on the patriot
Jefferson, to arrest and defeat a determin
ed combination to resist the laws, and that
such powers bad been freely bestowed by
the Gileses, tlie Crawfords, I roups, Ep
peses and Macons, of ihoso days. The
Embargo Law passed December 22, 1807.
The following exit acts from it,and the acts
supplementary thereto, will afford some
idea of the powers vested in the Presi
dent,
Bv the first, it was enacted, “That an
embargo be, and it hereby is, laid on all
ships and vessels in the ports and places
within the limits or jurisdiction of ine U
nited States, cleared or not cleared, bound
to any foreign port or place; and that no
clearance be furnished to any ship or ves
sel, bound to such foreign port or place,
except vessels under the immediate direction
of the President of the United Stales.—
And that the President be authored to
give such Instructions to the officers of the
revenue, and oj the navy, and revenue
cutters of the United States, as shall ap
pear best adapted for carrying the same
into full effect ,” <$’ c
"No vessel licensed for the coasting
trade shall be allowed to depart from any
port ofthe United States, 4’c. until the
owner, Acc* shall with the master, give
bond, with one or more sureties, &c. in a
sum double the value of the vessel and
cargo, that the vessel shall not proceed to
rny foreign port or place.”
“No hood shall be required of boats not
masted, or if masted, not being decked,
whose employment has been and shall con
tinue to be, confined to rivers, bays and
sounds within thejujisdiction ofthe Uni
ted States, and lying within districts which
are not adjacent t » the territories. Ate. of
a foreign nation, unless in the opinion
of the Secretary of the Treasury, such
bonds be necessary.” -{March 12, 1808 ]
After passing the e laws, Congress ad
journed, to meet again in November of
the same year. 1
From TnoMAS Jefferson’s Annual Mes
sage, November 8’ 1888.
"I have not thought it necessary, in tho
course of the last session, to call for any
general detachments of militia «tt volun
teers, under the laws pas.-ed for that pur
pose. For the ensuing season, however,
they will be required to be in readiness,
should their service be wanted. Some
small and special dctachmen’s have beeu
necessary to maintain the laws of embar
go, on that portion of our northern fron
tier which offored peculiar facilities for
ovations. But these were replaced as soon
as could be done by bodies of new re
cruits. By the aid *>f these, and of tho
armed vessels called Into service in other
quarters, the spirit «>f disobedience and
abuse, which manifested itself early and
with sensible effect whilo we were uupie
pared to meet it, has been considerably
repressed.”
In Senate on the 21 December of same
year, (1808) a motion to repeal the Em
bargo Acts was negatived by the following
vote, in which our Senators Messrs. Craiv
ford and Milledge, those of Virginia and
(hoso of South Carolina voted in the neg
aiivr.
Yeas —Messrs. Gilman, Goodrich,
Hillhouse, Loyd, Pickering, White-6.
Nays —Messrs. Anderson, Bradley,
Gondit, Crawford, Frauklin, Gaillard,
Giles, Gregg, Howland, Mitchell, Ma
thewson, Milledge, Mitchell, Moore, Par
ker, Pope,Reed, Robinson, Smith of Ma
ryland, Smith of N.ew York, SocMih of
Tennessee, Sumpter, Thrustoa, Tiffin,
Turner.—2s.
Ou the llih of same month, „Mr. ?
Giles, from the committee appointed on
that part of the President’s message which
relates to the embargo laws, and the mea
sures necessary to enforce the obse vance
thereof, made a further report, in part, of
the following bit), “To authorize aod re
quire the President ofthe United States,
to arm , man and fit out for immediate ser
vice all the public ships of war, vessels
and gun boats of the United States
Be it enacted Ate. That the President
be, and he is herjeby, authorized and re
quired, to cause to be fitted out, officered,
manned, and employed, as soon as may
be, all the frigates and other armed ves
sels of the Uni'ed States, including g«u
boats} and to cause the frigates As aimed
vessels, so soon as they can be prepared
for actual service respectively , to be sta
tioned at such ports and places on the son
coast as he may deem most expedient,
or to cruise on any part of the coast of
the U. States, or territories thereof.
Which bill was passed ih *he Senate on
the 17th of the same month.
