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T H E C 0 U 111 ER,
By J. G. M ’Whor(er.
TERMS.
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SHERIFFS, CLERKS,'mid other public officers, will
avn 25 per cent deducted iu their favor. •
Extract from Governor M’Duffie’s Message,
continued.
If the benevolent friends of the black
race would compare the condition of that
portion of tin nr which we hold in servi
tude, with that which still remains in Af
rica, totally unblessed by trie lights of ci
vilization or christii nity, and equally des
titute of hope and of happiness, they would
then be able to form some tolerable esti
mate of what our blacks have lost by
slavery in America, and what they would
gain by freedom in Africa. Greatly as
their condition has been improved, by
their subjection to an enlightened and
Christian people, (the only mode under
heaven by which it could have been ac
complished.) they are yet wholly unpre
pared for any thing like a rational system
ofself government. Emancipation would
be a positive curse depriving them of a
guardianship essential to their happiness,
and they may well say in the language ol
the Spanish proverb, “save us iffim ot.r
friends and we will take care of ■
mies.” If emancipated, uh* r v. ■ i ,
live, and what would be their condition?
The idea of their remaining among us is
utterly visionary. Amalgamation is ab
honnt io every sentiment of nature; and
it they rt main as a separate caste, whether
endowed with equal privileges or not,
they wdl become our masters or we must
resume the mastery over them. This
state of political amalgamation andconflict
which the abolitionists evidently aim to
produce, would be the most hcriible con
dition imaginable, and would furnish
Dante or Milton with the type for another
chapter illustrating the horrors ol the in
fernal regions. The only disposition
therefore, that could be made of our eman
cipated slnvfs, would be their transporta
tion to Africa to exterminate the natives
or be exterminated by them; contingen
cies, either of which may serve to illustrate
the wisdom, if r.ot the philanthropy of
those super-serviceable madmen, who in
the name of humanity would desolate the
fairest region of the earth, and destroy the
most perfect system of social and political
happiness that ever has existed. It is
perfectly evident that the destiny of the
negro race is either the worst possible
form of political slavery, or domestic ser
vitude as it exists in the slave holding
states.
The advantage of domestic slavery over
the most favorable condition of political
slavery, does not adgiit of a question. It
is the obvious interest of the master, not
less than his duty, to provide comfortable
food and clothing for his slaves ; and what
ever false and exaggerated stories may be
propagated by mercenary travellers who
make a trade of exchanging calumny for
hospitality, the peasantry and operatives
of no country in the world are better pro
vided for in these respects, than the slaves
of our country. In the single empire of
Great Britain, the most free and enlight
ened nation in Europe, there are more
' wretched paupers and half starving ope
ratives, than there are negro slaves in the
United States. In all respects, the com
forts of our slaves are greatly superior to
v thosd of the English operatives, or the
Irish and Continental peasantry, to say
nothing of the millions of paupers ciowd
ed together in those loathsome receptacles
of starving humanity, the public poor
houses. Beside the hardship of inces
sant toil, too much almost for human na
ture to endure, arid the sufferings of actual
want driving them almost to despair, these
misera.b e creatures are perpetually an
noyed by the most distressing cares for
the futurecondition of themselves and their
children.
From this excess of labor, this actual
want and these d.stressing cares, our
slaves are entirely exempted They hab
itually labour from two to four hours a
day less than the operatives in other coun
tries, and it has been truly remarked by
some writer, that a negro cannot be made
to injure himself by excessive labor. It
may be safely affirmed that they usually
eat as much wholesome and substantial i
food jn one day as English operatives or
Irish peasants eat in two. And as re
gards concern for the future, their condi
tion may well be envied even by their own
masters. There is not u pon the face of
the eaith, any class of people,.high or low,
*o perfectly free from care and anxiety'
They know that their masters will p rj .
vide for them, under all circumstance*,
and that in the extremity of old age, instead
of being driven to beggary or to seek pub
lic charity in a poor house, they will be
comfortably accommodated and kindly
treated among their relatives and associ
ates. Cato the elder has been regarded
as a model of Roman virtue, and yet he is
said to have sold his superannuated slaves
to avoid the expense of maintaining them.
