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w n . B . HARRIS O A .
CITY P R I.VTE R .
T|ississi|)pi Central Contention.
This Convention assembled at Jackson,
Miss., on the Ist inst. The attendance
was large, and great harmony prevailed.
The Hon. VV. L. Suarket, Chief Justice
of the State, presided, and Hon. Jos. \V.
Matthews, Governor of the State, acted
as Vice President. J. A. Okr and \V.
Plrdom were appointed Secretaries.—
The Convention was composed of Whigs
and Democra's, and the following Pream
ble and Resolutions, reported by J udge E.
C. Wilkinson, were unanimously a
dopted :
We the delegates to a convention, called
by the people of the State of Mississippi,
to deliberate on the means to prevent the
unfounded pretension, that Congress has
power to legislate on the subject of do
mestic slavery, and to prohibit its intro
duction and existence in the territories of
the United States, have duly considered
the important subject committed to our
charge, and make the following report, as
expressive of the voice of Mississippi.
It is boldly asserted, that Congress pos
sesses an unlimited power of legislation
over all the territories belonging in com
mon to the people of these l nited States
—that it, consequently, has power to pro
hibit slavery in these tenitories—that the
exercise of such power is expedient and
necessary, inasmuch as slavery is an evil
which must be eradicated from the land.
With a few patriotic and honored excep
tions, the people of the Northern States
seemed determined to adopt the Wilmot
Proviso, or the principle it contains. Eve
ry succeeding year brings forth new ex
pedients for the accomplishment of the
object. The press, the pulpit, and the
ballot-box, have all become tributary to
the fanatical hostility-to the South. It is
vain to hope for an abandonment of this
settled design. Submission to our wrongs,
provokes perseverance on the part of the
aggressors, and it is wise in States, as it is
in individuals, to resist encroachments.
Unfortunately, we have been but too pas
sive under former encroachments. Our
opponents exult in the passage of the Ore
gon Bill, as a full acknowledgment of the
principle, and build theit hopes of further
success on that. In this unfortunate con
troversy there are but two alternatives—
the one is submission and the other i3 re
sistance. To the one we cannot —we will
not consent; the other, we are reluctant
to adopt.
In the name of our constituents, wc
solemnly deny the exis'ence of the power
claimed, and protest against its exercise.
We assert that it will violate the Consti
tution and will lead to a dissolution of the
Union.
We have not met to dicuss the question
of power or expediency. They have been
argued and re-argued, in and out of Con
gress, by our statesmen and by our peo
ple. We have reasoned and remonstra
ted in terms of conciliation with our
Northern brethren, until forbearance has
ceased to be a virtue. We have warned
them of the consequences of perseverance.
They have disregarded all our romonst ran
ees, and our warnings ; they have disre
garded the most solemn compromises, in
which we yielded too much. They have
refused to submit to judicial determina
tion, preferring to decide by the force of
numbers. There is no common arbiter ;
and we, too, must decide for ourselves.
That decision is made. We take our
stand on the plain principles of the Con
stitution, and intend to maintain it, or sink
in the effort.
We assert that Congress has no power
over the subject of slavery, within the
States, or in the territories. That these
States by the revolution, hy the declara
tion of independence, and by the treaty
of peace, became separate and independ
ent sovereignties, with all the political
power of separate and distinct nations;
that they are still so, except so far as they
may have delegated part, of their power
to the general government; that they
have not delegated their sovereignty-; the
federal government is not a sovereignly,
but a limited federative system, possessing
only such powers as have been expressly
granted to it by the Constitution, with such
implied powers as may he indispensably
necessary as incidents to the express grant.
It follows that it can legislate only on the
subjects confided to it; and, on them, on
ly in strict subordination to every princi
ple of the Constitution.
As power is constantly tending to the
legislative department, it is inexpedient
that Congress should encroach on the lib
erties of the people and the sovereignty of
the States by exercising doubtful powers.
We maintain that the system of slavery
was recognized by the Constitution
slaves were recognized as property the
full enjoyment of which was guarded and
protected ; guaranteed by that compact.