In the same, budy on the2lst of De
cember, the act to enforce and * mak|r
more effectual an Act laying an Ebargo,
&c. was read the third time. Mess s.
Giles and Pope supported, and Messrs.
Hillhouse and Picketing opposed its pas
sage. Tho.debate was continued till a
bout 8 in the evening, when the question
was taken as follows;
Yeas — Messrs, Auderson, Condit,
Crawford, franklin, Gaillard, Giles,
Gregg, Kitchell, Milledge, Mitchell,
Moore, Pope, R .binson, Smith of New
York, Smith of Maryland, Smith of Ten
nessee, Sumter, Thruslon, Tiffin, and
Turner—2o. .
Nays—Messrs. Gilman, Goodrich,
Hillhouse. Lloyd, Matbewson, Pickeripg
White—7. , r ,
Which bill was passed by the House
early in tho ensuing mouth by a majority
of 71 to 22. The discussion continued
in the House from 12 at noon, till 7 o -
clock A. M. ofthe ensuing day, the Speak
er having been in the chair 19 houis*
Among the proceedings, during this
sitting, is the following.
“Mr. Dana moved to strike out the 11th
Section giving the power to call out tho
militarv to assist in enforcing the Law.
Motion lost. Yeas 31, Nays 70,
Section 17th of Act of Jao. 9, 1809,
“To enforce and make more effectual the
Embargo Acts.”
“ That it shall be lawful for the Presi
dent of the United States, or such other
person as he shall have empoweted for
that - purpose, to employ sflfeh part of the
land or naval forces, or militia of the
United States, or of the territories there
of-s may be judged oecessaty in con
formity with the provisions of this and
other acts respecting the embargo, foijj
the purpose of pteventing the illegal de
partures of any ship or vessel, or of ro
utining; taking possession of, and keep
ing in custody any ship or vessel, or of
taking into custody and guarding, any
■specie, or articles of domestic giowth,
produce or manufacture, and also for the
purpose of preventing, and suppressing
any armed or riotous assemblage of per
sons, resistiug the custom house officers
in the exerciso of their duties, or in any
manner opposing the execution of the
laws laying an embargo, or otherwise
violating, or assisting and abetting viola
tion of tho same.”
We ask our readers to compare this
section with the Isi and sth sections of
the Revenue Collection Bill of-last ses
sion, and judge for themselves whether
equal power was not lodged in the demo
cratic Jefferson as has been placed in the
hands of our present Chief Magistrate.—
How did Somh Carolina act with regard
to the Embargo ? The following is taken
from the Natiooal Intelligencer, Jan. 2,
1809* .
"PaTRI tTISM OF TITE SOUTH.— -The
following ressolutions of south Carolina,
passed unanimously , demonstrate the no
ble spirit that animates all ranks in that
distinguish and Slate,” Ate.
Resolved, That the Legislature of this
State do etider to Congress now assenr
bled \\s full approbation of the measures
hitherto pursued by that honorable body,
particularly in the continuation of the
embargo and nonimportation acts, and
pledge their best support in carrying them
into execution.”
Hear also the pa riotic sons of Balti
more who so nobly replied in the last war
to the invaders of their country.
Fromsth Nat. Intelligencer, Fib 1 1809-
The Citizens of Baltimore have con
vened to the number of 5,000, and unan
imously passed resolutions of the highest
toned patriotism. After warmly appro
ving the Embargo and the measures ofthe
general government, they adopted the fol
lowing resolutions:
Resolved , That we hold in abhorrence,
and unworthy the name of Amet iicao cit
izen,any individual who,either in word or
deed, shall suggest or devise , any other
mode of altering or opposing the measures
of government, than is authorized and
permitted by the constitution and laws of
our conn try
* Resolved, That we should view with
horror, and resist to extremity, any at
tempt to dissolve the Union of those
States, the basis of our prospeiity.”
This is an important subject, and one
concerning which we are unwilling that
the people should be misled, and therefore
we stialll resume if to morrow and contin
ue our demonstration that the presses who
are so loud in their condemnation ofthe
President’s conduct are those who have
departed from the true Democratic Faith,
a faith which we have always endeavoted
to act up to,and which we shall make onr
Polar Star, uninfluenced by any seconda
ry considerations of Persons.
From the Savannah Georgian, April 18th.