The citizens of this St ite may not asnire
to riyal the virtue of the R men
may be safely affirmed that tl.e U( |
doom to execration that master \\ ho should
imitate the inhuman example of the Ro
man paragon. The government of oqr
slaves is strictly pat rareha I, and produ
ces those mutual feelings of kindness on
the part of the master and fidelity and at
tachment on the* part of the slave, which
®an only result from a constant inter- ’
change of good eflices, and which can on- !
|y exist in a system of domestic or patri- j
archal slavery. They are entirely un
known either .in a state of political slavery,
or in that form of domestic servitude
which exists in all other communities.
In a word, our slaves are cheerful,
contented and happy, much beyond the
general condition of the human race, ex
cept where those foreign intruders and fa
tal ministers of mischief, the emancipa
tionists, like their arch prototype in the
garden of Eden, and actuated by no less
envy, have tempted them to aspire above
the condition to which they have been as
signed in the order of Providence.
Nor can it be admitted, as some of our
statesmen have affirmed, in a mischievous
and misguided spirit of sickly sentimen
tality, that our system of domestic slavery
■is a curse to the white population —a mor
tal and political evil, much to be deplored,
but incapable of being eradicated. Let
the tree bejudged by its fruit. More than
half a century ago, one of the most en
lightened statesmen who ever illustrated
the parliamentary annals of Great Bri
tain, looking into political causes, with an
eye of profound philosophy, ascribed the
high and indomitable spirit of liberty
which distinguishedtheSouthern colonies,
to the existence of domestic slavery ; re
ferring to the example of the free states of
antiquity as a confiimation of his theory.
I Since those colonies have become inde-
I pendent states, they have amply sustained
the glory of their primitive character.
There is no coloring of national vanity in
the assertion, which impartial history will
not ratify, that the principles of rational
liberty are not less thoroughly understood,
end have been more vigilantly, resolutely
land effectively defended against ail the
I e ;c : x ■ aments of power, by the slave-hol
g .tcs, than by any other members of
tne confederacy. In which of our great
political conflicts is it, that they have not
been arrayed against every form of usur
pation, and fighting under the flag of lib
i erty? Indeed, it is a fact of historical noto
' rity, that those great whig principles of
liberty, by which government is restrain
ed within constitutional limits, have had
their origin, and for a longtime had their
only abiding place, in -the slaveholding
states..
Reason and philosophy can explain
what experience so clearly testifies. If
l we look into the elements of which all po
litical communities arc composed, it will
be found that servitude in some form, is
one of the essential constituents.
No community ever has existed with
out it, and we may confidently assert, none
ever wil l . In the very nature of things
there must be classes of persons to dis
charge all the differeni offices of society
from the highest to the lowest. Some of
these offices are regarded as degrading,
though they must and will be performed.
Hence those manifold forms ofdepend
ent servitude which produce a sense of
superiority in the masters or employers,
and of inferioiity on the pait of the serv
ants. Where these offices are performed
) by members of the political community, a
! a dangerous element is obviously introdu
jeed into the body politic. Hence the a-
I firming tendency to violate the rights of
property, by agrarian legislation, which
is beginning to be manifest in the older
states, where universal suffrage prevails
without domestic slavery,—A tendency
l that will increase in the ptogress of socie
I ty, with the increasing inequality of
i wealth. No government is worthy the
, name that docs not ported the rights of
; property, and no enlightened people will
■ long submit to such a mockery. Hence
) it is that in older count! it s, different polit
j ical orders are established to effect this in-
dispensible object and it will be fortunate
■ for the non-slaveholding states, if they are
not, in less than a quarter of a century,
driven to the adoption of a similar institu
tion, or to take refuge from robbery and
■ anarchy, under a military despotism.
