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T tl K COL 7 K I ER,
By J . G. M’h Ijorter.
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From Ihe Hive.
GOV. McDUFFIE’S MESSAGE.
, We cannot permit so lengthy and pithy
a document, v as his Excellency’s late mes
sage, to go before the public without at
least some passing remarks.
The first paragraph containing some
twenty,lines of small letter, consists of an
in-vtirarian to the servants of the people
to‘ : ofit r their united homage and pro
fund gratitude to the great author of
the u<+iverse dor the signal manifestation
of hits favor—for the high and palmy state,
of temporal prosperity achieved by the
htfQic firmness of the people of South Car
olina.
Now with ail due deference to his Ex
cellency's superior tact in inditing a pop
ular message, neihink the cause of brev
ity, at least, would have better subserved,
ifthis exordium of twenty lines had been
condensed into the following words:
Thank God for what the Nut lifters have
done.
. And indeed his Excellency has a right
to feel thankful on the occaSsion; for
when his health became so precarious as
to require the vacation of his representa
tiveseatin Congress “by the heroic, firm
ness of the people of South Carolina!” he
was raised to the gubernatorial chair in a
climate moral constitution. “Now” says
his Excellency, “that the stormy elements
ofparty contention have passed away and
our fellow citizens of every denomination,
religious or political are united as one
man,” &c.“il may not be be unprofitableto
recur briefly to seine of the subjects invol
ved in our recent controversy with the Fed
eral Government”—“more with the view,
continues his Excellency,” “to the regu
lation of our future conduct, than to cen
sure or praise transactions thatare past.”
* It realty appears to us that the Execu
tive of South Carolina is quarrelling with
the Federal Government in the very nar
rative he is giving of past quarrels! It
would he somewhat invidious to the whole
message to attempt the proof of his posi
tion by quoting parts: but take the follow
ing language as a specimen of ex
isting harmony and good faith. ‘‘The
existing auspices, beyond all question are
fearfully unpropitious. The Chief Mag
istrate of our imperial in republic, is at this
moment more despotic power than either
the King of Great Britain of the King of
France.”
.But will his Excellency condescend to
instruct the people at what the these
propeuiotks clouds, pregnant with “the ele
ments ol party suite” cleared away, and
the seven-fold thunders of partv rage ceas
ed to grate upon the ear? Was it after
the famous tariff compromise, exultingly
alluded to, betwee n the fathers of piotec
tion and of nullification,—when the de
precated woolens Bill” savored Uss oi
fensively for ten prospective years? No
-—it was subsequent to that auspicious era
of political pacification whe n the Republi
can Legislature of South Carolina gave
birth ton Bill of Treason, and acted out
the “Military Bill,” and Oath of Allegi
ance ol her anti tariff Convention !!
And how astounding io the uninitiated
in the mysteries of political farce must ap
pearthe strange co incidence that the abo
lition excitement should succeed the ad
justment o thetarill and the compromis
ing of the elements of domestic strife with
the precision ofan astronomical predic
tion.
And for what purpose were the- stormy
elements of party contention merged in
the halcyon of South Carolina? Let
his Excellency, who is most competent,
answer the question—“that it was not un
profitable to recur to subjects of controver
sy with the federal Government * * •
Sod see whether the people of the United
States, like the degenerate Romans in the
time of Tiberius, will recognize his right
(the right of another Tiberious,) Andrew
Jackson to nominate his successor.”
After abusing the passing of laws to
punish the mischievous abolitionists
“By death without benefit of clergy,”
his Excellency adds: “It cannot be dis
guised, however, that any Jaws wfich
may be enacted by the authority of this
State will be wholy insufficient to meet
the exigencies of the present conjuncture.’
“ 1 hese outrages against the peace and
sjufety of the State are perpetrated in other
communities, which hold sovereign and
exercise exclusive jurisdiction within
their territorial limits—it is within these
limits, protected from responsibility to our
lawshy the sovereignty ofthe States, the
authors oi ail this mischief conduct their
schemes and burl their fiery misslies a
mong ns.”
