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FREDERICK. S'. FELL
cit* rBiRTim.
Daily Paper* ..Eight Dollars per annum.
Country Papar—.....Six Dollars per annum
nrmi ix ADTiwfR
SATURDAY EVENING, Avan. 10.1824.
NATIONAL NOMINATION.
At a meeting of the Democratic Mem
bers oi Congress, in the Chamber of the
House of Representatives of the United
’States, February 14, 1834, the following
"resolutions were unanimously adopted.
• Resolved, As the sense of this meeting,
-that
WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD,
of Georgia, be recommended to the peoplfe
of the United Sta es as a proper Candidate
for-the office of President, and
ALBERT GALLATIN,
of Pennsylvania, for the office of Vice Pre
sident, of the United States, for four years
from the 4th of March, 1835
Resolved, That in making the forfegoing
recommendation, the members oFthis nice
ting have acted in their individual charac
ters as citizens; that they have been induced
to this measure front a deep and settled
.conviction of the importance of Union a
nvong.Republicans, throughout the United
Slates, and, as the means of collecting and
concentrating the feelings and wishes of the
People oi the Union, upon this imporjiant
subject. ■„ |
THE LATE CIOURT MARTIAL.—In present
trig to our readers the remarks upon Lieut. Ken-
non’s esse,/which occupy so large a portion of our
paper to-dty, wewre solely actuated by • dlspo-
sit! in to deal out even handed justice to all par
ties. From the statement given' b. this anony
vnous writer "Preble" the conduct of the Sene,
tary of the navy, and'Com. Porter is placed in a
Eighty censurable.point of view. A strict invc*.
tigatton of the matter seems to be absolutely
necessary, not less to satisfy the wounded feelings
of Lieut. Kennon, than’to remove the doubts
which are hovering round the reputstion of Com.
Porter. If the litter has been indiscreet-—let the
World know the extent of his error and let him be
made to atone for iu The broad panoply of a
nation's gratitude will cover any of his open and
acknowledged faults—-but let him not shade his
, acts under the flimsy veil of official interposition.
The Franklin. Gazette lias taken the liberty to
admonish us on the impropriety of interfering in
the political concerns or other ststes. Now we
do not recollect ,-ver to ha* meddled with the
affiiirg of any of the Slates. But even if we bad
df.ne so, the Gazette should have been the last
paper to have said a word on the subject, when
on casting our eyes over the same number in
which we are rebuked, we find the Editor of tlje
Gfizette modestly urging the good people of the
city of New York to assemble at Tammany Hall,
an: recommend And w. Jackson as a fit person for
the Presidency. When a press like the Franklin
G zette is enlisted into the service of an individ
ual, it is useless to expect that any regard will be
shewn for country or party.
The Editor of the Boston Centinel may abuse
the inhabitants south of the Potomac as much as
be pleases. The/ regard him not. But he will
have to apologise to bis friend for supporting him
on sectional grounds—and the beauty is, a section
(New England, or to use his own ill-judged de
nomination the Yankees) which does not form a
fourth part of the whole union. It would have
bern rather wiser for him to have given Mr. Ad-
smr broader ground to stand on. If he really
wishes to serv* Mr A let him hold his peace.
It is stated by a writ.i.r in the Washington Re
publican, that “it was the friends of Mr.'Cra* ford
who represented him as the only genuine repub.
lican. and denounced Mr. Monroe, Mr. Adams and
other nu mbers of the. adminstration as ami-re
publican." These are assertions that cannot be
substantiated. The friends of Mr. Crawford nev
er represented him as the only genuine republi
can,. bu: they have said that he'js ihe Republican
candidate f • r the Pre-id, ncy, whom the party pre
fer, and have nominated. The friends of Mr.
