Newspaper Page Text
PARAGRAMS.
—Yesterday, in New York, Gold
w:ts quoted at 1.34 J. Cotton
—Bucyrus, Ohio, ships nearly 2,000
bushels of apples a day.
—The corn crop of Ohio this year
is estimated at 141,000,000 bushels.
—The latest tyranny in Poland is a
Russian edict against the wearing of
moustaches.
—Gen. Grant has been widely known
as a “tanner.” lie ■will soon, fora
short time, become a cabinet maker.
—A Western millionaire astonishes
New Yorkers by driving a span of
blacks tandem, with white leather
harness.
—The Bourbons left Spain and a de
ficiency of twenty-five thousand pounds
in the treasury at the same time.
—The population of Holland at the
close of 1807 amounted to 8,592,416
souls, of whom 1,782,212 were males,
and 1,810,204 females.
—The Earl of Derby has just had a
severe attack of gout in the hand,
which confined him to his bed for
several days.
—At a fashionable so ire dmisante
\ to come off next month, it is ordered
that gentlemen’s trowsers shall be
worn “not lower than the knee.” ,
—Fishermen on an island in Detroit
river have mounted a piece of artillery
to rake any vessel that may come too
near their fishing ground.
—The Australian colonies have
600,000 horses, 4,000,000 cattle, 38,-
500,000 sheep, 4,000,000 pigs, and
2,500,000 acres of cultivated land.
—A woman, with nothing to wear
except a red plaid shawl, caused a sen
sation on the streets of New York on
Saturday last.
—An invalid disturbed all the in
mates of his’ boarding-house by imi
tating a dog. When asked why he
did so, he said he had been so ordered
by his physician, to take port wine
and bark.
—From 1492 to 1848 the world’s
yield was $2,261,000,000 gold, and
$5,678,000,000 silver; from 1854 to
1864, $3,379,000,000 gold, and $2,194,-
000,000 silver.
—A Poughkeepsian sold his vote,
as he supposed, for a barrel of flour,
given by a grocery man. When
opened, the barrel was found filled
with sawdust and sand.
—lt has been discovered that Ben
jamin Franklin published the first
Methodist book in this country in
1740. It was Wesley’s sermon upon
Free Grace, and Franklin printed many
editions of it.
—A Methodist church in the West
asked the conference to send it a
single man as a minister. The request
was granted, but the designated pastor
stopped on the way and got married.
—Mr. J. Fisk, of Baldwinsville, has
invented a car coupling so arranged
that a whole train can be properly
connected without the assistance of a
person, and the same can be discon
nected at the will of the brakesman or
conductor.
—Rev. J. N. Rogers, rector of the
Church of the Blessed Virgin, and
leader of Ritualism, publishes a card
in the Memphis Appeal, renouncing
his allegiance to the Episcopal Church
and declaring his intention to unite
with the Roman Catholic Church.
—A “ girl of the period” comments
thus upon Mormonism: “ How ab
surd—four or five wives for one man;
when the fact is, each woman in these
times ought to have four or five hus
bands. It would take about that
number to support her decently.”
—A suite of rooms was advertised
at a fashionable watering place as hav
ing among its attractions “a splendid
view over a tine garden adorned with
numerous sculptures.” It was found
on applying at the address that the
garden adorned with sculptures was
the cemetery.
—“The arrangements of nature arc
admirable,” exclaimed a young lady,
during the late high winds. “The
same wind which disarranges our
crinoline, blows dust into the eyes of
the wicked young men who would
take advantage of our confusion.”
Truly, a philosophical young lady,
that.
—“ Dave,” the individual who does
the humorous for the Lebanon Patriot,
says there is in his possession a letter
for the “Belle of Lebanon,” with in
structions to “kiss the owner for post
age.” He is very anxious to deliver
the epistle, more so to collect the
postage.
—An Irishman in New York was
required to produce his certificate of
citizenship. He retired in anger, and,
after a time, reappeared, bearing upon
his back a house door, on which was
pasted, all too securely, the required
paper. This he set down before the
astonished Judge, with the remark:
“An’ will that plaze yer?”
—C. C. Munsell, of Hartford, Conn.,
found an intoxicated man on the side
walk, about two years ago, fed and
clothed him, and advised him to drink
no more. He received a letter from
him recently, thanking him for his
kindness, enclosing SIOO, sayiqg he
had reformed.
—A curious suit has been brought
for divorce in St Louis. The wife, in
presenting her petition to the Court,
declares that her husband is a mono
maniac on the subject of shooting;
that he frequently jxiints a loaded pis
tol at her, sleeps with a pistol under
his head, and says he will “unload the
pistol by putting a load into her.” She
desires to be legally relieved from
loaded pistols.