i But where the menial offices and de-
■ pendent employments of society are per
| formed by domestic slaves, a class well
defined by their political body, the right of
property are perfectly secure, without the
establishment of artficial barriers. Ina
word, the institutions of domestic slavery
supesedesthe necessity of an order of no
bility and all the other appendages, of a
hereditary system of government. Hour
slaves were emancipated and admitted,
bleached or unbleached, to an equal parti
cipation in our political privileges, what
a commentary should we furnish upon
the doctrines of the emancipationists, and
what a revolting spectacle of republican
equality should we exhibit to the mockery
iof the world! No rational man would
consent to live in such a state of society, if
he could find a refuge in any other.
Domestic slavery, therefore, instead of
being a political evil, is the corner stone ■
cf our republican edifice. No patriot
who justly estimates our privileges will
tolerate the idea of emancipation, at any
period however remote, or on any condi
tions of pecuniary advantage, however
favorable. 1 would as soon think of the
opening a negotiation for selling the
liberty of the state at once, as for
making any stipulations for the ultimate
emancipation ofo'ur skives. So deep is my
convieii on on the subject, that if I were
doomed io die immediately after recording
taese sentiments; I coul i say in all sincer’-
, ity and patriohsm, “God f or b;j t | iat m y
descendants, in the remotest generations
shou.d live in any ovl ler t| ian a communi
ty .1; vin.'. r the institution ofdomestic slave
■\, as i-• A.’s.e i among thy patriarchs of
Unurch, and in all the free )
-jt> .> ci antiquity.'’
If the Legislature should concur in'
these general views of this important ele
ment of our political and social system,our I
confederates should be distinctly informed ;
la any communications we may have oc- ■
casion to make to thenx, that in claiming i
to be exempted Iroln all foreign interfer-1
ence, we can recognise no distinction be
tween ultimate and immediate emancipa
tion.
It becomes necessary, in order to ascer
tain the extent of our danger,and the meas
ures of precaution necessary to guard a
gainst it, that we examine into the real
motives and ultimate purposes of the abo- '
lition Societies and their prominent agents
To justify their officious and gratuitous
interference in our domestic affairs—the
most insulting and insolent outrage which
can be offered to a com mu nity—they pro
fess to hold themselves responsible for the
pretended sin of our domestic slavery, be
cause forsooth they tolerate its existence
among us. If they are at all responsible
for the sin ofslavery, whatever that may
be, it is not because they tolerate it now,
but because their ancestors were the a
gents and authors of its original introduc
tion.
These ancestors sold ours the slaves
and warranted the title, and it would be a
more becoming labor of filial piety for I
their descendants, to pray for their souls,
if they are protestants, and buy masses to
redeem them from purgatory, if they are .
Catholics, than to assail their warranty
; and slander their memory by denouncing
{them as “manstealers and murderers.”
I But this voluntary and gratuitous assump
i tion of responsibility, in imitation of a re
cent and high example in our history, but
imperfectly conceals a lurking principle
of danger, which deserves to be examined
j and exposed. What is there to make the
people of New York or Massachnsstts re
sponsible for slavery in South Carolina,
any more than the people ofGreat Britain?
To assume that the people of these States
are responsible for the continuance of this
institution, is distinctly to assume thatthey
have a right to abolish it: and whatever
enforced disclaimers they may make, their
I efforts would be worse than unprofitable
■on any other hypothesis. The folly of
attempting to convert the slave holders to
voluntary emancipation by a course of
slander and denunciation, is too great to
be ascribed even to fanaticism itself. They
do not, indeed, disguise the fact that their
; principal object is to operate on public o-
■ pinion in the non slaveholding states,
i And to what purpose? They cannot
suppose th. t the opinion of these states
however unanimous, can break the chains
iof slavery by some moral magic. The
! whole tenor of their conduct and temper
of their discussions, clearly demost rate, I
■ that their object is to bring the slavehold
! ing states into universal odium and the
j public opinion of the non-slaveholding '
i states to the point of emanciptaing our i
slaves by federal legislation, without the ;
consent o.ftheir owners. Disguise it as
; they may, “to this complexion it must
! come at last.”