Crawford have never denounced Mr. Monroe as
anti-republican. They have on the contrary sup
ported his measures,—not by empty bawling like
the Washington Republican, but, by facts and ar
guments. We do not accuse this Journal ot know
ing Asm to support an administration. These are
two of the false declarations written for the Wash
ington Republican The third is by Wsy of in
sinuation, that, as it was an offence to denounce
Mr. Adams as anti republican he must be a repub.
lican We defy the W -shington Republican and
its Piccadilly Editor to produce proof of his re-
publicanism Shew us a book, pamphlet, or news-
paper essay wherein he has ever sustained dem-
oci stic principles. Shew us that, and then it may
he worth whileto speak further of Mr. Adams re-
publicanism. ‘‘ a
Pennsylvania, lately so unanimous for Jackson,
is about to be convulsed by division and discord.
The Columbian Observer, a loumal printed in
Philadelphia, and edited by Stephert Simpson,
who first brought forward Gen. Jackson as a can
didate for the Presidency, is now "venting his
spleen*” says another Jackson paper, “against the
Harrisburg convention,' for nominating John C<
Cajhbun, for the Vice Presidency, He calls on
the. real panizana 1 of Jackson to rally round the
standard of the chief, and hold another convention
at-Huntington.”. All that has been done at Har
risburg, is pronounced by the Observer to be the
result of intrigue, deception and corruption ; and,
dreadful to telil it stigmatizes tbe convention
with that most odious and abominable of all po
litical appellations—a caucus, Pennsylvania may
yet preserve ha- republican -ranks unbroken and
continue to be t he key stone of the Federal arch.
ifiot the Rc put Kean..J
TARIFF NO. VI.
It is abundantly evident, that the constitution,
was Intended by its makers to place the people of
the United States upon a footing of perfect equal
ity iu every respect, so that one portion should
not enjoy greater privileges or advantages than
another iri aiiy thing resulting from the form or
administration of the government; and Una is not
only to be gatheredfrom the circumstances under
which the compact was entered into by sovereign
and independent states, hut from the express
words of the instrument itself. “A o preference thall
$ given bg any regulation of commerce, or reven
ue to the ports of one state, over those of another."
•No tax or duty thall be laid on articles exported
J\vm any $ fate." But if by imposing duties, upon
foreign goods, the price of those or similar goods
s raised to the sgricuituraHst, whilst the products
of his labor is depressed by depriving him of a
foreign market of competition, is not the spirit of
the constitution infringed upon, when by any re
gulation of the government, one part of the com-
munity is niaue “hewers of wood and drawers of
water" to the other, who are to be paid a mono
poly price for their manufactures even although
inferior in quality tc what might have otherwise
been obtained ? Thus operating unequally upon
the people, because those states which are unfit
to become manufacturing are injured for tbe
benefit of those which are, and to all intents and
purposes, laying a tax upon agriculture, and des
troying the commerce of the country, thereby
using a commercial and revenue regulation, so as
to give a decided preference not to ports of one
state over those of another but absolutely giving
the citisensof some of the states, the most tmpor.
taut advantages over those of the other states.
Any Isw which, although general in its provis
ions, from circumstances and localities operates
beneficially to * part of the people & prejudicially
to the other part of the people of tbe U States,
never could have been contemplated by the fra
mers of the constitution, and ought not to be
practised upon by tbe American Congress. It is
like compelling the one to be the willing slaves
of their hard task masters, constituting the other,
and favored portion of the people.
Whenever one is obliged to labor for the bene,
fit of another as weH as himself, one of the most
essential rights of tbe American ciuzen is des
troyed and a long stride is taken towards the en
tire change of the plin upon which the govern
raent was founded.
But the unconatitutionality.of theTariff Bill does
not depend upon implication and construction.—
It is either not warranted by atty part of tbe con
stitution, or is directly in the face of it.
1. Bemuse no part of the constitution authorises
manufactures to be encouraged by commercial
regulations. , .
S. Because a power given to raise revenue shall
not be exercised so as to destroy' it.
3. Because a power to lay and collect duties,
cannot be made an engine of commercial regu.
laiion.
These propositions are either so self evident or
like colors run so much into each other, that it
will be unnecessary to consider them seperateiy.
