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EDITED IXD PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY
W H. B . HARRISON.
CITY PRINTER.
M>- Wife Is a Woman of Mind.
BY R. MAYHEW.
My Wife is a woman of mind,
And Deville, who examined her bumps,
Vowed that never was found in a woman
Such large intellectual lumps.
Ideality, big as an egg,
With Casualily great was combined :
He charged me ten shillings, and said,
Sir, your wife is a woman of mind.
She's too clever to care how she looks,
Ami will horrid blue spectacles wear ;
Not because she supposes they give her
A fine intellectual air :
No ! she pays no regard to appearance,
And combs all her front hair behind ;
Not because she is proud of her forehead,
But because she’s a woman of mind.
She makes me a bushel of verses,
But never a pudding or tart ;
If 1 hint I should like one, she vows
I’m an animal merely at heart :
Though I've noticed she spurns not the pastry,
Whene'er at a friends we have dined,
And has always had two plates of pudding—
Such plates—for a woman of mind !
Not a stitch docs she do but a distitch :
Mends her pens, too, instead of her clothes;
1 have not a shirt with a button,
Nor a stocking that's sound at the toes ;
If I ask her to darn me a pair,
She replies she has work more refined ;
Besides, to be darning of stockings—
Is it Jit for a woman of mind ?
Extracts from Dir. Calhoun's Address to tile
People of the United States.
We regret that the length of the Ad
dress of Mr. Calhoun in reply to Mr.
Benton, prevents its insertion entire in
our columns. It is scarcely necessary to
say that it is a triumphant vindication of
the character of one, whose fidelity to the
true interests of the South, has brought
upon him the hatred and envy of those
t who seek to deprive her of her constitu
tional rights. Mr. Benton is evidently
fishing for the Presidency,and by betraying
the South seeks to secure for himself the
Free Soil and Van Buren influence in
the non-slaveholtling States. In this able
Address Mr. Calhoun keeps his temper
Ihroughout, and leaves the unprejudiced
reader not “ a loop to hang a doubt upon”
of the wonton, unjust and unprincipled at
tack of Mr. Benton, (the great high priest
of humbuggery,) upon his character and
motives We trow the people of the
South will need other evidence than any
Mr. Benton could give, to convince them
of the unfaithfulness of Mr. Calhoun, who
lias grown gray in their service. But to the
extracts, however difficult it my be to con
dense this admirable address. After allu
ding to the base desertion of the rights of
the South by Mr. Benton, Mr. C. says :
“He commenced bis speech [recently
delivered at St. Louis,] with attacking the
Resolutions I offered to the Senate on the
19th of February, 1817, and charges that
they were introduced for the purpose of
disunion. That you may judge for your
selves, whether they are liable to the
charge or not, I insert them :
Resolved , That the Territories of the
United States belong to the several States
comprising this Union, and are held by
them as their joint and common property.
Resolved, That Congress, as the joint
agent and representative of the States of
this Union, has no right to make any law,
or do any act whatever, that shall, directly
or by its effects, make any discrimination
between the States of this Union, by which
any of them shall be deprived of its full
and equal right in any Territory of the U
nited Stales, acquired or to be acquired.
Resolved, That the enactment of any
law which should directly or by its effects,
deprive the citizens of any of the States of
this Union from emigrating with their pro
perty into any of the Territories of the U
nited States, will make such discrimination,
and would, therefore, be a violation of the
constitution, and the rights of the States
from which such citizens emigrated, and
in deroga'ion of that perfect equality which
belongs to them as members of the Union,
and would tend directly to subvert the
Union itself.
Resolved, That, as a fundamental prin
ciple in our political creed ; a people, in
forming a constitution, have the uncondi
tional right to form and adopt the govern
ment which they may think best calcula
ted to secure liberty, prosperity and hap
piness ; and that, in conformity thereto, no
other condition is imposed by tlie federal
constitution on a State, in order to her ad
mission into this Union, except that its con
stitution be republican and that the impo
sition of any other by Congress, would not
only be in violation of the constitution, but
in direct conflict with the principle on
which our political system rests.
They are, as you see, confined to assert
ing principles appertaining to the nature
and character of our system of Govern
ment, and making inference clearly dedu
cible from them ; and which are of vital
importance, in the question between you
and the North, in relation to the Wilmot
Proviso. If the facts be, as the resolutions
stated, there is no denying the inference;
and if both be true, then you ought to cm
igrate with yourslaves intotbe Territories.