That Congress has no power over such
property. The right of property prece
ded the Constitution—it is coeval with the
history of man; it exists by a paramount
Jaw of nature. It is the subject of con
trol by State sovereignty only. This Un
ion never would have been formed, with
out the full and entire recognition of slave
ry, and properly in slaves, and the guaran
ty to the owner which is contained in the
Constitution.
We assert that the territories acquired
hy the late war with Mexico, are the com
mon property of the United States ; that
the people of the States have a right to
move to it, and enjoy it, and to take with
them their property, their religion, and
their liberty. Congress did not create pro
perty in slaves, nor can it say they shall
cease to be property. To abolish slavery
in the territories, is to diminish their
value, and limit their value in the
States. It is appropriating the whole
of the territory to the use of one portion
of the people of the United States to the
exclusion of another. ’1 he power of Con
gress to legislate for the territories is a
power to protect the citizen and his pro
perty, not to declare what is properly :
Therefore,
1. Resolved, That we continue to en
tertain adevoted and cherished attachment
to the Union, but we desire to have it as
it was formed and not as an engine of op
pression.
2. Resulted, That the institution of
slavery in the Southern States is left, by
the constitution, exclusively under control
of the States in which it exists, as a part
of their domestic policy, which they, and
they only, have the right to regulate, abol
ish or pepetuate, as they may severally
judge expedient; and that all attempts on
the part of Congress or others, to interfere
with this subject, either directly or indi
rectly, are in violation of the constitution,
dangerous to the t ights and safety of the
South, and ought to he promptly resisted.
3. Resolved, That Congress hasno pow
er to pass any law abolishing slavery in
the District of Columbia, or to prohibit
the slave trade between the several States
or to prohibit the introduction of slavery
into the territories of the United States;
and that the passage by Congress of any
such law would not otdy be a dangerous
violation of the Constitution, but would
afford evidence of a fixed and deliberate
design on the pat t of that body, to inter
fere with the institution of slavery in the
States.
4. Resolved, That we would regard the
passage by Congress of the Wilmot Pro
viso (which would itt effect deprive the
citizens of the slaveholding States of ati
equal participation in the Territories ac
quired equally by their blood and treasure)
as an insulting discrimination—to which
these Slates cannot, without political de
gradation, submit; and to which this Con
vention, representing the feelings and
opinions of the people of Mississippi, so
lemnly declare they will not submit.
5. Resolved, That the passage of the
Wilmot Proviso, or of any law abolishing
slavery in the District sf Columbia, by the
Congress of the United States, would of
itself be such a breach of the Federal com
pact as, in that event, will make it the
duty, as it is the right of the slave-holding
States, to take care of their own safety, and
to treat the uon-slaveholding States as en
emies to the slaveholding States and their
domestic institutions.
<i. Resolved, That the Eegislaturc is
hereby requested to pass such laws as may
in their opinion, be best calculated to en
courage the emigration of citizens of the
slaveholding Stales, with slaves, to the
new Territories of the United States.
7. Resolved, That in view of the fre
quent and increasing evidence of the de
termination of the people of the non-slave
holding States to disregard the guaranties
of the Constitution, and to agitate the sub
ject of slavery, both in and out of Congress
avowedly for the purpose of effecting its
abolition in the States; and, also, in view
of the facts set forth in the late “Address
of the Southern Members of Congress,”
this Convention proclaims the deliberate
conviction that the time has arrived when
Southern States should take counsel to
gether for their common safety ; and that
a convention of the slave-holding States
should be held at NASHVILLE, Tenn.,
on the First Monday in June, ISoO,
to devise and adopt some mode of resis
tance to these aggressions; and that this
convention do appoint twelve delegates
and twelve alternates—being double the
number of our Senators and Representa
tives in Congress—to attend such conven
tion, and that the other slave-holding
States be invited to appoint delegates
agreeably to the same ratio of representa
tion.
S. Resolved, That in the language of an
eminent Northern writer and patriot—
“ The rights of the South in African ser
vice, exist not only under but over the
constitution. They existed before the
government w T as formed. The constitu
tion was rather sanctioned by them than
they by the Constitution. Had not that
instrument admitted the sovereignty of
those rights, it never would have been it
self admitted by the South. It bowed in
deference to rights, older in their date,
stronger in their claims, and holier in
nature, than any other which the con
stitution can boast. Those rights mav
not be changed, even by a change of the
Constitution. They are out of the reach
of the nation, as a nation. The confeder
acy may dissolve and the constitution pass
away, but those rights will remain unsha
ken-will exist while the South exists—
and when they fall, the South will perish
with them.”