Why does his excellency so graciously
and promptly concede to the Slates that
sovereignty which is to bar us of a reme
dy through the federal compact? Is there
no mischief in this imposing official con
cession? We will make his Excellency
his own commentator, or rather Represen
tative M’ Duffie the expounder of the doc
trines of Gov. M’ Duffie.
Ina pamphlet containing Gov. M’Duf
fie’s speech on Internal Improvement pub
lished in 1824. with introductory remarks,
we find the following sentence:
*’A man who will coatend that our gov-
eminent is a confederacy of independent.
States, whose, independent sovereignty |
was never in any degree renounced, and 1
that it may be controlled cr annulled at
the will ofthe several independent States
or sovereignties, can be scarcely regard
ed as belonging to the present generation.
The several independent States control
the general government! I This is anar
chy itself-” But who will have the har
dihood to deny that if this doctrine was
anarchy then it is anarchy still? and if
the man who held such doctrines could
scarcely be regarded as belonging to the
generation of 1824 he can not surely be
regarded as belonging to the generation
of' 183 <!
But why this ready adinissionofa doc
trine now which the light of eie.vtn years
excluded from that generation? Why —
because the corollary flows as naturally
from the premises as does the conclusion
from j well plannt d syllogism. State sov
ereignty beingadmitted, it necessarily fol
lows that the Gordian knot of abolition can
cnly be unlit dby the sword of revolution,
which by resolving our political compact
it.to “its original elements,'’ may form the
basis of a southern Confederacy which
may emancipate us from, the reign of li
be'rlus and his nominated.successor.. But
how is his Excellency to escape the impu
tation of retrograting in the noble march
of mind,’unless the opinions of 1824 can
be attributed to the imbecility of a protrac
ted minority. Alas! if the apology for the
prematurity of youthful opinions be ex
tended to covey so many of his Excellen
cy's et rors, considering the brevity of life’s
contracted span, this mantle of chaii y
may be stretched till it borders on that oth
er extreme when cur sympathies are to
be awakened by the recognition that
“From Marlborough’s eyes the tears of dotage
flows.”
His Excellency regards our institution
of domestic slavery ss analogous to that
which existed among the patriarchs ofthe
primitive church, and that it is preemi
nently calculated to confer mutual benefit
on the seiwant and served; arid that “our
slaves are cheerful and contented and hup
py much beyond the general condition of
the human race.till those fatal ministers
ot ini: chief, the abolitionists like their fa
mous prototype in the garden of Eden and
actuated l.y a similar spirit templed them
to aspire above their condition.
We shall not presume onthis occasion
to controvert a single assumption of his
Excellencyjbut,on the contrary,admit ’.hat
these “ministers of mischief” may be guil
ty of a high misdemeanor, whether ar
raigned for trial before a divice or hu
man tribunal; but merely inquire if there
may not beother ministers, or rather ano
ther minister of mischief who has taught
another contented class to aspire above
their condition; and who has carried in
his train a host of malcontents that might
make a fit miniature representation ofthe
decsent of the proscribed archangel
which followed the severance of his asso
ciationwith blest spirits and the privileges
of their abode. Were- not the people of
the south blest with good feelings towards
their brethren of the North and of a be
coming veneration for the federal’ Gov
ernment and national institutions, till
temped to aspire hy that specious apple
of discoid the forbidden fruit of nullifica
tion? That they were contented till are-)
cent date, witness a highly popular pam
phletwithan eloquent preface over the
signature of "One ofthe people”-—Wit
ness his Excellency’s splendid speech on
Internal Improvement published in 1824
With introductory remarks as abovestaKd
I hert fore it is manifest other rq.s’ than :
the northern fanatics have h ard the de
mon— uhrsper which converts the loyal
cilizeninto the stirrer up of sedition and re
vol tion. Arid may not the abolitionist
efihe north find an associate in the nttlli-)
fier of the south, who has labored with,
the cunning of the archtem| ler to
convince a people who had published to
the world by some Haifa century of anni
versaries their unparalleled freedom and
happiness, that they were tinder a delu
sion—and instead of being free and hap
py were actually groaning under the
manicles of “oppression" and “ground to
the dust by political robbery.”