This he felt, and hence his bitter denun
ciation of them. But he confined himself
to denunciation without making an effort
to refute the resolutions by showing they
contain error, either as to the fact asserted
or inferences deduced. He knew that to
be beyond his power and prudently avoid
ed it. But, if the resolutions be true, as
he is compelled to admit they are by his
silence, how can they be a firebrand, as he
calls them, or be justly chargeable with
disunion!” * * * *
To the charge of his having diunion in
view in introducing the resolutions, and
rendering the adjustment of the Territorial
question impracticable, Mr. Calhoun says :
“He (B.) makes this assertion, in the face
of facts perfectly well known to him, that
the Northern members, with a very few
honorable exceptions, bad rejected every
effort at compromise, and had declared
their fixed determination not to accept of
any. It was against this arrogant and un
compromising course, that I offered my
resolutions. It was then, they, and not
me, who took ground against compromise.
So far from this being true, I have ever
been in favor of any fair adjustment,which
was consistent with your constitutional
rights. Os ibis I gave very strong proof at
the very next session, by supporting the
bill reported by Mr. Clayton, which left
the decision to the adjudication of the
courts. The bill would have passed but
for bis associates, the abolitionists and free
soilers, and the question in controversy be
tween the two sections, in reference to
Territories finally adjusted ; and yet, he
knowing all this, has the effrontery (to call
it by no harsher name) to charge me, and
not them, as opposed to any adjustment,
and that too for the base purpose of des
troying the Union.” * * *
To the absurd charge (ofB.) that the
Missouri Compromise and Wilmot Proviso
are the same in principle and Mr. Calhoun
the author of both, Mr. C. says : “In the
case of the Missouri Compromise, the
North and the South differed on the con
stitutional question, whether Congress had
the right to prohibit the introduction of
slaves, as a condition of admilting a State
into the Union. One contended, that Con
gress had the right to impose whatever
condition it might think proper on a terri
tory, about to become a State, and the oth
er that it bad no right to impose any, ex
cept that prescribed by the Constitution ;
that its government should be republican.
The North in that case waived the claim
of power, on the proposal made by Mr.
Clay to fix the northern limits of the terri
tory, into which slaves might be intro
duced,at 36° 30'. Tliis proposal,although
made by a Southern member, was taken
up and carried by the vote of the North,
and thus became, in fact, their offer to
compromise. The South acquiesced,
without, however, yielding her principles
or assenting, or dissenting, as to tlie pow
er of Congress, to exclude slavery from
the territories. It was a compromise, in
which both waived, but neither yielded its
opinion, as to the power of Congress.
A ery different was the case in relation
to the Oregon bill, passed at the session
preceding the last. There the North con
tended fjt the absolute right to exclude
slavery from all the territories, and an
nounced their determination to do so,
against the efforts of the South to compro
mise the question, by extending the Mis
souri Compromise line to the Pacific
Ocean. Ihe offer was scornfully refused,
and the bill passed, without any compro
mise. It was intended indeed to be the
practical assertion of the naked principle,
that Congress had the power to claim for
it, by the Wilmot proviso. It was the
first act of the kind ever passed, and was
carried by the desertion from your cause
by Col. Benton and Gen. Houston. It is
not surprising that the former should be
desirous of confounding this far more
odious measure with the Missouri Com
promise, a much less odious one, in the
hope of mitigating your indignation, oc
casioned by bis betrayal of you, on a ques
tion so vital to the South. * *
To the charge that Mr. Calhoun caused
the abolition of slavery in a part of Texas*
Mr. C. says : “He well knows how utter
ly false lie was to you throughout on the
Texas question. He took, as lias been
stated, an active part to defeat the Treaty
of Annexation, negotiated by me on tlie
part of the United States. He knows that
it contained no provision that countenan
ced the abolition of slavery in any portion
of Texas. I was strongly urged during
the negotiation to insert a provision to ex
tend the Missouri compromise line across
Texas to its Western boundary, and was
informed that it would aid in securing a
constitutional majority in the Senate, in its
favor. 1 peremptorily refused. He knows
that he offered a proposition to abolish it
in one half of the whole of Texas, and that
by a line not drawn East and West, but
North and South, so as to hem in the
South on all sides, by surrounding her
with abolition States. * * *
lie res's his charge that I abolished
slavery in Texas, on the fact that I was
then Secretary of State, and that I select
ed the Resolution, as it passed the House
of Representatives, instead of the amend
ment originally proposed by him, as the
basis on which to annex Texas. Thus far,
he has departed from his usual rule, and
stated the facts correctly. I shun no res
ponsibility. I am willing to take the whole
ou this occasion ; but it is due to the Pres
ident and the members of bis administra
tion to say, they were unanimous in favor
of the selection made. I not only select
ed it, but assigned my reasons for making
it, in a despatch to our then Minister to
Texas, Mr. Donelson. I assigned them,
because I anticipated that there would be
an attempt to undo what was done, after
the expiration of Mr. Tyler’s administra
tion. This I was resolved to prevent, by
stating reasons for the selection that could
not be overruled. The attempt, as I sus
pected, was made, and the late President
lias since been arraigned before the pub
lic by two friends and associates of Col.