It is in this aspect of the subject that it
challenges our grave and solemn consid
eration. It behoves us, therein my opin
ion, to demand, respectfully, of each and
every one of the slaveholding states. 1. I
I A formal andsolemn disclaimer, by its Le
; gislature, of the existence of any rightful
, power, either in such State or the United
! States in Congress assembled, to interfere
’ in any manner whatever, with the institu
tion ofdomestic slavery in South Caroli
| na, 2. The immediate passage of penal
i laws by such legislatures, denouncing a-
I gainst the incendiaries of whom we com
: plain, such punishments as will speedily
I and forever suppress their machinations
■ against our peace and safety.
Though the right to emancipate our
; slaves, by coercive legislation, has been
I very generally disclaimed by popular as
! semblages in the non-slaveholding states,
it is nevertheless important that each of.
those states should give this disclaimer i
the authentic and authoritative form ot a '
legislative declaration, to be preserved as
a permanent record for our future security.
Our right to demand of those states the
'enactment of laws for the punishment of'
those enemies of our peace, who avail
themselves cf the sanctuary of their sover-'
’ eign jurisdiction to wage a war of exter- '
mination against us, is founded on one of I
the most salutary and conservative princi- '
! pies of international law. Every state is
under the most sacred obligations, not on
ly to abstain from all such interference
with the institutions of another as is cal- ;
. culated to disturb its tranquility or endan-
■ ger its safety, but to prevent its citizens or
subjects from such interference, either by !
inflicting condign punishment.itself, or by
delivering them upto the justice of the of
fended community. As between separa- I
rate and independent nations the refusal !
of a state to punish these offensive proceed
ings against another, by its citizens or
subjects, makes the state so refusing an
accomplice in the outrage, and furnishes
a just cause-of war. Thtse principles of
international law are universally admitted, |
and none have been more sacredly observ- I
ed by just and enlightened nations. The '
obligations of the non-slaveholding states ;
to punish and repress the hostile proceed
ings of their citizens against our domestic
institutions and tranquility, are greatly in
creased both by the nature of those pro
ceedings and the fraternal relation which
subsists between the states of this confed
eracy. For no outrage against any com- :
munity can be greater than to stir up the '
elements of servile insurrection, and no '
obligation to repress it can be more sa- 1
cred, than that which adds to the sanc
tions of international law the solemn guar
antee of a constitutional compact, which
is at once the bond and the condition of 1
our union. The liberal, enlightened and '
magnanimous conduct of the people in ma- *
ny portions of the non-slaveholding states, j
forbids us to anticipate a refusal on the part
of those states to fulfil these high obiima- '
lions of national faith and duty. And 1
we have the less reason to look forward
to this inauspicious result, from consider- <
ing the necessary consequences which ]
would follow, to the people of those states 11
and of the whole commercial world, from h
the genera! emancipation of our slaves, f
These consequences may be presented, as •
an irresistible appeal, to every rational
philanthropist in Europe or America. It
is clearly demonstrable that the produc
tion of cotton depends not so much on soil
and climate as on the existence ofdomes
tic slavery. In the relaxing latitudes
I where it grows, notone half the quantity
would be produced, but for the existence j
of this institution, and every practical plan-;
ter will concur in the opinion, that if all
the slaves in these states were now eman
cipated, the American crop would be re
duced, the very next year, from 1,200,000,
■to 600,000 bales. No great skill in polit-
■ ical economy will be required to estimate
how enormously the price of cotton would j
be increased by this change, and no one
; who will consider how largely this staple
contributes to the wealth of manufactur
ing nations, and to the necessaries and
comforts of the poorer classes all over the
world, can fail to perceive the disastrous |
effects of so great a reduction in the quan- ■
.tity and so great an enhancement in the,
price of it. In Great Britain, France,)
and the United States, the catastrophe
would be overwhelming, and it is not ex-;
travagant to say that for little more than i
two. millions of negro slaves, cut loose
■ from their tranquil mooringsand set adrift
upon the untried ocean of at least a doubt
ful experiment, ten millions of poor white
people would be reduced to destitution,
pauperism and starvation. An anxious
desire to avoid the last sad alternative of
an injured community, prompts this final
appeal to the interests and enlightened
I philanthropy of our confederate States,
j And we cannot permit ourselves io be
lieve, that our just demands, thus sup
ported by every consideration ol humani
ty and duty, will be rejected by States,
who are united to us by so many social
and political lies, and who have so deep
'an interest in the preservation of that
'i Union.