9. Resolved, 'I hat to procure unity and
promptness of action in this State, this
Convention recommends that a central or
State Association be formed at the capital,
and affiliated county associations within
the several counties of the State.
10. Resolved, 1 hat we recommend to the
legislature of this State, that at its next
session a law be enacted making it the du
ty of the governor of the State hy proclama
tion, to call a general convention of the
State, and to issue writs of election based
upon the ratio of representation in the
State legislature,upon the passage by Con
gress of the Wilmot Proviso, or ;tny law
abolishing slavery in the 1 list riel ,*f Co
lumbia, or prohibiting the slave trade be
tween the States, to take into consideration
the act of aggression, and the mode and
measure of redress.
11. Resolved, That a Committee of Six
be chosen by the convention to prepare an
address to the people of the slave-holding
States.
The delegates appointed under the sev
enth resolution for the State at large, were: i
W. L. Sharkey, A. M. Clayton, 11. T.
El let and G. T. Sturges. Alternates —
John I.Guion, A. Hutchinson, W. R. Can
non and J. T. Harrison.
The Committee appointed under the
last Resolution, to prepare an Address, is
composed of
W. L. Sharkey, A. Hutchinson, Geo.
Winchester, C. R. Clifton, W. R. Hill,
Jno I. Guion and E. C. Wilkinson.
On motion the President and Secre
taries were instructed to sign the procee
dings of this Convention, and that the pa
pers of this State, and the papers of the
Southern States, he requested to publish
them.
On motion of T. N. Waul, the conven
tion adjorned sine elie.
W. E. SHARKEY, President.
J. A. Ork, | 5 •
> Secretaries.
\V . A. Purdom, 1
Tennessee—Extracts from Gov.
Brown’s Message.
The subject of Internal Improvement
is one which is exciting more interest at
present, than any perhaps which will en
ter into your deliberations. And it is grati
fying to witness the Spirit which now per
vades the different sections of the State
with regard to it.—The Nashville and
Chattanooga railroad and the East Ten
nessee and Georgia Railroad ate in a
state of vigorous progress, and furnish
assurahees of their completion at no dis
tant day. Much intrest is also felt in Up
per East Tennessee in favor of a road
from Knoxville to the Virginia line, char
tered at your last session. These enter
prises are all rendered more important by
the policy of the State of Virginia, which
promises the construction ofa route from
the Tennessee line to Lynchburg thus
presenting the prospect of a line of rail
road. almost unbroken, from Nashville to
the Eastern Atlantic. While, by the en
lightened policy and liberal enterprise of
the people and State of Georgia, a contin
uous line is opening to us, to the Southern
Atlantic. The vast advantages presented
by these wotks, appeal to your eulightend
policy for all the aid in your power to be
stow, to ensure their completion. Al
though the State debt is now considerable,
yet it is not such in my opinion, consider
ing the amount of our means, as to deter
us from still further appopriations of the
public credit in aid of specific objects.— l
say in aid of specific objects, for I hope
never again to see the indiscriminate poli
cy of the act of 1837-8 resorted to by the
State. Such a policy, if persevered in,
would bankrupt any State in the world.
The tendency was to construct any and
every sort of road, without reference to
its importance or value. The Upper East
lennessee route, viewed both in its local
bearing upon the interests of that section
of the State, and as a part of the great chain
connecting us with Eastern Atlantic, be
comes an enterprise of the highest value.
Indeed, it is indispensable, and 1 have no
hesitation in recommending it as deserving
a liberal patronage at the hands of the
State. Ilow much may ha needed re
j mains to he seen ; and how much should
Ibe granted, you will determine. It is not
jto he expected that private enterprise
alone can build the road—-it is a work of
too much magnitude. Ihe advantages of
this branch ofimprovemenf to East Ten
nessee are apparent. No man can contem
plate her condition and natural resources,
without being impressed with it. But
these jvvorks, though directly connected
with East and a portion of Middle Tett
nesee, arc important to the whole state.