Benton, (Blair and Tappan,) because lie
could not be forced to overrule what his
predecessor had done. * * *
* * Events prove that the selection
was judicious. Texas was annexed a
gainst every effort of open enemies and
treacherous friends, both here and thcre>
and the most strenuous efforts to defeat it
by England and France, and by it, your
weak and most exposed flank was protect
ed against danger from without, and the
machinations of abolitionists arid their a
bettors at homo. It was a great victory,
both for your cause and the country and
was felt to be so at the time. That it was
due to the selection made, I have the high
est authority. Mr. Donnelson, in his let
ter to me after annexation was achieved,
said that any other course, but that pur
sued, would have defeated it.” * *
[Mr. C. has triumphantly vindicated
his character from the many unjust asper
sions which have been attempted to be
cast upon it by this unprincipled dema
gouge, who is now attempting to wend his
way to the Presidency, by traducing one
of the purest patriots of the age, whose
crowning glory lias been, that lie has al
ways preferred the good of his country to
his own aggrandizement. In this particu
lar Mr. Calhoun stands far above Mr.
Benton —and the name cf the former wil]
be cherished, whilst that of the latter shall
be “expunged” from the book of grateful
remembrance of the virtuous and good.]
Been to Barnum’s. —Several persons’
among whom was a French gentleman,
silting together at a tavern in New York,
conversing upon the remarkable character
of Bonaparte, whom the Frenchman had
spoken to, one enquired, “how lai 0 e a
person was he V s
“Somewhat larger than myself,” he re
plied.
A countryman rising from his seat with
great confidence, said lie was mistaken;
that he had seen Bonaparte himself, who
was considerably less than the French
man.
“How long is it since you have seen
him 1"
“About three years.”
“Then you have been at St. Helena ?”
“No 1”
“Where, then, did you have the pleas
ure of seeing Bonaparte V'
“In the Museum ,” replied the country
man.
Not Bad. —A newly married couple
went to house-keeping, not long since in
Poplar street. At breakfast, the next
morning, after their entrance, the gentle
man said to liis lady : —“My dear, this is
Poplar Street, and putting u (you) iu it, it
becomes popular.”
“And by putting ns in it,” promptly re
plied the lady, “it will become populous.”
The haw of Newspapers.
1. Subscribers who do not give express notice
to the contrary, are considered as wishing to con
tinue their subscriptions.
2. If the subscribers order tho discontinua
tion of their papers, the publishers may continue
to send them till all cash charges arc paid.
3. If subscribers neglect or refuse take their
papers from the offices to which they are directed
they are held responsible till they have settled
their bill, and order their paper discontinued.
4. If subscribers remove to other places with
out informing the publishcrsp and the paper is
sent to the former direction, they are held re
sponsible.
5. The Courts have decided that refusing to
take a paper, or periodical from the office, or re
moving and leaving it uncalled for, is “prim®
fatie evidence of intentional fraud.
Postmasters are requested to keep a copy of the
above rules, and show it to persons who may de
cline taking their papers out of the respective
offices, witiiout having paid up ail arrearages for
the same.
RESOLUTIONS
Passed at the Democratic Convention, held
at Milledgeville, July 11, 1849.