It has become extremely fashionable
with discontented politicians to look to a
severance of the Union as the panacea for
every political evil, but what one of those
advisers can compare in disinterestedness
and devotion to their country with him
whose prayers for his country were heard
to ascend from the humble tent ofthe he*
ro and the Christian? Washington justly
styled the father of his country, cautioned
his countrymen to turn a deaf ear to the
counsels of ambition and to regard “the
Union of the States as the palladium oj
their liberties and safety”—that “ if there
were dangers in union there were still
more in disunion”—very naturally infer
ring that disunion so far from giving se
curity and peace would only fan the flames
which might give rise to such a catastro
phe.
We regret that the Governor has not
given, in more decided and unequivocal
language, the full weight of authority, af
forded by his official station and popular
ity, in favor ofthe manual labor system of
education. His remarks on our State!
currency and Banking policy is certainly
very just.
We think the closing thrust at the Ad-1
ministration of the General Government
better calculated to mar the dignity ofthe;
Message than to convince the people that
the President of their choice is the enemy '
of his country and corrupter of the public J
moral's.
;
T/ie Times.— We find, under this head, I
in the last Knickerbocker, an excellent ar
ticle upon the excesses which have taken j
place in different parts of the country, I
within the last six months. To a consid-l
crate man, these excesses ntusi be matter i
of deep reflection, and to every individual'
> in the community, they should be. a sub
| jc ct of interest, inasmuch as their general
' prevalence, will not only endanger, bulab
i solutely destroy, the tenure by’ which we
hold our rights, religious, civil and politi
cal: —
“The law is both helm and anchor to
’ the Slate. Let go this, and you are at the
•i mercy of wind and wave. Every one,
■ i therefore, who is embarked in this cotn-
> mon exposure, must be taught to hold the
f'i law in proper estimation. The citizen
I; must respect it, from the day’ he leaves his
;i mother’s arms, to the hour when he lies
•I down in death. He must observe its re
i quisitions, and uphold its supremacy.
This is a practical truth--in every sense,
and underevery view ofthe subject, prac
tical. The law is hot an abstraction.—it
is an actual and comprehensible thing. It
is as far as it go’es, the rule of right,—and
its sanctity must not be invaded. The
rieh and the poor must alike pay’ it hom
age. The innocent and guilty must alike
be permitted and compelled jto prove its
majesty. The substitution of force for
law is the epoch of revolution. It snaps
astir.der the bonds of society...— It restores
to every one the rights which he had tacit
ly relinquished, wt ile it strips him of-the
.advantages by w hieh he had been a thpus
.andfold repaid, t.nd says to him: ‘Defend,
thyself,—let thy hand be against every
man, for every.man’s hand will be.against
thee. Horrible condition! oh, let the
good sensennd wise foresight of the ped
ple save our country, in all its cities and
villages, within its ancient borders, and.
through its wildest settlements, from such
a catastrophe! The law must be. respect
ed. Let this be the American sentiment.
Let it infuse its spirit into the pulsation,of
every heart. Illegal it.ensures, for what
ever purpose must not be thought of. Be
the occasion ever so urgent, or the griev-
ance ever so oppressive, the re-sort must
be to the law, and to nothing else. Com
plain of the law’s delay, or its injustice,
as any may; submit to its restraints, and
all its forms, ail must, unless when one
can plead conscientious difficulties. Then
the individual appeals from the h gisla
tion ofearlh to the Law-giver in heaven
and prefers to incur the consequences of
disobedience to the former that he m£y re
tain the favor of the latter. Such a case
is altogether peculiar; but. even here the
law must be enforced, while the sufferer
anticipatt s his compensalisn in another
w orld. For if we would enjoy the bless
ings ofciviiization, n-e must live in subjec
tion to.the law. It matters not what He
the excuse, nor who the perpetrators.