In our remarks yesterday upon- the
“Act farther to provide for the collection
of duties on imports,” we showed by ex
tracts from the embargo Acts of 1807,
1808 and 1809, that equal power was re- 41
posed in the democratic Jefferson, .o en
force the embargo, as his been placed io
the bands of our present Chief Magistrate
by the act under consideration,to enforce
the collection of the Revenue. We re
ferred to thp votes of Cr&wlord, Milledge
Giles, Gaillard: and Sumter in the
Snnate. We have since stumbled upon
the yeas in the House on the Goal passage
of the Act the 9'h January, 1809, "To
enforce and make more effectual the Em
bargo Ac>s.” The votes were* yeas 71,
nays 32. The names of Troup, Macon,
/of N. C.) Eppes, (of V.) and other con
sistent Republican,coup ed with the name |
even of Calhoun,will be found supporting j
the Executive and the Nation in the eo- i
forcement of the laws. |
Ye is.—Messrs. Alexander, L. J./AU*t
ton, W. Alston, jr. Bacon, Bard, Barker,
Bassett, Bibb, Blackledge, jr. Blake,
Blount, jr. Boyd. Boyle, Browo, Butler,
.Calhoun, Clay, G. YV. Campbell, Clop
ton, Cutis, Deane, Desha, Eppes, Fisk
Franklin, Gholson, jr. Green, Heister,
Hot land, Holmes, Howard, Humphreys,
J G. Jackson, Johnson, Jones, Kenan,
Kirkpatrick* Lambert, Macon, Marion,
J. M-ntgomery, N. R. Moore, Jer. Mor
row, John Morrow, Nelson, Newbold,
Rhea, (Ten.) J. Richards, M. Richards,
Seaver, Shaw. Smilie, J. K. Smith, J.
Smith, Store* , Story, Tayjor.Troup, Van
Aden, Vet plank, Wbarsoo, Whitehill,
Wilbour, D* B. Williams, A. Wilson.
Winn.
We would now turn our atteotion to
■the language of the Jefferson Republicans
of 1808—to those patriots who upheld
t.ie democrats of 1801 and 1808 and 9 in
the maintenance and detence of the true
principles of oor Government. Hear
Wm. H. Crawford iu the Senate on the
question of the repeal of the Embargo
Law’ (Nov. 23.1808.)
Mr Crawford. “In commenting on
this part of the gentleman’s observations
it becomes proper to notice not an insin
uation but a positive declaration that the
secret intention of laying the Embargo
was to destroy commerce; and was in a
state of hostility to the avowed intention.
This certainly is a heavy charge. In a
government like this, we should act open
ly, honestly and candidly; the people
ought to know their situation and the
views of those who conduct their affairs.
It is the worst of poli'ical dishonesty to
adopt a measure, and offer that reasou as
a motive for it which is not the true sub
stantial one. The true and substantial
reasou for the embargo, the gentleman
says ho believes was to destroy commerce
and on its ruins to raise up domestic man
ufactures.”
"The last reason offered by the sup
porters of the present resolution, Mr.
Crawford said, may properly he said to
be ail argument in terrorem. The gen
tleman from Massachusetts says by way
of abstract proposition, that a persever
ance in a measure opposed to the feelings
and iuterests of the people may lead to
Opposition & insurrection but th#gentle
man from Connecticut uses the same ex
press ions as applicable to the embargo.
It may be a forcible with some
gentlemen, and most likely may have had
its effect ou those who intended by it to
produce an effect on others. But I trust
this House and this nation are not to be
addressed in this way. Oor understand
ings may be convinced by reason, but an
address to our fears ought to be treated
with contempt. If I were capable of
being actuated by motives of feat, I
should be unworthy the seat which 1 hojd
on this floor. If.the nation be satisfied
that any course is proper, it would be
base and degrading to be driveu fro., it
i)v tlie discordant murmurs of a minority.
YVe are cautioned to beware bow wo ex
ecute a measure With which the feelings
of the people are at war. I snould be the
last to peisist in a measure which injuri
ously affected the interests es the United
States; but no man feels more imperious*
ly the duty of {persevering in a course
which is right,notwithstanding the contra
ry opinion of a few; and although I may
regret and respect the feelings of those
few, I will persist in the course which l
believe to be right, at the expence even
of tlie government itself.”