“Congress have the power to regulate con-
merce with foreign nations," but a power to regu
late does not give the right to annihilate; and if
duties «re laid so high as to encourage domestic
manufactures f in the same proportion as they in
crease wifl foreign commerce decrease, until
in the end it may be totally destroyed, for in the
same proportion as our wants for foreign manu
factures are diminished, will the demand for our
agricultural products be lessened in foreign coun
tries;’ Besides it might lead to a system of laying
countervailing checks upon the freedom of inter
course between the United States and foreign
countries, which would be entirely ruinous to tbe
agricultural and commercial pursuits of the great
majority of the people of the Union. . '
After satisfying the wants of American manu
factures, what is to be done with the surplus pro
duejs of the country—will European states pur
chase tbe raw materials of this country, so exclu
sively adapted to agricultural purposes, when no
return in manufactured goods from them is requir
ed f The expectation is too preposterous to be
•erratic iy considered.
The corroliary results then as a matter of course
that if the Tariff bill destroys commerce, revenue
from duties fills with it * and that the destruction
of revenue instead of its preservation is the const-
quence. ,
Chief Justice Marshall who has never been
charged with wishing to narrow the construction
of the constitution so as tn abridge tbe powers of
Congress, in tbe “Steam Boat case,” says—“We
think it. very clear,that the act of laying duties orim•
posts on imports or exports,is considered in the consti
tution as a branch of the taxing power—The pow
er to regulate commerce is given as being entirely
distinct from the right to levy taxes, and imposts
—The constitution then considers ' these powers
as substantive and distinct from each other; and
so places them in the enumeration it contains."
If then the Supreme court has not erred jn their
construction of the constitution—the power to
lay and collect duties can bw used only for purpo
ses of revenue, and was never intended to be so
tortnously used, as to encourage home manufac
tures ; or to regulate or annihilate commerce.
. No direct power is given by the constitution to
encourage home manufactures, either by giving
bounties or by destroying competition through
the agency of duties upon foreign articles. “To
provide for the general welfare oftheXJ. Stated’ might
however require national .manufactures, for na.
tional purposes, to be enoouraged and supported,
lest the means essential to the welfare of the un
ion might be cut off by a state of war, such as
arms and other munitions requisite for tbe defence
of the country—but this only forms an exception
to the genet$l rule; and strengthens the rule
FROM NEW ORLEANS.—Capt. Bissell, arriv
cd at Charleston from New Orleans, states that:the
port was full of shipping and freight extremely
scarce. The Mississippi had risen almost two
inches, and a further rise was -fiticipated, when
■it was expected produce would cant; In more
plentifully.
efrj that in determined opposition to Mi/tevision could furnish, saying to Com. P. at the
of the present duties upon foreign manufactures
except solely and exclusively for the purposes ot
revenue, he speaks the unanimous sentiment of
all the good people of the atate of Georgia-
“BRUTUS."
From the Richmond Enquired, 2d inst,
THE NAVY.
In laying the following strictures before our
readers, we concientiously yield to our sense of
duty. We are actuated by. no motives which we
blush to avowi We are the ardent friends of a
Navy. It is the right arm of our defence. It has
already covered our country with glory; and borne
our names to the remotest corners of the earth.
We entertain a profound gratitude for the ser-
vices of Com Porter; a sincere respect for tho
Hero of Valparaiso. We are anxious for a varie
ty of reasons to be on the best terms with the Se
cretary of the Navy. But, the Navy, is a public
institution—Com. Porter and Mr.-Southard are
public officers, and they must appear at the bar
of public opinion.
Every man in this nation is interested in the
character of the navy. It ought to be cleared
from all abuses and corruptions.—It has lately be
come the object of official scrutiny. We nave
just seen Capt. S. Smith, cashiered by a court
martial at Norfolk, for having conveyed, on board
the Hornet, a quantity of cochineal from La Vera
Crus to the Havana; out in consideration of his
long services, and tho pecular circumstances'of
the case, he waa recommended to mercy—and
the President restored him to his rank t The Se
eretary ef the Navy, in bis general order remark
ed that
“The circumstances, on which this defence re
lies were not such as to justify his conduct. Tbe
character of the American Naval Officers must be
C reserved free from the reproach of violating the
iwa and the suspicion of those offences which a-
rise from private cupidity and the deaire of gain."