They who take justice into their own
hands, tn despite of legal impediments,
take into their own hands, in despite of
legal impediments, take guilt upon their
souls, and should be accounted dangerous
citizens, from a participation in whose, acts
every good man should shrink as from the
breath of pestilence.”
Written for the “ Index.”
ABOLITION.
More ways to do Mischief than One.
Will ywu have a w’ord from a citizen
who has a large interest in the slavts of
Georgia? The whole country is now’
holding meetings to counteract tile mis
chievous doings <>f th" Abolitionists.
Very well, so far so good In many of the
resolutions passed at those meetings there
are excellent things! safe things; abso
lutely necessary things ; but amidst much
good. I see some things that do not ap
pear to be altogether so excellent: that to
which Ipllude, and as a slave holder [ ob
ject, is a constant disposition to abridge
the religious privileges of the slaves, and
to cut off from them the means of religious
instruction. For one, I believe the slave
is held Io bondage, if not hy the Divine
will, at least by Divine permission, and I
know his duty is clearly defined in the
practical parts of religion ; and that the
more thoroughly jhe slave is under reli
gious principle, the more valuable he is
to his owner, and the more safe is the
country from incendiary or insurrection
ary movements on the part ofthe slave.
Faith, which is the foundation of all reli
gion, derived f;om the Bile, comes by
hearing ; and hearing by the word of God.
“ how shall they hear without a preacher?”
Most of the religious denominations of
the slave states, feel it their duty, so far,
as the same tnay be righteously done; to
diffuse religious knowledge among the
slaves, and some of them have, after look
in to the subject in the most sober coun
cils de< med it best, in particular sections,
to appoint trust-worthy men to this espe
cial work. For one, I have given my
hearty patronage; nor do I yet see mv
error. ’Tis therefore that I regret that
resolutions should be passed, affixing sus
picion on all who may hold meetings for
the religious instructions of slaves especi
ally. Let us not do evil that good may
come.
Is it not too much the character of fal
len man to blame religion and its advo
cates with the evils that befal the world?
It is a charge 1800 years old, “these that
have turned the world upside, down have
come hither also.” It was Nero who set
fire to Rome, but the Christians were
made to suffer by it *
I suppose, by some of the resolutions I
see, that ifa Minister ofthe Gospel were
seen with a little company of slaves, wor
shipping his Maker and giving them reli
gious instruction, he is to be suspected for
an Abolitionist, and an enemy to the coun
try and dealt with accordingly. Suspi
cion, my fellow-citizens, is a very dange
rous principle to proceed far upon, too dan
gerous ; we may get into wildness, ta
kingsuspicion for our guide.
1 have thought it strange that amidst
the many prudential measures for the
country’s safety it has never been seen,
that the suspicion of lipling shops, and as
sembling of slaves about them at all times
of the night.and especially of the Sabbaths
in large tuimbers, and tumultuous and dis
orderly behavior, has never been tho’t as
necessary to the good order of society.
Hundreds may collect around a Confec
tionary, or tipiing shop, get drunk and
carouse ; all is well here, there is no harm,
but if they are seen around a Minister of
the Gospel, receiving religious instruc
tion, and taught obedience to their master
:»n earth, theory is insMrrricfiori, abolition!
[ know it is said we. can’t pass laws pos
itively prohibiting slaves from getting spi
rituous liquors, under all and every cir
cumstance whatever. This seems strange
to rue; how is it that laws can be passed,
prohibit’) "rue from teaching my slave to
read the w’ord ofthe Lord, which is “a
light to the feet and a lamp to the path,"
and yet no law can be passed prohibiting
a miserable unprincipled tipler from sel
ling spirits to the slaves all over the land;
. having them on Sabbath days collected a
bout and vvithin his shop, corrupting and
qualifyingthem for every evil work, ready
in a state of intoxication to knock down
his fellow or his master or whoever may
come in In’s way. A Northern Yankee
pedlar preacher would be suspected, but
if a Yankee tipler-or confectionary, there
is no danger. Religion is dangerous, but
no harm comes from spirituous liquors.