APPLYING AT THIS OFFICE.
I We cannot refuse a friend the favor cf
attending to the little commissions impos
ed on us by the “apply at this office;”
. but it is frequently extremely annoying,
land much ot our time is occupied in an
swering questions—some times it is worth
more than five times the worth of the ad
vertisement. Some want, to sell Bank
stocks, others plantations; others wish
fora situation as an overseer, and others
■ want an overseer A. wants a good
I cook, and Mr. B. an ironer--C. wants a
dry nurse and D. wet one—E. F. G. and
H. either want situations as Barkeepers
lor some other office, where there is a
j plenty to eat and drink and but little work;
land there appears to be a great antipathy
I to letting the public know their wants a
) mong them all; yet somehow, unaccoun
tably to us, they appear to think that what
they wish to get rid of as inconvenient
and troublesome to them is a matter of
perfect pleasure to an Editor.
i
To be interrupted is one’s business with
questions about which one fsels no inter
est—to have a whole train of ideas run
ning rapidly along, like the cars upon a
rail road with steam up, not only sudden
ly checked, but turned topsy turvy com
pletely off the track, particularly v hen the
late of the nation is dependent upon the
particular turn of the period, it is not onljr
inconvenient to the Editor, but productive
of an irreparable loss to the world ! If
applicants would only ask the naincofthe
advertiser simply, and go about their busi
ness, it would be no great thing to mind;
but when we have to reply to the thousand
and one questions which are asked, it be
comes a very serious n alter. If it is Bank
stock that is wanted, we must tell all a
hout the last dividend, and and give
our opinion as to the next; price at New
ork,
tell where it lieshow many acres are in
cultivation,the growth; the negroes.young
or old—the slock and how many feet un
der high water mark, or low waler mark,
as the case may be, [fa cook, all about
her character and qualifications, and if a
wet nurse *******■»*#**#.
—this article isgetting tobe too long. We
do wish, therefore, in conclusion, and we !
ask it as a favor, that our advertising
friends would either put their own names
to their advertisements, or refer to their
commission merchants, whose proper duty
it is, to attend to this kind of business. It
affords us much pleasure to accommodate
our friends at any and at all times,
and if it were only occasionally that we
were called upon, we would not have giv
en utterance to a single groan, but it has
become so common, that it occupies abso
lutely more ofour time,than wecan spare
and attend to our business.— Natchez
Jour.
We stated in our last week’s paper that
John Ross and a gentleman from the
North had been arrested by the Georgia
Guard. We .then expressed some doubts
of the correctness of tbe report, particular
ly in relation to the charges prefered a
gainst them. Since our former commu
nication we have received correct infor
mation relative to the matter. There was
no positive evidence of their exciting the
Indians and Negroes to the commission'
of hostilities; from which circumstance:
they released Ross; but still contnue to
hol'd in custody the Gentleman of the
North, whose name we learn, is Payne.