I hey form the basis of other and similar
enterprises already in agitation, and des
tined at no distant day, 1 trust, to be carried
out. Looking at the spirit of the day upon
such subjects, and the necessity of multi
plying outlets to markets, no one can be
lieve lot a moment that the Nashville and
Chattanooga railroad will be limited to
its present terminus. And to all, who in
dulge an enlarged view of the interests
oi the whole state, it must be a desirable
object to see this road extended from
Nashville, or some intermediate point,
west to Memphis. '1 he western portion
ol the state, is interested in such a com
munication to the east and south-east.
And so are the other sections of the State
in a speedy approach to the Mississippi
and South-west. * * * * r f o have
the Atlantic and Pacific connected by one
gieat highway, and Tennessee enjoying
an intermediate portion of it within her own
lerritoty, is well worthy ofa vigorous de
monstration on your part at the present
session, independent of all other local con
siderations and interests.
The Mobile and Ohio rail road, will no
uoubt be pressed upon your consideration,
either in its main route across the State,
or in one or more diverging branches. It
is destined, if completed, to be of im
mense value to a large and growing por
tion of our State, and proposes to add to
other advantages another Southern mar
ket for our produce. 1 respectfully be
speak for this, as well as every other sub
stantial project of improvement that may
be presented, your liberal and enlightened
regard. In this connection, the further
improvement of our rivers, out!’ (t to
be overlooked. Many lasting advantages
can be attained by the expenditur. "of
small sums, in tin- renvvnl of
oh.-, ructions, that ow mu-t fi-i.' m.iioinliy
with the navigation of many of out
streams. The details of these, their lo
cality and estimated cost, are best known
to yourselves.
But while I am the earnest advocate of
everything that tends to develope the re
sources of the State—to quicken and ad
vance her growth, in agriculture and the
mechanic ai ts, in commerce and manufac
tures — lam not a friend to iash and im
provident expenditures. The faith of the
State ought not to be impaired, or endan
gered for any improvements however de
sirable. And it is gratifying to our pride
of character as a people, that hitherto all
our pubiicengagetnents have been prompt
ly aud faithfully met. The credit of the
State has hitherto escaped any reflection,
either at home or abroad, and this may as
sure the world that repudiation will never
find a lodgment within our limits, as 1 trust
it may never find an advocate. * * *
Here I might close this communication,
—as ail the principal subjects of State in
terest proper to be presented, are em
braced. But the question of slavery, or
rather the questons connected with, have
of late assumed such importance as to de
mand my notice and some consideration
a! your hands. This institution, in my
opinion, belongs exclusively to the States,
where it exists, and neither the General
Government, nor the other States of the
Union, have any tight to in erfere with it,
directly or indirectly. And if such right
did exist, the subject is of too delicate and
agitating a characterto justify its exercise.
I also deny the power, claimed by many,
in the General Government, to exclude
slavery from the new territories where it
does not exist. That power is at least
questionable, and it will be time enough to
yield its existence when it is settled by
the graver tribunals of the country. In
short, it seems to me that slavery in any
aspect of it, does not properly admit of
legislation hy Congress, either to deter
mine where it shall or shall not go, or to
abolish, limit, or impair it whete it is.
And certainly the repose of that section
of the Union, where slavery exists, is best
consulted hy total silence on the part of
Congress upon this delicate subject.
While this is so, the termination of slave
ry, if is to have a termination, is deeply
involved in the prudence and forbarance
of those who are desirous to witness such
an event. Every attempt to limit or in
terfere with it, by direct orindirect means,
tends but to perpetuate it, and what is
more, to weaken and alienate the feelings
and allccitons of one section of the Union
towards the other. Let the people who
shall inhabit the new territories, determine
the question for themselves, when they
meet to establish a State Government.
*******
Whether slavery is right or wrong—
founded in good or bad policy, it wi.l run
its course, and maintain its place. And
whenever slave labor ceases to Vie profita
ble, the institution will no doubt be dis
pensed with, in the same way and from the
same motives, which terminated it in the
North-eastern States, where it formerly
existed. It asks for no protection, but
s : mp!y demands to be let alone. It cher
ishes no spirit of propagandists but ac
knowledges the right and power of those
who dispense with it to do so.