A meeting house is incendiary, hut a grog
shop is innocent and harmless. Before
we abridge the religious privileges ofthe
negrpes, let us abridge their drinking and
stealing privileges; before we pull down
• the meeting house or shut the door, let us
j stop the retailer of spirituous liquors, and
do rt-efiectually. Before we take up the
preacher to negroes upon suspicion, let us
' take up the tipler upon facts.
* A wicked Prince charged the Prophet of
the Lord with being the corrupter of Israel.
From the Downing Gazette.
From my Washington Correspondent
Washington City, (East Room,)
Monday, Nov. G, 1835.
To Cousin Major Jack Downing, Editor
ofthe Downing Gazette, Portland, away
down east, in the Slate of Maine.
Dear Jack.— Congress is close aboard
of us, nnd we all as busy as three rats in
a stockin, getlin ready forem. They be
gin Congress now in about two or three
weeks, and some of em have got here al
ready—l met Air. Quincy Adams to-day
in Pennsylvania Avenue, and I felt al
most as glad to see him as I should be to
see Uncle Joshua himself I stept right
up to him and shook hands, and says I,
Mr. Adams, how are ye? lam right
glad to see you, how does the folks all do
down east?
They are all so as to be stirrin about,
says he, how’s the Gineral?
'l’he Gineral’s nicely, says I, and he
wants to see you more than a little. He
was in hopes you would along before
the rest of Congress did, because he wants
to have a long talk with you. It’s about
that letter of yourn to Mr. Dutee J. Pearce.
I guess the Gineral’s read that letter over
more than twenty times. It’s been a real
puzzler to him, and lie wants to talk with
you and see if you meant just what you
su'd. He says if you did, and have actu
ally come overon our side, fair and square,
he’ll send you out this winter, Minister to
Engln nd.
Well says he, you may give my respects
to the Gineral, and tell him I meant just as
1 said, and I shall have the pleasure to c.i"
and see h m soon.
Says I, Mr. Adams, how could you t
so hard as you did in that letter against
your old Whig friends in Massachusetts
and round jhere?
■ Why, says he, they deserv, d it al! and
more too, for treating me as they did last
winter, when they nominated me for Sen
ator to Congress, and then deserted me
and didn’t elect me. No putty that would
do that couid have any principle of honor
or honesty about em.
' So I bid him good morning, and asked
him to call and see us at the Gineral’s as
soon as he could, and lie made me a very
polite bow and went along.
They’ve been fixing up the Congress
house this sometime, and have got it about
i ready. We’ve concluded it is not best to
have women in the Senate chamber any
more; it makes sich crowding work, and
prevents the Senators from hearing the
, speeches that are made, for they look at
the women thr e times as much as they
look at the speakers, so they’ve had a gal
lery fixed up for the women, and a door
, for them to go into it.
| The Gineral grows more and more tin
i easy for fear Mr. Van Buren will get
worked out of the Presidency. And Mr.
I Var> Buren himself is as restless about it
'as a fish out of water. Fie staid here a
1 few days and talked the matter over with
■ us, but he couldn’t set still but a little
' while alatime,and so he started off to Vi r
gunny to see Mr. Rives, and find out what
they are likely to do with old Virginny.
Fie says if he can only get that State to
come out for him this winter, he thinks
that he shall be able to go it, notwithstand
ing he has to carry Col. Johnson on his
back. Fie hasn’t got back yet, but we
shall look for him in a few days.