Another case has been just disclosed in tue de
cision of Chancellor Sanford, of tlew-York. It
seems that Lieut Weaver entered into a contract
with certain merchants of New York—stating
that Com. Stewart was about proceeding to the
Pacific
same time thut he must leinain and attend
the trial “ as it became the duty of the
Department firmly and promptly to en
quire into disputes of such a nature as
that which hud taken place between him
and Lt Kennon" During an arduous
and able investigation of three weeks, the
Georgian publication was made the “gist"
of the whole trial—for, however, desirable
on the {tart of the prosecutor it was, to keep
that piece out of view, it was 9s important
to the prisoner it should be made known
and placed on the record of the court, as
he had then no doubt Com. P. was the au
thor of it, and as U was Lt. K’s. principal
justification and reliance against the trial to
which he was then so vexatiously subjected.
No cross examination, device or “trap” of
the law, could draw from Com- P. the con
fession that he was the Georgia writer,
anti the court were obliged to send a com
mission to take the deposition of the editor
with regard to it. It is true, in the course
of the trial Com. P. did assume much -of
the character of the author by declaring
in evidence that he “knew who the author
was—-that he agreeed with him in all he
had alleged against Lt K. and that he was
prepared to prove it " In the progress of
his efforts to do this, the deposition of the
Georgia Editor was received which proved
in the most conclusive and solemn manner
that Com. P, was the author oi the publica
lion of the 9th Oct.—How far he had suc
ceeded in proving the allegations of the
author ••whqia he knew,” or his own after
that character had been fixed upon himself,
the sentence of the court has satisfactorily
shewn, by declaring that no “charge or
specification is proved" and that the ac
id the Frankling 74, and being “a partic
ular friend ofLt. W. and desirous of siding him
lip
would give particular protection to a ship and
itch *
itself.
•The writer may have false notions upon the
prQpoaed Tariff and failed to enforce by sound
and proper arguments his opinions upon the sub
ject; but considerable thought and reflection
upon the measure has brought conviction to his
mind, that' it is one wrong In itself,' Bnd fraught
i with evi| consequences to the whole empire. He
’❖ certain however ti»tin one thing ho does no*
cargo in which he was interested"—and, there
fore, in consequence of this special guarantee,
th/*se merchants fitted out a ship and cargo,
lilouj anti salted provisions,) to proceed to Li
ma. The Lieut, was to pnt on board said ship a
quantity of stores for the Franklin on which frit-ht
ate wis to b« paid—the ship wns then to puss
at an 17. States' stores ship, and Waver war to go
in her He was to receive 1,5th ot the nett pro
fits of the voyage out, She arrived at Lima--
sold her cargo at a great profit—the flour at 5*~4
per barrel—he actually pocketted “on acpoiti l
of the nett profit, only the sum of 812,366”—but
complained that a valuable part of the cargo was
taken out and told without his knowledge, ami
in fraud of his rights. He sued for the residue of
his share of the- plunder. The Chancellor deci
Jed that the America was was not a store ship,
and that her being sent out with stores, was only
to give her cargo the guise of public property of
the U. S —that “this contrivance was fraud upon
the U. S„ their public service and their sover
eignty; a fraud upon the rights of other nations;
end a fraud in all respects”—that “this contrac
being illegal, its execution cannot be enforced,
and the suit is dismissed with coats."
Here is another esse for the Secretaiy of the
Navy to look into—But where such cases occur
there is “something rotten in the state of Den
mark’ 1 —and the Press must not be too squamish
in lending its aid to promote a free and full li ves
ligation:
* ron tub bkruibbb.
Fiat Justitm, rua* CcMetn.
Washington, March 1824
No'circumstance has occurred in the
domestic hiBtory of our navy, which has
excite'd a more general feeling of curin’-
ity and inquietude than the late arrest' and
trial ofLt Kennon upon charges preferred
against him by Com. Porter.—-Nor has the
conduct of the Department upon* case of
the kind, ever been more calculated to tar
nish the well earned reputation of the ser
vice and prostrate the rights and feelings
of the young officers. Lt. Kennon was tri
ed for defending himself against an ano.
nymous and libellous attack published in
the Savannah Georgian of the 9th October
last, though called upon so to do by the au
thor of that piece who charged him with
haying uttered “rank falsehoods, and with
assailing the decision »nd independent judg.
ment of his commander in chief and the
Captain General of Cuba" in a publica
tion made in the Norfolk Herald on his ar
rival in the schr. Weazle relative to the
capture of the Spanish schr, Segunda Gal-
liago.