He is now preparing a work for publica
tion, in which he traduces the President
of the United States and tbe commission
ers of the government appointed to treat
with the Cherokees. The Georgia Guard
he terms a band of robbers, who are plac
ed among the Indians for the destruction
oftheir liberties and property.
We guess it will be a fortunate escape
of Mr. Payne if he is dismissed withouta
passport from Judge Lynch.
but his being the author of “Sweet home” !
will shield him from the just indignation
of the.Guard.— Cassville Pioneer.
AUGUSTA,
WKDMESDAY, DECEMBER g.
The Reply of the Rev. Mr. Moderwel to a
Pamphlet by Charles J. Jenkins, has been in our
hands for two weeks. It will be forthcoming
as soon as possible. The difficulty of getting
additional assistance at this busy period of our
office, has delayed the publication, and ill-health
in the Author prevented its composition as ear
ly as he had wished.
Don’t forget the Benefit To-night, of the
young But. kleys and Lee. They will be bucks
of the first water, if they live. The first style of
equestrian exercises, it will be seen, maybe ex
pected ; and Downie, we suppose, has been
down so often with his jukes, that he has run
out, and Bancker will give you a bank of them.
Stoudt will be still stouter, and may, for ought
we know, eat the anvil he usually holds in his
teeth. Mr. Sweet is a sweet fellow on the light
rope, and Andreas is very careful the rope
shall be slack, when he hangs himself.—B”t go
and see—that is, if you can get in.
It would be a curious compilation to collect
and publish the various insulting and disparag
ing expressions, which the Nullifiers have used
in regard to the Union Party so long as the fate
of the bill establishing a Court of Errors was
dubious; but the moment it is passed, they cry
out, Oh! we did it—we gave the State this Court
—Give us for our reward one of the Judges on
the Bench ! This has been particularly the
language and course of the Sentinel. W e leave
it to any honorable mind, what consideration
should be given to snch pretensions. They
have insultingly and with low-bred derisk n,
claimed all the talent and all the decency of the
profession; and now come whining about our
magnanimity, and ask for one seat on the new
Bench —alleging for a show of reason that t/uy
gave the State this Court. They dared not vote
otherwise. If they had dared to do so, they
would have risked the consequences, because
they knew they had not, on their own princi
ples and practice, the slightest reason to expect
a participation in its honors, and would have
opposed it, merely because their opponents had
it in their power to confine its emoluments to
themselves. They found that such a course"
besides its dishonor,-would not be popular and
after failing to bargain tor any thing, and with
hypocritical candor confessing that in similar
circumstances they would give us nothing,
they suddenly throw themselves on our magna
nimity, and plead to the mercy of the Court,
How much they deserve at our hands, we shall
not say ; but the least favor granted them; will
be more than they deserve.
LEGISLATURE.
The bill establishing the Court of Errors, we
omitted to mention, extends the term of office
for Judges of the Superior Court to four years.
Among the projects from this city, one is to
obtain a charter for an Importing Company. If
this is the beginning of wholesale establish
ments, we welcome it, as in accordance with
views, which we have for years endeavored to
press on our merchants of capital. Our re
marks on this subject cannot be forgotten, and
we therefore do not repeat them. It is the only
way to recall the trade which has gone else
where.
General Walker introduced a bill in the
Senate to incorporate the Georgia Insurance
and Trust Company.
The bills have passed, to amend the acts in
corporating the city of Augusta, and to confirm
the titles to the Commons in the City Council.
Mr. Schley has reported a bill to increase the
stock of the Mechanics Bank of this city 600 -000
dollars.
The bill passed to amend the act giving me
chanic# a lien on the buildings erected by them,
in Savannah, Augusta, Macon, and Columbus,
so as to render it unnecessary’ for such mechan
ics to record sums under S3O, and to allow them
to refrain from suing for twelve months, instead
of-six, without forleitting their liens.
In Mississippi David Dixon and T. 11. Clai
borne are chosen to Congress; and Charles C.