We have a pretty critical job of it to fix
up the Message this year, but I think we
shall get it ready by the time Congress
begins. The Gineral wants that part of
it about France to be all pepper and mus
tard. I tell him it’s all nonsense to go to
getting into a snarl again along with
France about that money, for if we should
have to fight, if it wasn’t more than three
months, it would take un times as much
as all we are quarrelling about to pay the
bills.
Mr. Van Buren talks as cool as a cow
cumber about it. Tells the Gineral he
wouldn’t by any means advise him to say
any thing hash about it in the Message,
and then he’ll set down, tell o"er the
whole story, about the French keeping us
out ofthe money, in sich a kind of provo
king ofa way, that the Gineral will get in
a rage, and he’ll jump up and almost
swear, he’ll recommend to Congress in his
Message to declare war against France.
Then Mr. Van Buren will say, well Gin-
oral, you must of course do as you think ;
best, but really I cant advise you to take
any hash measures!
That Mr. Van Buren isa curious crit
tur, aim he ?
I remain your loving Cousin,
_SARSiENTJ°F:L DOWNING.
AUGUSTA,
AX\ x o »l BS; K 1 , .
Mr. Sutton, it will be seen, has postponed his ’
entertainment in the Theatre, till Monday even- I
ing next, in consequence of the wet weather. • )
LEGISLATURE.
I he bill to sell the stock owned by the Slate
in the State Banks, and place the proceeds in
the Central Bank, has been rejected in the
Hottse —yeas 54 ; nays 90.
The bill to amend the act incorporating the
Georgia Rail Road Company, change the name
of satd Company, and give it Banking powers
| and privileges, similar to those granted (by the
I House,) to the Central Rail Road Company
was taken up; and amended, so as to restrict
it from holding more real estate than its bank
ing houses and lots, and what may be neces
sary to the construction of its Rail Roads—to re
strict its capiial to two millions instead of three,
with the privilege of increasing it to three mil
lions, instead of five, and require it to be all
paid in gold or silver—to strike out, “ or offices
of discount and deposit,” after “ agencies,” in
the 4th section, and insert “ to carry on the
Work, and branches, with banking powers”—to
impose damages of ten per cent., in addition to
the legal interest, for any failure to pay the
Bank notes in specie on demand—to retain the
power - in the Legislature, to authorize the con
struction of any other Rail Road from Macon
to the Tennessee line, or across the branches
of this Company, any where west of Eatonton,
Madison, or Athens—and to prevent any for
eigner from holding stock, directly or indirect
ly, in either the Bank or Rail Road—and pass
ed—yeas 71, nays 61. Chronicle Extra.
The bill to charier the Central Rail Road and
Banking Company .was the order of the day
yesterday in the Senate. Its fate, as,well as that
of the Union Rail R,»ad is very uncertain, that
is, with banking privileges. The Legislature is
acting prudently. We wish them, however, to
consider well and there will be less re-canszder
z’zig.
Nanketn Cotton.— There is quite a spirited
competition, says the Constitutionalist of this
morning, in our market fur this article,—the
price opened in the fall at 18 a 20, and has con
tinued to advance—2s was paid yesterday and
probably more could be obtained for a lot of fine.
At a meeting of the Board of Directors ofthe
Bank of Augusta, on Tuesday, the Sth instant,
John Moore, Esq., was unanimously re-elected
President.
-1 Loss.— Major Noah, who visited the Park-
Theatre a few nights since, thus describes his
losseson theoccasion—“ Our pockets were pick
ed < f the Boston Galaxy, some hoarbound can
dy, and a one dollar safety fund note, which we
intended to pass ofi’on the omnibus driver, al
though Old Hays, Sparks, Merritt, Bank, e/id
omne genus, were all present ’’
SOUTH CAROLINA COT,LEGE.
Robert Barnwell, Esq. has been elected Presi
dent of theCo’lege, and the Rev. Bazil Manly
Professor < ■ b icred Literature and the Eviden
ces :■! L . ,'tnity. The Faculty of the Col
ege is therefore now complete—a President
and nx Professors.