In his defence against these harsh alle
gations, Lt. Kennon had to contend against
a covert and masked foe ; for, being about
to sail for the Pacific Ocean be was not a-
ble, preparatory to his answer, to obtain
from the Georgia Editor clear and unequiv
ocal proof who the author was that had
made these violent charges against him.
In language modest, dignified and res
pectful and in his own proper name, he re
plied to the anonymous writer, and by the
irresistable force of truth and the testimo,
nial of his edmmander, given to him, at
parting, he carried conviction home to the
bosoms and feelings ol every reader, that
the vituperation and abuse which had been
heaped upon him by the Georgian writer
was as unwarrantable as it was undeserved;
—But, fur this and other publications of
his innocence, open, frank.,and respectful,
he was arrested by Cora. Porter some time
afterwards upon tbe strange and anomalous
ground that the remarks made by Lt. Ken-*
non against the Georgian writer were in-:
tended for Aim, although Com. P. .would
not acknowledge himself to be the author
—either at that time or in a subsequent ex
amination of nine days before the court
martial at which he appeared to sustain his
posccution. Not for one single charge;
made by the Georgia paper against Lt.
Kennon accusing him with “uttering rank
faleshoods and assailing the independent
judgment of his commander in chief/' but,
as the charges shew, for the manner, in
which Kennon thought proper to defend
himself, and as a letter from Com. P to
him declares, to prevent offensive publica
tions in the newspapers. Thus intima
ting, strange as it may seem, that his arrest
was founded not so much upon any thing
which Lt. K. had published, as upon what.
Com, P. feared he might publish. Upon
charges of this^haracter bro’t against Lt.K.
on the.ere of sailing for the Pacific as 1st
Lt. of the U. S. Frigate, and when he had
-incurred considerable ex nense for his out
fit, did the Secretary of Hie Navy confirm
his arrest, and summon a court as respect
must implicitly bow to the’Vale fi r ' \\
commanders—if you repel their cr- ’* - ;
wards you in a manner they ihiak
or disrespectlul, you will be ar
brought to trial for It—if you are
ybu must be satisfied—the deparinBic!
take no measures against your tiro^li
tor failing to prove his charges,«orS 0t
complaint or charges by you against h | >
consequence oi it, be attended
character is the property of the coumr,
in the keeping of the department
identified with its dignity arid hono! ' "
are an obscure subordinate, the mere
ol our patronage and bounty, and' must !!I
expect that the acts of high officers can lI
subject to your imprimatur, or that thevfr'
any cause can be made the sport of ™
caprice or resentment."
It.will not detract from the merits ol W I
Hero of Valparaiso who has the happi n !!l
to be the first to enjoy the advantages oHV I
official rule, under a new administration i!|
say thatthe subordinate who is the victim dl
it is in every respect, save ot years and li !( !
rary fame, his equal. The record of tha
court will shew that the most liberal and et!|
viable testimonials of Lt. Kennon’s charac I
ter were given by the President and three!
of the members; who took great pleasurtia
declaring he had sailed . tinder their com.
mand and that they had known him from
his. boyhood upwards—and that in ali thj
relations of private life, social and profa.
sional, he had constantly sustained the char!
acter'of a man without reproach tc of an offi.
cer without suspicion. And yet, such aii
officer and an hundred others who adorn
the register of the navy and give assurance
to the nation of its high destinies, are
'to be checked in their Aspirings after
cusod is U fully acquittedof every thing * fame by a rule ofofficidl power which sits
alleged against him!—Such is a succinct
history of the late court martial which the
record will shew, it it'ever is published,
and which from the principles it will dis-
play respective the'dealest interests of the
nsvy, it is tb4 object of thede remarks
to endeavor to obtain.