The committee appointed to report bu
siness for the action of the Convention,
through its Chairman, R. W. Flournoy,
Esq., made the following Report, which
having been read, was unanimously adop
ted :
In conformity with the usage of our par
ty, w r e propose to reaffirm the principles
ot our political faith—our undiminished
confidence in their truth and correctness,
anil our determination to preserve and
maintain them by the exercise of every
honorable means. Therefore,
Resolved, That a strict construction of
the constitution of the Uuited States, an
equal distribution of the burthens and bene
fits of Government, an independent treas
ury system ; a revenue system of tariff du
ties ; opposition to a system of internal
improvements by the general Government;
opposition to a repeal or modification of
the veto power, are cardinal principles of
the democratic party, and that their trium
phant vindication in the brilliant adminis
tration of James K. Polk, lias increased
our confidence in them, and strengthened
our devotion to their maintenance.
Resolved, That in reference to the sub
ject of slavery in our newly acquired Ter
ritories, we hold the doctrine of non-in
tervention, which doctrine denies to Con
gress the power to legislate, either origin
ally or by ratification of the action of the
lenitory Legislature, either for or against
the introduction of slavery into such
Territories, and holding such doctrines
we should regard the adoption of the Wil
mot Proviso as unjust and unconstitution
al, and are prepared to co-operate with
our friends in resisting its enactment and
enforcement on the basis of the resolctions
adopted by the Virginia Legislature at its
last seeion : which we hereby adopt, and
which read as follow's :
Be it resolved unanimously by the Gen
eral Assembly of Virginia, That the gov
ernment of the United States has no con
trol, directly or indirectly, mediately or
immediately, over the institution of slavery
so as to impair the rights of the slavehol
der ; and that, in taking any such control,
it transcends the limits of its legitimate
functions, by destroying the internal organ
ization of the sovereignties who created it.
Resolved, unanimously, That all territo
ry which may be acquired by the arms of
the L uitod States, or yielded by treaty
with any foreign power, belongs to the
several States of the Union, as their joint
and common property, in which each and
all have equal rights ; and that the enact
ment, by the federal government, of
any law which should directly, or by its
effects, prevent the citizens of any State
from emigrating, with their property, of
whatever description, into such territory,
would make a discrimination unwarranted
by, and in violation of the compromises of
the constitution and the rights of the
States from which such citizens emigrated,
and in derogation of that perfect equality
that belongs to the several States as mem
bers of this Union, and would tend directly
so subvert the Union itself.
Resolved, That if, in disregard alike of
the spirit and principles of the act of Con
gress on the admission of tlie State of
Missouri into the Union, generally known
as the Missouri Compromise, and of every
consideration of justice, of constitutional
right, and of Fraternal feeling the fearful
issue shall be forced upon the country,
which must result from the adoptioh and
attempted enforcement of the Wilmot Pro
viso as mi net cf the general government,
the people of Virginia can have no diffi
culty in choosing between the only alter
natives that will then remain—of abject
submission to aggression and outrage on
the one hand, or determined resistance on
the other, at all hazards and to the last
extremity.
Resolved, unanimously, That the gener
al assemdly holds it to be the duty of every
man, in every section of this confederacy
(if the Union is dear to him,) to oppose the
passage of any law, for whatever purpose
by which territory to be acquired may be
subject to such a restriction.
Resolved unanimously, That the pass
age of the above mentioned proviso makes
it the duty of every slaveholding State,
and of all the citizens thereof, as they val
ue their dearest privileges, their sover
eignty.their independence,and their rights
of property, to take firm, united, and con
certed action in this emergency.
Resolved, That we regard the passage
ofalawbythe Congress of the United
States, abolishing slavery or the slave trade
in the Distrsct of Columbia, as a direct
attack upon the institution of the Southern
Slates, to de resisted at every hazard.
Resolved' That in the event of the pass
age by congress ofthe “Wilmot Proviso,”
or any law abolishing slavery or the slave
trade in the District of Columbia, the gov
ernor of this Commonwealth is requested
immediately to convene the legislature of
this State (if it shall have adjourned) to
consider ontlie mode and measure of re
dress.”
Resolved, That General Taylor by or
ganizing hie Cabinet with a majority of
men known to be favorable to the princi
ples of the Wilmot Proviso, and by mani
festing his determination to submit to the
decision of that majority, the policy of bis
administration bas given just cause of a
larm to the friends of Southern rights,
which should excite in the breast of every
true-hearted son of the South, feelings of
the deepest indignatiou, and the most de
termined opposition.