Hear also the old Democrat and
stauuch State Rights man, (the Governor
Giles, of Virgiuia,) on the same ques
tion:—
Mr Giles, (Nov. 24, 1808):—“ When
I arrived hete, and found that this sub
ject had excited so much sensibility in
<he minds of many gentlemen I met with*
as to eugross their whole thoughts,and al
most tp banish eveiy other topic of con.
vorsuttou; 1 foil alsu a curiosity to know,
what were the horrible effects' of these
laws in other parts of the country, and
which had escaped my observation in the
part of the country in which I reside.
Os course, Sir, 1 have given ta the gen
tlemen, who have favored us with theii
observations on both sides'of the question
under consideration, the most cateful &
sespectful attention,, aud particularly to
the gentlemen lepreseming the eastern
section of the Union, where most of this
sensibility bad been excited. I always
listen to gentleman from that part of the
United Abates .. ith pleasuie,and general
ly i eceive instruction from them; but on
this occasion, I am reluctantly compelled
to acknowledge,that 1 have received from
them less satisfaction,and less information
than usual; and still less conviction.
“ft was hardly to have been expected
Mr President, that after so many angry
and turbulent passions bad been called
into action, by the recent agitations
throughout the whole United States, re
sulting from the elections by the people,
to almost all the important offices within
Jheir gift j and particularly from the elec
tions of electors for choosing the Presi
dent and Vice-President of tho United
States, that gentlemen would have met
here, perfectly exempt from the feelings,
which this state of things was naturally
calculated to inspire - Much less was it
to have been expected, Sir, that geatlo
men who had once possessed the power
of the nation, and who, from some cause
or other, had lost it ; (a loss, w.tich they
now tell us they but too well remember,
and .I fear, might have added, deeply de
plore,) gentlemen too, Sir, who at one
time during the electioneering scene, had
indulged the fond and delusive hope,
that through the privations necessarily
imposed upon our fellow-citizens, by the
unexampled aggressions of the belliger
ent powers, they might once
their way to office and power, and who
now find themselves disappointed in this
darling expectation. It was not at all
ot be expected, Sir, that these gentle
men should now appear here, perfectly
exempt from the unpleasant feelings,
which so dreadful a disappointment must
necessarily have produced. It was a de
mand upon human nature, groat
a sacrifice ; and however" desirable such j
an exemption might have been at the
present moment, and however bonerable
it would have been to tA»se gentlemen,
it was not expected.”
“The moment the privations,reluctantly
but necessarily improved oy those laws,
became to be lelt,was the moment of sig
nal to every political demagogue, who
wished to fiud his way to office and to
power, to excite the distrusts of the peo
! pie, and then to separate them trom the
government of their choice, by evory ex
aggeration, which ingeuuity could devise,
and every misrepresentation which false
hood could invent ; nothing was omit-
ted, which it wa9 conceived would have
a tendency tp effect this object. But,
Mr. Piesident, the people of the United
States must learn the lesson now, aad at
alt future times, of disrespecting the bo.d
and disingenuous charges and insinuations
of such aspiring demagogues.”
“ I presume tuai during the late elec
tioneering st eue, that every laborer and
mechanic in Pennsylvania, was told a
thousand times that he wa* ruined by the
embargo; but thirty thousand votes (ma
jority j have told these frantic, officious
dittui bers of the public quiet, in loud and
awful tones, how silly aud ridiculous they
consider the suggestion. The rcceut e
lections in most of the ether States, speak
the same emphatic language.”
“I am now approaching a part of this
subject, Mr President, which fills me
with regret., 1 know its iftlicacy, Sir,
and deeply regret the necessity which
impels the examination of it. It is how
ever rendered indispeusible’ perhaps,
by exterior events’, out certainly by obser
Nations made in the course of this debae.
I allude. Sir, to the execution of tho em
bargo laws; or, rather, Sir, to the sugges
ted incapacity of the government to en
force their observance. The gentleman
from Connecticut, [Mr ILllhouse] tolls us
directly, that the government has not the
power to enforce the execution of these
laws. The gentleman from Massacbu
se:ts, [Mr Lloyd] oven points out the
mode of resistance. He tells .ns they
may be resisted, first, by. town meetings,
then by petitions, then ny legislative res
htutions, and finally, by insurrection and
rebellion, [Mr Ltoyd rose to explain.