It was just to expert that if the charges
against Lt. K. were “not provedand the
court adjudged him to be “fully acquitted,"
the Secretary of the Navy would award to
him some satisfaction against his prose
cutor in obedience to the articles of the Na
vy which ho is sworn to support, and in
conformity with that sentiment of “duty"
he thought had called upon him to insti
tute “Firm and prompt inquiry into such
oi .P'jtes as that between Com. P. and Lt.
Kennon."
Encouraged by this declaration, and for
tified by the 15th art of war for tho govern-,
ment of the navy, Lt . Kennon preferred
formal charges against Com* P. as the ou
thor of theGeorgia libel,8c did not enteitain
a doubt that they would be as “promptly"
received by this Secretary and as “Pihmly *
acted upon, as Cora. P’s charges had been
against him, But mark the difference 1
Without an acknowledgment even, of their
rboeipt at the Department, he had 'the
mortification to see Com. P. set sail with
his squadron for the W. Indies, and the
first tidings he receives about bis charges
from the Secretary, are in the same letter
communicating.his “full acquittal” tiDiee
WEEKS AFTER tor YINOINO OP THE SEN
TENCE, and concluding with these words,
“It is not the intention ofthe Department
to order the arrest and trial of Com. Porter
upon the charged preferred against him by
you."
In the same letter the Secretary says ve
ry plainly he does riot intend to publish the
proceedings ot Lt K’s court—for, says he,
“there are matters-in the trial and the de
fence which are not approved—but you are
at liberty to publish the sentence fully ac
quitting you, as it is tbe intention of the
department to do."
The plain inference is, the department
intend to publish no more, and the positive
order to Lt. K’. to resume his former sta
tion by an opportunity that was to offer in
a few days, completely deprived him qf the
right to publish the proceedings and waa
intended to screrin Com. P. and stifle all
further enquiry about his conduct.
Now, with all due deference to the Secre
tary, (who has been a Judge,) if there be
any “matter in the trial" he did not apl
prove oj, it was his duty to point it out;
that any court he may hereafter convene
may not commit similar errors. And if
there bet any “matter in the defence" in
like 1 manner, he did not approve, candor
J hbuld have induced him to name it, as it
etracls from the honorof “a full acquittal”
by the. court, for the accused to be told by
the Secretary in communicating it, that his
defence is iiot appr&v.ed of. To bestow
tins censure or remark upon the defence
at all, the Secretary has no right or prece
dent to govern him—as well mighthe have
told Lieut. Kennon with what looks or ges
tures hfe shall resent an insult, as in what
language he shall defend himself against
an anonymous attack and against a prose
cution growing out of it affecting his repu-
tatation both private and professional. If
the cour/, to whom tbe defence was ad
dressed and before a crowded audience,
saw nothing to disapprove, it is difficult to
conceive with what propriety the Se^pary
undertakes to censure it, for his remartc to
Lt. Kennon can mean nothing less.
In every view of the subject, the letter of
the Secretary is ah extraordinary one—not
only for its extra judicial decision upon
“matters" not at all relevant .to the appel
late power he was exercising over the pep
cedings and sentence of the court, -but be
cause as a first act of bis administration, it
tends to espouse and confirm that detestable
doctrine usurped by b)is predecessors and
for which the omnipotence of public indig
nation consigned them to reluctant abdica
tion ! the doctrine of absolute.power by the
commanders over t/ieir .officers, and of non
resistance and passive obedience by the lat
ter under any system of usage or treatment
the former may think proper to adopt! a
doctrine dirchtly in the lace of established
laws, repugnant to natural rights—subver
sive ofthe genius of our free institutions
and of the best principles of discipline, and
abhorrent to every sentiment of manly and
as an incubus upon their youthful energies,
and denies to them the privileges guaruj.
teed by laws which they arc sworn to rt,
spect and support. “Perish the navy," n.
ther than such a monster should be engu?.
ed upon the escutcheon of its lame! rathe
than a principle should bo established to
odious in its conception and desolating j a
its conseques as would give to commanders
a feudal lordship over (hr lives and honors
and characters of their officers, upon tjhom
they may tread with proud disdain “ as upon
the humble worm that besets them in their
paths and pass on reckless of-Jiis agonies."