For the purpose, therefore, of vindicat
ing our rights as well as to allay existing
agitation, l recommend, that you memori
alize Congress in a firm, vigorous, and
temperate appeal, against all legislation
on the subject, and leave the evil, if it be
an evil, to correct itself, under the auspi
ces if local public sentiment, and local
legislation—and allow the blessing, if it
he a blessing to be enjoyed unmolested,
under the sanctuary of Stale authority.
From the jXeic York Mirror.
TJie JDcstiny of France.
The revolution of 1845 was not desired
by those who produced it. Thiers, Odii
lon Barrot, Lamartine, and the other
prominent members of the Constitutional
opposition, desired reforms ; some, for the
welfare of society, arid others, to obtain
the positions occupied by the ministry of
Louis Phillippe. The patriotism of this
latter class consisted in a determination to
obtain place. It was evidently to accom
plish that object which induced them and
Odillon Barrot to arouse the deputies with
•heir persuasive eloquence. Arid when
revolution was doing its work they were
willing to sustain the tottering power of
ihe throne, by accepting office from one
hy whom they were thoroughly despised.
But the storm which thoy had aroused,
raged with a fierceness which was above
their control, and the pitiful ambition,
whic h could be satisfied with yielding sup
port to a falling dynasty, was beneath the
contempt of all patriots.
Ihe adherents of the King, the com
mands of the army, and the “ constitu
tional opposition” were opposed to the
revolution, yet through the want of deci
sion upon the part of the king, lie lost a
throne. All that far seeing sagacity for
which Louis Philippe was celebrated, the
immense military power with which he
had surrounded his throne, the fortifica
tions ot Paris, his splendid family allian
ces, oil proved unavailing before the irre
sistible impetuosity of the people. It is
true that great dissatisfaction had been
manifested by the French at the foreign
and domestic policy of their King. Yet
they were satisfied by a change of minis
try, and in procession were exhibiting
their joy when the accidental discharge
of fire-arms produced a collision between
them and the troops, resultingin the over
throw f the Orleans dynasty, and the su
premacy of the people.
A provisional government was formed. I
nnd by rb nefc cnhTnllerl the destiny of j
|l w hich suc
ceeded the flight of the Iviug.
A constitution was formed, and went in
to operation, and what is to be the result?
The French have many difficulties to
encounter i» their new career. Unfor
tunately they have selected a Chief Mag
istrate who is a stranger to moral truth—
whose private character is wholly dissolute
and worthless, and whose mental acumen
is considerably below mediocrity. From
his ability or patriotism nothing, absolute
ly nothing, can be hoped. He has silenced
the freedom of the press, and attaked the
liberty of speech. He has thrown the
sword of France into the scale of despot
ism, by bis cowardly attack upon the Ro
mans, and assisted the cause of crumbling
thrones by his wretched diplomacy. He
has prostituted his limited capacity in
crushing the right and upholding the
wrong. And can it be hoped that the le
gitimists, who constitute a powerful por
tion of the confederacy, will suffer any
opportunity to pass unimproved, which
can enable them to wreak their vengeance
upon the dispised republicans. The Mar
shalls and Chief of ihe empire and the
kingdom cannot but view with feelings of
regret the departure of that brilliancy and
splendor which surrounded royalty; while
those in the possession of titles, however
barren, and which inspired nothing but
contempt, still surrendered them with re
luctance. All these influences will bc
brought to bear against the liberties of the
French. Again, those who riot in scenes
of violence and of blood—the vile outcasts
ol society who live in revolution—will
cast their influence with their aristocratic
co laborers, in violating and finally, if pos
sible, destroying the constiiution of 1848.
—\V hat, then, we repeat, is to be the des
tiny ot France 1 It should not be forgot
ten, that, after the connexion between
England and the American Colonies was
dissolved, the existence of a republic upon
tlt is continent was regarded as problemat
ical by many of the patriots of the revo
lution. And when the attempt was made,
and before the constitution had won the
confidence and admiration of all, doubt
and anxiety prevailed throughout the land.