Resolved, That we recognise among
mankind in all ages and all countries, (ex
cept where parties may be hushed by ab
solute despotism ) two great rival parties
in politics, to which all others may be re
duced ; viz, on the one hand, the party of
special privilege and monopoly, seeking
unjust dominion over their fellow crea
tures, through artful contrivances; and
on the other, the party of equal rights to
all, exclusive privileges to none, binding
the rich and the poor together by the fra
ternal tie of political equality ; that repu
diating the principles of the great Absolu
list or Conservative party of Christendom,
and sympathysing deeply with our demo
cratic brethren in Europe in their strug
gle for free government,we can but mourn
for their defeat, and rejoice in their tri
umphs.
Hon. Howell Cobb moved, that the
President appoint a committee of five per
sons to constitute a Central Executive
Committee, which motion was adopted,
and tbefollowing gentlemen were appoint
ed, to wit: Gen. J. W. A. Sanford, H. H.
Tarver, John W. Gordon, Hon. J. Day
and Col. John T. Smith.
Capt. Wm. T. Wofford of Cass, offered
the following resolution, which was adopt
ed.
Resolved, That we recommend that the
basis of representation in future Conven
tions be one to each County for the Sen
ator, and two for each Representative, to
be estimated according to the present ba
sis of representation in the Legislature.
G. ANDREWS, President.
J. M. Patton, ) Q
Wm. Steele, \ Secr etanes.
Gov. Towns’ Acceptance.
Milledgeville, July 11, 1849.
Sir : At a Democratic Convention held
this day, you were nominated by accla
mation the Democratic Candidate for Go
vernor of Georgia, at the election in Oc
tober next. The undersigned were ap
pointed a Committee to inform you of the
action of the Convention, and request you
to accede to their wish thus unanimously
expressed.
Permit us to express the gratification
this event affords to us individually, and to
hope you will at an early day enable us to
make known to the people of Georgia,
your acceptance.
Very respectfully your friends and
fellow-citizen. l ?,
THOMAS W. THOMAS,
JAMES GARDNER, Jr.
HOWELL COBB.
Hon. Geo. W. Towns.
Milledgeville, July 12, 1849.
Gentlemen : Your note of yesterday,
notifying me that the Democratic Conven
tion assembled in this place on that day,
had nominated me as a Candidate for Go
vernor, at the election, to be held in Oc
tober next, and had appointed you a Com
mittee to inform me of the same, and to
request me to accept the honor thus con
ferred, was handed me this morning.
For this renewed evidence of the par*
tiality and confidence of the Democratic
party, expressed by a Convention so nu
merous and respectable, fresh from the
people, I could not do less than acknowl
edge my sense of deep and sincere grati
tude ; nor would I be faithful to the pro
found emotions inspired by the unanimity
and harmony of feeling that characterised
the action of the Convention in making
choice of its candidate, were I to with
hold the expression of the increased de
sire it has produced on my part, to render
myself worthy the continued friendship of
yourselves and those you represent, by un
remitting efforts to discharge my whole
duty to the State, and promote the best
interests of the people.
I have examined with care and concern
the resolutions adopted by the Convention
as to the principles of the Democratic par*
ty of Georgia, and more especially those
that declare in plain, manly, undisguised,
but temperate language, the unalterable
determination to maintain the union of the
States, by a faithful observance of the
compromises of the constitution, and yield
to them my cordial acquiescence.
I fully approve the sentiment those res
olutions embody, that should blind fanat
icism, heartless hypocrisy, unholy ambi
tion, or unblushing treason, either seve
rally or combined, prompt a majority of
the two branches of congress, with the as
sent of the President, to pass a law des
troying the equality of the States of the
Union; or to deprive the people of
the several States of an equal participa
tion in the benefits of the common Ter
ritory of all the States, or to deprive the
slave-holding States and their citizens of a
free, full and perfect enjoyment of their le
gal right of property in slaves either in the
Territories of the United States, the Dis
trict of Columbia, or the States of tlie
Union, that the State of Georgia should in
that event resist any and all such aggres
sion upon the rights of the South “at all
hazards and to the last extremity.” Fully
agreeing with the Convention, and at all
times ready if need be, cordially to co-op
erate with the people of the State in main
taining the principles asserted in said res
olutions, I accept, I hope with becoming
diffidence and proper motives, the distin
guished honor so complimentarily tender
ed by the Convention of which you are the
organ.