' ♦
THE FRENCH QUESTION.
The following letter from M. Valaze, to Mr.
Bernard Marigny, who delivered an oration at
New Orleans, on the last 4th of July, will be
| read with the more interest, inasmuch as it was
M. Valaze who introduced into the Bill of In
demnification, the clause, which requires an ex
planation of the offensive terms of the Presi
dent’s Message.
Paris, Sept. Ist. 1835.
Sir:—l have been greatly gratified in finding
that you had mentioned my name in your pa
triotic and eloquent speech of the 4th of July.'—
My name is not wholly unknown in the United
States; for my respected father, when member
ofthe National Convention, was an intimate
friend of your immortal Franklin.
Y"ti have probably appreciated the feelings
of the French and Americans, two nations that
should cherish a fraternal love towards each
other; and whose unsullied swords have been
drawn together in the field of battle for the sa
cred cause of liberty.
I have very little doubt that vour noble and
eloquent speech wilt greatly contribute to obvi
ate those trifling difficulties’ which a very natur
al susceptibility originated; but which reason
and friendship must soon remove. Yes, sir, the
French and Americans should, and must be for
ever united; for their hearts have always been,
and still are united in the same sacred cause of
liberty and national independence.
Accept, sir, the assurance of my very distin
guished consideration and sincere friendship.
Your very humble and devoted servant,
VALAZE. I
Lieut. General, and General of Fortifications.
FROM ST. AUGUSTINE.
The Steam Packet Dolphin, Capt. Pennoyer,
arrived at Charleston, in 25 hours from St. Au
gustine.
Capt. Pennoyer slates that information had
reavhed'St. Augustide, that the Indians had sent
their women and children into the interior,and
have, with only four or five exceptions, embodi
ed themselves within eight miles of Camp King
—five or six hundred warriors aie assembled,
and the United States troop.s are altogether in
sufficient to protect the inhabitants. Great con
sternation prevailed throughout the territory—
several families have been compelled to leave
their dwellings. St. Augustine is said to be left
entirely defenceless.
From the Florida Herald.
Indian Affairs. — On Sunday last an ex
press arrived from Camp King, bringing
information that one ofthe principal chiefs
of the Semino'es had been waylaid and
shot by a party of the Micausky tribe,
headed by their chief Powell, under the
following circumstances: Charley Oma
thala, had been out with a number of his
friends collecting his cattle, for the sale
which was to take place on the Ist inst.,.
and was returning home to have a dance
at his house. Charley being a little in ad
vance of his party, was fired at and killed *
nine balls were found in his body. His
friends immediately retreated towards tho
agvhcy, and a dtttrchment of U. S. 'Ftoops
were sent to protect the family and tribfe’
Charley Omathla. Ahothet express as
rived on Tuesday last; bringingthe infor*
ination that it had been ascertained that
Powell fired the first gun as Charley, and
that there was a general disposition rf
mong his tribe to create as much difficulty
as they could.
Charley jOmathla was one of the most
intelligent and enterprising ofthe emigra
ting party, and in fact of the whole nation,
jWe have received the following nOlira
from the agtnt, Gen. Thompson, for in
sertion.
To the Public.— The Seminole Indians/ 1
hostile to emigration, have, for the pur
pose of embarrassing the execution of the
Treaty of Payne’s Landing, concluded in
1832, murdered Charley Omathla, the
most intelligent and enterprising Chief in l
the nation. They threaten to shoot any
one who shall attempt to surrender Cattle'
according to the Treaty. I’he IfidianS
in the nothern part of the nation, ftiendly
to emigration,are panic struck,and wilt ttof
attempt to attend the contemplated sales.
Under these circumstances, an indefinite
postponement of the sales is unavoidable/
The citizens are warned to consuls
their safety by guarding against Indian
e predation. t .
WILEY THOMPSON,Sup’t Setn.
Seminole Agency, Flo., Nov. ,30. 1835.