He said, "he did not say that this would
be the coutsa of even's. lie only stated
them, abstractly, as probable resnlts from
those laws.”] The gentleman is correct in
his statement. I inant to be understood
as sta'ing his observation in that way. It
cannot escape observation, however, Mr.
President, that this is tho practical pro
cess now going on in tho State the gentle
man has the honor to represent.
‘lt is submitted to the patriotism and
good sense of those gentlemen to deter- ,
mine, whether mentioning these circum
stances even in that way, may not have
some tendency to produce efl’ects, which
must be so much deprecated by all; and
permit me to hope Sir,by none mote than
by those gentlemen,& whether, Sir, they
are not calculated to keep up the delu
sions in foreign nations, which, I believe
in God, to be the principal causes of our
present embarrasmeots. Those circum
stances were the less to be expected from
the gentlemen, who a few years ago, ar
rogated 1,0 themselves the exclusive ap
pellation of lovers of order and good gov
ernment, whilst their political opponents
were denounced as anarchists and disor-
ganizors, and not even possessing virtue
and honesty enough to be trusted with the
public treasoiy. This, Sir, was an impo
sing appellauea; and a* long as its sincer
ity whs confided - in, it preserved these
geullmen iu the dominion of the United
States. , •
* It was hardly to have been excepted
that theso gentlemeo would now be found
the first to sound the alarm in favor of an
archy and confusiou ; nor was it to have
been expected Sir, that the eastern
States, which were the first to press the
constitution upon us, and which have
reaped a golden harvest from its opera
tions, should be the first to wish to ab
solve themselves from its sacred obliga
tions.
•But,Mr. President, I believe this gov
ernment does possess power sufficient to
enforce the embargo laws. The real
character of our government seems to be
entirely misunderstood by foreigners and
not fully appreciated by some of our own
citizens. It has all the strength of execu
tion, with the most despotic governments
upon eardi. It is aided, too, by the
knowledge of every citizen, that when its
will is pronounced it is the fair expres
sion of the will of the majority. The
checks of this government are exclusive-
iy upon i's deliberations , not upon its
powers of execution. So far from it, that
the constitution has expressly provided,
that tho government should possess all
means necessary and proper for execut
ing its specified powers. There is no
limitation, whatever, upon the means for
executing the general will, when fairly and
deliberately pronounced. Nothing could
be absurd more than to suppose, that af
ter so many checks bad been imposed up
on de liberation in pronouncing the pub
lic wilt,after that will was thus prouounc*
ed,that any means whatever,for its execn
tit ion should be withheld.
Again, Sir, the fundamental principal
of our government is, that the majority
governs. This principle is known and re
spected I>y every citizen, and by none
more than the people of Massachusetts.
They are taught to respect it ~ from the
cradle to manhood; First in their town
meetings—then in their legislature—and,
finally, in the general government. They
know too woll the fatal consequences of
resisting it. I have perfect confidence,
therefore, in the people of Massachusetts :
aud, if their electioneering leaders and
partizans, should unfortunately stimulate
soiuo of them into insurrection, I have m
doubt but that the militia of that State
when lawfully called on, will obey lit
call, and and will do their duty. Such
movement, would share ttie fate of a
similar attempts, wltiah have preceded it
and its only conseq tences would be, tli
its authors, as they would be the first
merit the fate, so they would become tl
first victims of it. But, Sir, I have b
little apprehension from these tbieats
insurrection and rebellion, for other ret
sons The peculiar interests of tl
people of Massachusetts, forbid tlie a
-tempt. A few leaders may, perbspt
postpone their interests to their love i
power ; but few, however, could enjo
the power under any new order of
aud the people at largo would soon tte
that their interests were sacrificed to th
indulgence of this infatuated ambition «
the few ” "These merchants too, tnrea
en you with insurrection and rcheHia
unless you yield implicit obedience t
their mabdates.
"Again, Sir, I have little apprehensloi
from tlieir threats, for the following rca
sons ; First, many of die individuals et
gaged in these excitements, I know ar
gentlemen of property and familie
They are therefore, now, in the enjoy
ment of every political and domestic blot
sing ; their infatuated passions to the cot
trary notwithstanding; f thing pertoi
of this description will pause, before the
hazard all these blessing*; and a moment
reflection will be sufficient to check the
career.”