The occasibn calls for a signal instance o(
apprehension’ and alarm for the character
of young officers and the stability and hontir
ofthe navy—and the constitutional rr aid 1 -
ions of the* country, how in Congress, would
not find the subject unworthy their sober
and serious attention.—Before they act op.
on tho bill now before them to create admi.
rals and higher dignities in the navy, let
let them call for the proceedings of the late
court martial, .the Secretary’s letter on the
subject to L. Kennon, und they will see hair
much mote emphatically they are called
upon to restrain and circumscribe the au
thority oi the present ranks than to extend
and increase them—bow much more ret.
son they-will have to teach captains first,
to respect the laws arid treat lie*nenanists
they deserve, thon to make admirals who
may still further . contemn the ordinances
of the servee, and the rights of subalterns,
treat captains in turn, as they were wont to
serve those who were'their inferiors!
To the Vice President and Chief Justice
ofthe U. S. the subject is addressed wlih
great force and by the regard they feel for
their young and gallant sous upon whoso
professional fame in the navy they look for,
consolation in their declining years.—To
Mr. Randolph in Congress, by the tender
solicitude he feels for the rising hopes of an
adopted son who has just dedicated his life.'
to this branch of the public service.—To
Mr. Cambreleng by the remembrance of a-
brother’s wrongs !—To Gen. Taylor of the)
Senate by the love he bears a distinguished,
nephew who lives in the proud - uicmorials
of Erie’s victory—To Mr. Tatnal—Mr.
Floyd and Mr. Stevenson, those vigilant-#
sentinels of the laws and the constitution,
and to every member of Congress who has.
a relative or friend in the navy and who 1
feels one sentiment of regard for theirs of
bisjeountry’s honor.—Upon them, 1 would,^
call to.save the navy, from the conUfrouW*)
jtion oi so wide spread and fatal an examplot
as the unrestrained'tendency of Mr. J>outh*„
ard’sletter cannot fail to establish—to lookj
perpo
(vho.t
. to the
ar I101
those
sr.e w
and w
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seed i
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f SE0R1
as tn
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and a
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th,
into the accumulate!) wrongs our j
ficera are doomed to bear, and, by the-privri)
lege of their high stations to break theoffi*?
cial seal which has heen placed upon the;I
proceedings of the late court martial and; I
bring the whole transaction to public view-I
The abused majerty of the law demands it-I
—the insisted feelings of their sons, rebj I
tives and friends require it, ahd thcy will I
find in the investigation that nothing short. I
ol an expression of their marked disappro' i
bation can stay tbe impending ruin and saw I
the navy from anarchy and its flag from I
dishonor. , • ■ a_'J
Should this appeal be made it) voin, ttl6 I
young officers owe it td themselves and to il
the character of the service from which thfif ll
derive their vocations and.
to send a respectful memorial to Congress 1
praying that their rights may be m ore clearly
defined and measures be taken to secure
the enjoyment of them—for, by the practice ■
which has so long prevailed and-which I
sanctioned by the Secretary’s late letter,they 1
have been deprived not only “of their priv' ]
leges “as officers, but as gentlemen., > J1
It may not be inapposite here to.remWS*
that in arranging all. theiconflictitig intere
of officers arid restoring harmony tot
service, the occasion will be a (riofit au»P
cious one for Congress to reform our syste |
of courts martial and wrest from it- that I
ture ofthe inquisition and star chamber ■ I
gislation, which is so obnoxious to our j
dicta!’character and at variance
whole scope and genius of our free 1
tutions. I mean the practice of'dehbera ib
with closed doors—which is done up
every occasion the court are called w I
an opinion either upon a question r o 1
evidence or fact, and particularly. « j J
the sentence. The oply reason 5s g , |
for this iu, that it would lcad.io clniputt.9 a^
luels amongst officers, who being p*® .
able and intelligent as the roll of fkn vravjri Tfcp Ittore dclicatQ.?nd