Mayson, formerly of this neighborhood, is elect
ed State Treasurer. We have already an
nounced the election of Judge Lynch, as Gover
nor—a name, that has for some months past
been very popular in that quarter.
A Canal round the Falls oj Niagara.— From
a circular drawn up by a committee in Oswego,
it would seem that survey of the route has been
made, during the past session, under the autho
ity of the General government, which establish
es the complete practicability of the work; and
accordingly, memorials are to be addressed to
Congress at the approaching session, asking
their aid towards its accomplishment.
Judge Martin is expected to be appointed by
the Governor of Louisiana, U. S. Senator, in
place of Mr. Gayane, resigned from bad
health.
Judiciary Bill. — Tib: Bill to reform and a
mend the Judiciary System of the State, now
before the Legislature of S. C. provides, that
the Act establishing the Court of Appeals, be
repealed—that two additional Chancellors, and
one additional Ciicuit Law Judge, be elected—
that the Law Judges and Chancellors shall meet
and sit, as a Court of Appeals, at Columbia, on
the 4th Monday in November, and the 3d Mon
day in July, for 4 weeks each term, if so much
be necessary; andat Charleston, on the Ist Mon
day in January, for three weeks, and on the 4th
Monday in April, for 5 weeks, if so much be
necessary —provided a majority of Law Judges,
and a majority of Chancellors, shall be necessa
ry to constitute the Court and provided the
Judge or Chancellor trying the cause, at Cir
cuit, shall have no vote on the Appeal--that the
Chancellorsand Law Judges hereafter to be el
ected, shall each receive annually 53,000 —oth-
er sections of the bill arrange the State into six
Circuits,and prescribe the times at which Courts
of Law and Equity shall beheld for the differ
ent districts of the State, giving two equity and
two law terms usually to each district.
Constitution-mending.— The South Carolina
Legislature have before them two propositions,
changing the constitution—one altering the
tenure of office of Judges from life to ten years
—the other rendering Governors eligible a se
cond term of two years, instead of excluding
them, after two years service, for the next four.
The matter is under discussion in Boston,
whether that city shall subscribe $2,000,000 to
the stock of the Boston and Albany rail road.
We notice from a catalogue of students in
the University of Virginia, that the whole num
ber in the College on the first of this month was
237. Os these, we observe that there are eleven
from Georgia, eleven from Alabama, 14 froni
South Carolina, and one from Florida.
The Baltimore American says: “ Informa
; tion was received here yesterday, that the trial
! of Messrs. E. and S. Poultney and W. M. Elli
cott (upon an indictment or indictments found
ed on the transactions of the" Bank of Mary
land) was brought to a close on Monday night,
when the jury, in a few minutes, returned a
| verdict of acquittal.
LATE FROM MEXICO.
The ship Montezuma, arrived at New Yofk,
on the 23d ult. from Vera Cruz, brings advices
from Mexico to the Ist ult. inclusive.
The New York Commercial Advertiser says
—“ The tidings of the recent movements in
Texas had reached the capitol, and as was tobe
expected, had produced a great excitement.
The most energetic measures were resorted to
without a moment’s delay, and there is every
j appearance that we shall soon hear of serious
i doings in the revolted province. A strong feel
’ ing of ill will and suspicion against the Ameri-
I cans resident in Mexico, were aroused, and
apprehensions were entertained of injury to
their persone and property. A large number of
commission for privateers— the account says
five hundred —had been received at Vera CUtz
to be given out as occasion might require. The
archbishop of Mexico and the bishop cf Puebla
had undertaken to lurnishthe government with
a million of dollars to carry on the war.
[This is the most important movement of the
whole, fort he government is notoriously afflict-
I ed with extreme’poverty.)
A division of two thousand infantry had Seen
ordered to assemble at Matamoras, and three
hundred cavalry under Gen. Montezuma hadbe*
gun their march to Monteury in Texas. It was
said that Gen. Sanla Anna himself would pro
ceed thither and take the chief command.