Should the choice of the Democratic
Convention of their candidate be ratified
by the people, it will be my constant con
cern and highest ambition to maintain,
protect and promote, by all the means
placed at the command of the Executive
of Georgia, by the constitution and laws,
the honor, credit and prosperity of the
State.
Accept the assurance, Gentlemen, of
my very high consideration.
1 our obedient servant,
GEO. W. TOWNS.
Messrs. Thomas W. Thomas, James
I Gardner, Jr., Howell Cobb, Committee.
Arabic Proverbs & Proverbial Expression,
1. Sometimes the tongue cut3 off fl le
head.
2. If your friend be honey, do not eat
him altogether.
3. The provisions suffer when the cat
and the mouse live on good terms.
4. Shave your own chin when the beard
of your son is grown.
5. When you pass through the country
of the one-eyed, make yourself one-eyed
6. If you are so unhappy as to have a
foolish friend, be yourself wise.
7. When there are many captains the
ship sinks.
8. If you cannot master the whole, y e t
do not forsake the whole.
9. When things tire you at the head,
take them by the tail.
10. When you have spoken the word,
it reigns over you ; but while it is not yet
spoken, you reign over it.
11. When you are an anvil, have pa
tience ; when you are a hammer, beat
straight.
12. When the counsellor grows rustv
the counsel will be polished.
13. Time will teach him that has na
teacher.
14. He that passes through the onions>
or their peel, will sinell of them.
15. He who cannot understand at a
glance will not understand by much expla
nation.
16. He who makes himself bran, the
fowls will scrape him.
17. Sucking becomes bitterness by
weaning.
18. He that sleeps without supper, gets
up without debt.
19. Though the will be idle, yet be not
you idle.
20. He builds a minaret, and destroys
a city.
21. He has sold the vineyard and bo’t
a wine press.
22. The fig-tree looking on the fig-tree
will be made fruitful.
23. Three things evince the character
of the mind, —books, presents, messengers.
24. Borrowed dresses give no warmth.
25. He is warm towards his friend only
to burn him.
26. Every man leaps over a low wall.
27. Ihe mother of the dumb knows the
language of the dumb.
28. The mother of the murdered sleeps,
but the mother of the murderer does not
sleep.
29. Need developes tlie mind.
30. The best friends are those who
stimulate each other to good.
31. The best companions, when you
sit, are good books.
32. The best visits are the shortest.
33. J uke the thief before he takes you.
34. The carpenters have sinned, and
the tailors are hung.
35. 1 o be weaned is a difficult (ask fur
an adult.
36. Ride noton the saddle of thy neigh,
bor.
37. Silence is often an answer.
3S. I like the head of a dog better than
the tail of a lion.
39. Slipping may happen even in July.
40. lie plucks out the tooth of the dog,
and barks himself.
41. He was absent two years, and came
back—with two yellow boots.
42. The drunkenness of youth is strong
er than the drunkenness of wine.
43. Sciences are locks, and inquiry the
key to them.
44. Take counsel ofhim who is greater,
and of him who is less, than yourself, and
then recur to your own judgment.
45. The worst kind of men are those
who do not care when men see them do
ing wrong.
46. Close the window through which
an ill-wind enters to you.
47. The owner of the house knows best
what is in it.
48. The mules went to ask horns, and
returned without ears.
49. In adversity the real principles of
men appear.
50. Honor yourself, and you will be ho
nored; despise yourself, and you will he
despised.
51. An hour’s patience will procure a
long period of rest.
Irish Bull. —Curran was one day p r<, ‘
cceding to the castle to attend a drawing
room. There was much confusion and
jostling among the carriages. Suddenlj'i
Curran let down one of the front glasses of
his chariot, and cried out to his coachman
stop, stop ; the pole of the carriage behind
has just come into the back of ours. Tim ll
be asy, your honor, its all right again ;<> ul
pole has just gone through the back of the
carriage before us.’
Newton says, that bodies are fra ns
parent when the pores are so small asi t 0
prevent reflection. So that the harde®
bodies may be very transparent.