The following remarks are those of N«
thaniei Macon in the House of Bepre
sentatiVes, on the 17th November, 1801
"I have been astonished to see so man
resolutions on the subject of
and none contemplating its entire comm
uance,” Ac. Shall the majority govern
or shall a few wicked and abandonc
men drive this nation from die giound
has taken?~-Is it come to this, that a lav
constitutionally enacted even after
formal decision in favor of iucopstiiotion
ality, cannot be enforced? Shall the ntt
don give way ip the opposition of a few
nnd those the most profligate purl of th
community ? 1 think tho stand we too
last year was a proper stand, and I at
for taking every mcn.suto for enablin
tho nation t<> maintain it ,” &c. “
should hot have made this motion at thi
time, had it not been for the petition jus
presented. When ( stand herft, sir
charged by a part of the cnmroutipy wit
being one of the enemies of the people
notwithstanding I ant w illing to commi
the petition, treating it ivi It that respec
which I conceive to be duo I* out i#u> the
parver . f any portion of the people, ]
wish my sentiments on tins sublect to bt
seen.”
"It is time for those who think the
Embargo a lawful mid proper measure tc
come forward aud declare it. No other
parson having ns yet thorrght proper to dr
i*, I have now done it. I bofiove the
Embargo whs right ; dint it was right tr
pass laws to enforce it: and believing this
I feel no hesitation iu avowing it.”
Hear Mr. Macon again on the 19th o
January, 1809 :
" A great deal has been said about re
pealing the embargo, to put an end to dis
contents. Let gentlemen beware of it,
lest in trying to ideate every body, they
please.no body. Let ns do what is right;
.that is tho only ground for us to take.-
YVhenever we begin to temporize, that
principle is abandoned. 1 disagree with
the gentleman from Tennessee as to tho
expediency of continuing (be embargo. I
do not believe that it would bo inexpedi
ent to try it beyond May. 1 believe we
ought to try it, till September. This is my
opinion.” **l n6ver voted fur it as a por
inaneut measure ; but my opiuion was, as
I stated, that it might be uecessary to
hold on to it for one, two or three years.
I mighr be*wrong ; but this was my opin
ion then, and I have not changed it.”-
"When gentlemen from the eastern states,
say, that the people there are tired of it,
perhaps they speak correctly, As to alt
he talk of insurrections, and disunions, it
has no effect on me."
We would now call the reader’s atten
tion to the emphatic and strong language
of our own Troup, pronounced in the
same body on Feb Ist, 1809-
Mr. Tnoup. “We hear of insurrections
in the Eastern section of the Union. We
hear of what is called constitutional oppo
sition to the laws j of constitutional and
unconstitutional bodies for the express
purpose of declaring the unconstitutional
ity of tbe laws, and encouraging violent
resistance and opposition to them ; and
yet, Sir, you determine to repeal your
embargo ! It is not, therefore, at the
foreign hostility with which we are mena
ced, nor yet tbe disturbance of domestic
tranquility with which we are threatened,
that I feel the least uneasiness. lam
only seriously concerned for fear that this
yielding , this concession (if it be only con
jectured to be a concession) to a domestic
faction oj any description, will end in the
destruction of your Constitution and the
ruin of your Government. It will be evi
dent and incontestible—and it must grieve
every man to think of it who values tho
liboriies of his country—that your Con
stitution is not strong enough to stand the
rude shock of faction. Gentlemen will
not give themselves time to think serious
ly.” ‘lf you are threatened with war at
home and abroad, the best inode of avoid
ing both is a vigorous repression of oppo
sition at home, and a direct resistance of
hostility from abroad. If geotlemen con
sider this government in the nature of it
to be a weak government, they'are mista
ken. It is the strongest government on
earth, both for peace or for war. The
great fundamental principle , on which all
political institutions are built is that of
obedience to the law. 11 is tbe fundamen
tal principle of your government, that the
will of the majority shall govern ; and,
that this wilt, when expressed, shall be ex
ecuted, even at tbe expense of all tbe mi
nority who stand up in opposition to ths