If such was the case where there were no
surrounding monarchies and corrupting
institutions to baffle the hopes of our an
cestors, how much more fearful is the or
deal through which the republicans of
I ranee have to pass. Even here, with all
that fixedness of purpose and love of or
der, for which our people are distinguish
ed, it is supposed that the constitution of
the United States has not always been
strictly regarded by the party in power.
liow, then, can we expect the people of
1* ranee to pass through that fiery furnace
without the smell of fire upon their gar
ments !
Ihe election of Louis Napoleon, al
though a subject of regret, is hy no means
an evidence of a want of capacity, upon
the part of the French, for self-govern
ment. They are a military people, and it
should he rocollected that the name of
Buonaparte was dear to them. Six mil
lions of people could not know his neph
ew; and it is hy no means an extraordin
ary event for the most intelligent and pat
riotic citizens to be deceived as to the ca
pacity of an individual whom they do not
personally know. Louis Napoleon had
not, at that time, rendered himself obnox
ious to the people of France, as had Ca
vaignac, hy his inflexible hearing towards
the Parisians, and Lamartine and Ledru
Rollin, hy doubling the taxes imposed
upon the nation. It is well understood
that the Flench begin to have a just ap
preciaion of the chat actor of their Presi
dent, and if they repudiate him, and his
doctrines, at the next presidential election,
we shall have sanguine hopes that France
may yet be the rallying point for the cause
of liberty in the Old World. True re
publicanism has much to dread—many
fearful obstacles to surmount—before it is
firmly planted upon the soil of sunny
F ranee.
Annexation should he Immediate.—
If we have reason to wish for an iticorpo
lation with the State of the American Un
ion, like reason prompts us to desire that
this incorporation should take place as
speedily as possible. A state of political
transition, is a state of personal and social
misery. Here is no tranquility, no im
provement. It is of the utmost impor
tance for the inhabitants of Canada, as
the world belives they are about to pass
through a revolution, that they should do
it at once. But it is hardly less desirable
that ihere should be no unnecessary delay,
if we look to the interest of Great Britain,
and to the continuance of that affection for
her, which a majority of the colonists still
entertain, and still desire to preserve.
We would bring aboutthe inevitable sepa
ration, by reason, and with good will.
Nothing could be more disastrous than the
prolonga'irm of a state of sullen discontent,
till, having become utterly unbearable, some
pretext should be seized on as an excuse to
inflame men s minds to hatred, and armed
opposition. Nothing is mote to be avoided
than the continuance of depression and
misery, till an army of invaders should be
received as deliverers.—Montreal Herald.
A Singular but True Statement. — At our
present writing, there is a lady in this county,
82 years of age, who has had 21 children. Two
of her daughters also reside in this county. One
of them, the wife of YVm. Faircloth, has had 16
children, 14 of whom are now living. The
otl ler, the wife of Matthew Faircloth, has had
23 children, 18 of whom are now living—9 sons
and 9 daughters. These ladies are in the prime
of life with every prospect of an increasing
family. Another sister, Mrs. Parker, recently
died in Scrivcn county, at the age of 38years,
who had 25 children. The children of both
Mrs Faircloth were all born in this county.—
Albany ( Cm. ) Patriot
A Good <it*. n r \ hoarding house keeper
in i 'oi, b'-i'is.-s to furnish gentlemen i
wait picas.ua and comfortable rooms; also, one j
or twogcntlemen with wives. 1
MACON, G A .
SATURDAY MORN ING, OCT. 20, 1849.
Mass Meeting or the Sons or Temperance.
—A grand jubilee of the Sons of Temperance
will be held in this city on Wednesday, 24th
inst., at which time an address .vill he delivered
hy the Rev. Dr. A. Means, of Oxford ; and a
Prize Banner will be presented to that Division
having the largest number in procession, in pro
portion to their number of Members, and the
distance and convenience of travel. All are in
vited to come.
Mass Meeting. — We learn from an adver
tisement in the Augusta Republic, that the fare
on the Georgia Railroad to and from the Mass
Meeting to be held in this city next week, will
be half price, or 1J cents per mile, and the fare
from Atlanta to Macon and back, for the same
occasion, will he $2.