Capt Drane’s Company of U. S. Aftil'
lery, left this city, this morning, for We
tumpka, about 20 miles South of the Se
minole Agency. 'l'hey were ordered ta
take up their station at Spring Garden but
in consequence of the recent occurrences
among the Scfminoles, their destination
has been changed, and they have been tta
tioned at the former We are au
thorized to say, that it is very doubtful*
that the Indians will go off without a skir
mish. Considerable excitement, we-un
derstand, prevails among the inhabitant*
in the neighborhood ofthe Indian reset-'
vation—they are moving away from their
settlements, and embodying themselves sos
their protection.
From the Correspondent of the Georgian, .
“ Milledgeville, Dec. 5, 1835.
Dear Sir —The struggle is over. Af
ter two days debate, misrepresentation,
faction, intrigue, and sectional feeling
have won the day. Our Rail Road Bill
is lost. Yesterday the Bill was taken up’
at nine o’clock A M. and the Senate atr
journed at half past three P. M. to day
they sat from Nine in the morning to half
past six in the evening. The excitement
was greater than I have ever witnessed,
The yeas are 33—nays 44. I can rec
ollect but three Nullifies, who voted for
it. The Union Party permitted them
selves to be distracted by the Augusta in
fluence. The Legislature of Georgia
have determined to hav’e no Sea-port, and
that Charleston with her capital of $7,000,’
000 shall overshadow poor Savannah with
her capital of $1,250,000. Be it so. State
pride—Georgia feeling is extinct. I give
you the names of those, who were most,
active in accomplishing this object,
Their names should be remembered by
every Georgian. They are
BuZ/iatn C. Dawson,
Eugenius A. Nesbit,
Charles P. Gordon,
J. J. Alford,
Thos. Buller King,
Jacob Wood,
In this opposition to the old Sea-port of
our State, I see the germ ol two great Par*
tics in Georgia.
The Carolina Party, who wish to send
the Commerce of our State to Charleston
—the other, the Georgia Party, who wish
to be i dependent of Carolina. . .
What think ye of the Senators from
Burke, Scriven, Tattnall, and Jefferson?
They all voted against the Bill. They
have, in my opinion, sacrificed the inter
ests of their constitutents to the Moloch of
Party.
Those who advocated the Bill were
Messrs. McAllister, of Chatham
Patterson, of Early,
Powell, of Talbot,
SaflolJ, of Washington,
and
Steelman, of Habersham.
You will observe that not one Nullifier
spoke in favor of it.
THE WANDERER’S ROUNDELAY.
Earth does not boar another wretch,
So helpless, so forlorn as I,
Yet not for me a hand will stretch,
I And not for me a heart will sigh;
The happy in their happiness,
Will not to woe a thought incline;
The wretched feel a fierce distress,
Too much their own to think of mine,. •
And few shall be
The tears for me,
When I am lain beneath the tree.
There was a time when joy ran high.
And every sadder thought was weak,
Tears did not always dim this eye,
Or sorrow always strain this cheek;
And even now 1 often dream,
When sunk in feverish broken sleep,
Os things that were, and things that seem,
And friends that loved; then wake to weep,
That few must be
The tears for me,
Wheis I am lain beneath the tree.
Travellers lament the clouded skies,
The moralist the ruined hall,
And when th’ unconscious lily dies,
How many mark and mourn its falL
But I—no dirge for me will ring,
No stone will mark my lowly spot,
I am a suffering, withering thing,
Just seen, and slighted, and forgot.
And few shall be
The tears for me,
When I am lain beneath the tree.
Yet welcome hour of parting breath,
Come sure unerring dart—There’s room
For sorrow in the arms of death,
For disappointment in the tomb:
What tho’ the slumbers there be deep,
Tho’not by kind remembrance blest,.
To slumber is to cease to weep,
To sleep forgotton is to rest;
Oh ! sound shall be
The rest for me,
When I am lain beneath the tree.