The new constitution had been adopted by
congress and proclaimed. Some opposition
was made, but without effect.”
LATEST FROM MEXICO.
Ex-lracl of a letter receivedin Washing
ton city, doled “Vera Cruz, Nov. 6, 1835
“This country is in a bad situation.
They have shut the poU (of Vera Cruz)
and allowed no vessels to leave for several
days past. Thej’ have been embarking
ammunition to Texas. They are (I am
told) collecting troops in the interior like
wise for Texas, and if they send them, this
part of the country will be worse off, if
possible,than it has been since they revolt
ed from Spain. The North Americana
are very much disliked, especially since
Texas has taken the steps which she has.
I have had some opportunity of knowing
the character ofthis people, having been
among them eight months.”
In order to show the immensity of the
trade of the West and particularly of
Cincmnalq the following extract is made
in the report from an article on the Sub- 1
ject by John S. Williams, Esq. Civil En 4
gineer.
“ Add to a domrrtercial, our manufactu
ring character, and a connexion with us
will appear still more impoit:nt. Wd
manufacture almost every American arti
cle that the South East wants, and which
we would gladly barter for merchandise
taken by her in commercial transactions
with the Eastern States and Europe.
We have upwards of fifteen steam en
gines, and much water power, in effective
operation —Our steam engines rate from
five to three hundred horse power each<
They do almost every thing that the gen
ius of man has y-1 done by steam on land,
and are equal to the task of at least twen
ty thousand men. Weare manufacturing
I this Summer, one hundred and eleven
steam engines, and about twenty sugar
mills; the engines mostly very large, and
many of the largest class. The manufac 4
ture of these takes most of the power of
ten of the smaller class of our engines.
Three more are in part, employed in the"
manufacture of Cotton Gins. This ts a
new branch of manufacture among us,’
just springing into importance When
the above thirteen engines are deducted,-
we ha"e all our large, and some smallei'
one, numbering about forty, doing every
thing which that useful pouer can, to aid
the labor of man. Weare not, moreover,
behind other cities in the preference of la
bor that takes the almost unaided human
sinew to perform. Os this class is ship
building. The tonage that our ship yards
a re about to get afloat this season, amounts
to 5,452, tons, in twenty-five boats, from
93 to 512 tons burthen each. This is not
mentioned as forming any part ofour sub
ject, farther than the business and impor
tance of our city is connected with it.”
MARIN if INTELLIGENCE.
SAVANNAH, Nov. 30—Arr. Ship Othello
from Wiscassett; sch. Marion from Baltimore;
ship Congress from New York; brig Sea Island
from Boston; schr. Albion from New Castle
(Me.:) steamboat Caledonia from August'*;
steamboat Wm. Seabrook Irom Charles' .;
poleboat Mary from Augusta; poleboat Lafay
ette do.
Nov. 28 —Arr. Ship Belle from New York ;
brig Georgia from New York; brig New Hano
ver from Philadelphia; schr. Vista from Bostonj
steamboat Cherokee from Angusta; steamboat
John T. Lamar from Darien; poleboat Star from
Augusta; towboat No, 15 from Darien.
■"UATR RIED,
In Charleston, on Wednesday the 25th inst,
Mr. James H. R. Washington, of Milledgeville,
(Ga.j to Miss Mary Ann, daughter of Col S.
Hammond, of Beach Island.
SEXTON’S REPORT.
Interments in the City of Augusta for the
Month of November 1835.
Whites, 3
Blacks, 7
Total, • 10
LEWISKUN ZE, Sexton.
We are authorized to announce WM.
KENNEDY a candidate for Tax Collector of
Richmond county, at the election in January
next.
Dec 2 td 143
WE are authorized to announce WIL
LIAM O. EVE as a candidate for the office
of Tax Collector, at the election in January
next.