Cadets of Temperance. —The attention of
those concerned in the Temperance Reform is
called to the fact, that there is an effort now be
ing made to establish a Section of the Cadets of
Temperance in our city. The “Sons" exclude
from their Order all those who are under 18
years of age, while the “Cadets” receive boys
between 12 and 18. We presume it is scarcely
necessary to do more than inform parents and
guardians that a meeting will he held on Satur
day afternoon, 27th inst., for the purpose of or
ganization, in order to interest them in the mat
ter, that their children and wards may receive
the benefit of this highly moral institution.
Latf.st from Europe. —The steamer Niagara
has arrived bringing Liverpool dates to the 6lli
inst. The prices of the week previous were
barely maintained, and the inarkat very dull.—
Fair Orleans 5Jd.; Fair Upland and Mobile s§d.
The stock ofCotton at Liverpool, on the 28th
ult. was estimated at 557,000 bales, of which
440,000 were American, against a stcck at the
same time last year of 537,000 hales, of which
337,000 were American.
The late news is considered unfavorable in the
Eastern markets, and will probably cause a slight
decline. The falling oft'in the recepts at all our
ports up to the 18th inst amount to 75,000 bales
when compared with those at the same date last
year.
Tit k Weather.— For some lin.e past we have
been feelingly reminded that Winter is coming,
hut during the greater part of this week there
has been a steady rain, and the atmosphere is
much warmer. These rains have been pretty
general, causing our river to he in good boating
order at present, and it was still rising, when we
closed the paper iast night, with a prospect of
more rain.
Tit f. Election. —For want of room wc have
omitted the table containing the vote for Govern
or at the last election, which in the aggregate
stands thus :
For George W. Towns, (D.) 46,514
For Edward Y. Hill, (W.) 43,159
Majority for Towns, : : 3,355
We shall publish in our next the official vote
fir future reference.
Tennessee. —The Legislature of this State
assembled at Nashvillo, on the Ist inst. The
Governor devotes a largo portion of fcis message,
(extracts from which will bo found in another
column, on such auhjects as interest us,) to the
Bank of Tennessee, which it appears began ope
rations on the Ist of July, 1838, with a capital of
$3,226,976 82, and hy the Ist of July, 1849, had
lost the sum of SBOO,OOO, as is believed—which,
at the same rate would absorb its entire capita/
in the course of sixteen years, unless relieved.
1 am, says the Governor, then prepared, and do
earnestly recommend, that tlie Bank be either
discontinued or disencumbered. Either policy
is decidedly preferable to the present. Either
would be safe to the best interests of the State,
while the present is destined, in my judgment, to
he disastrous.
Sugar. — It is estimated that the exports of
sugar from Cuba for 1850, if nothing occur* to
injure the crop between this and the early part of
December, will he equal to 1,500,000 boxes,
worth at present rates ( molasses included ) about
$33,000,006. The largest crop ever exported
hitherto, was in 1847, amounting to near 1,300,.
000 boxes; since which date, the cultivation
has increased, and the present season has been
uncommonly favorably.
Advance in Coffee — The Augusta Repub
lic of the 16th irist. says: A letter from one of
the best houses in New York, to one of our
leading houses in this city, dated October 11th,
1849, says : “We have again to advise an ad
vance in coffee—stock 2000 bags, all held ty
one house at 10 cents a pound—lot of 600 bags ,
good, to-day brought
10 cts.”
The same paper, oflhc 18th inst., says : “Wo
understand that there was, a few days since, a
cargo of Rio coffee in Charleston for which ten
cents was offered, and refused. It is said to be
held at 12.1 cents.”
Coft'ee has also advanced in our market recent
ly, Rio being worth from 91 to 101 cents.
American Tobacco in England. — It appear*
from the last returns made to the British Parlia
ment, that there had been imported into that
kingdom during the year 1848, of tobacco, 27,-
304,134 pounds, from which the government bad
derived a revenue of $4,365,233 sterling, ° r
$21,627,797. In other words, Great Britain
levies a duty of between seventy-nine and eighty
cents per pound on our tobacco, which, after*
year's labor, did not yield the planter more than
an average of some Jour nr five cents P er §
pound.
Removal of the Florida Indians,—" 6
learn from the Van Buren ( Ark. ).Intelligenccr,
that a delegation of Scininoiea from that frotl'
Her, under the charge of an agent, has been o*-
dered to Florida, for the purpose, it is said,
aiding in funning a treaty to remove the Florid**
Indians to the West.