—A San Francisco paper, describing
the recent earthquake there, says:
“The German Abend Post newspaper
was not issued yesterday evening,
owing to their forms being “pied” by
the earthquake. The floor of their
composing room settled six
inches. The workmen feared to enter
the office, and the proprietors could
not induce them for money to set up
the “extra.” The paper has been
damaged to the extent of SI,OOO.
Natioimlllcpublicun
AUGUSTA. (J-A.
FRIDAY MORNING Nov. 20, 1868
Union—Liberty—J uwt ice.
This is a Republic where the Will of
the People is the Law of the Land.
[U. S. Grant.
"Watch over the preservation of the Union
with zealous eye, and indignantly jrown upon
the first dawning of every attempt to alienate
any portion of the Country from the rest, or
to enfeeble the sacred ties, which now link
together the various parts."— Washington’s
Farewell Address.
Read! Read! Read!
Let no Republican or Democrat,
man or woman, into whose hands the
Republican of to-day may fall, fail
to read the affidavit, published below,
of the inhuman murder and burning
of the cripple negro, in Warren county,
by the Ku-Klux. Also, the statement
of a civil officer detailing the barbari
ties of the Ku-Klux, in county.
Is there a Christian man in the land
who will say that an end should not
be put to these things?
We withhold the name of the officer
and the county, so that Ku-Klux
vengeance may not fall upon him :
“ As a civil officer, I feel that it is my duty
to state facts to you that are of great im
portance to the law-abiding people in our
section of country. Something near half the
legal voters in the District did not go to the
Wills at the precinct, and I apprehend not
elsewhere in the county. The class that
stayed away were the colored men; only six
of ’tliem voted, and some of them voted the
Democratic ticket through fear. What is
called the Ku-Klux had been canvassing the
District for some time, whipping sonic,
breaking other’s guns, and threatening others
tliat they could not find; that they would
find them, and whip or kill them. On the
night previous to the election, they canvassed,
whipping several and threatening others if
they voted they would kill them the next
night. Before the polls were opened, this
news had become general among the colored
men, and they took the alarm. A little over
two weeks before the election, these law
breakers shot an aged negro woman, in the
day time, in her own house, wounding her
severely. One month ago, a colored' man
was killed, and another died of wounds in
flicted by the same secret mob in this county.
Proof is not wanting to establish these things
—they are susceptable of proof by white and
colored evidence. What I say of this Dis
trict is only a sample of what has occurred in
the adjoining counties. As a civil officer, I
have not the power to stay these outrages in
my District. The colored people arc afraid
to report, and do not dare to prosecute, when
they are beaten'in the light of day. White
Republicans do not feel secure by liny means;
they are insulted, their characters assailed,
and, indirectly, their persons and lives are
threatened. I have hoped that all would be
come quiet, and peace return, after the elec
tion, being fully satisfied, from all the in
formation I have, that these outrages were
committed for political purposes.' 1 shall
wait, witli as much patience as I can com
mand, for a return of better times.”
State of Georgia— Richmond County.
Personally came before me, Perry Jeffers,
Jr., of Warren county, Ga., who, being duly
sworn, deposeth, and saith that he, witli his
father, mother, sister, anil four brothers are
residents on the plantation of Joseph Brinkly,
in Warren county, cultivating a part of
the plantation of said Brinkly, and that
while in tiie peaceable enjoyment of our
home, we were suipriscd by a’ band of men
called Ku-Klux on Sunday night, 17th ult., —
six in number—who burst open my door,
and after entering collared me, and led me
out of my house, saying, “I am going to kill
you,” and looking into my face, discovering
I was not the person they wanted, inquired
for old Perry. 1 pointed out the house of
my father. They then commenced firing in
on my father, and being repulsed went away.
On Thursday night, the Sth instant, about
one hundred and fifty in number returned to
attack the family, and al] were absent except
my mother and my afflicted, sick brother,
who was unable to walk or move in conse
quence of his affliction. He became a victim
to their savage brutality by killing him, and
threw his body in the yard, and, with the
bed clothes, burned him up. While this
was being transacted, my father, my brothers
and myself were a few hundred yards off in
a pine thicket viewing the scene: after their
departure and the burial of my brother, Mr.
Brinkly told my father that it'would be best
to leave, and according to his advice went to
Warrenton to place ourselves under the pro
tection of the Sheriff of the county, who ac
companied us to Camak in the railroad train,
advising us to go on to Augusta; and while
in the car, being a freight train on to
Augusta at 3 o’clock p. m., on our arrival at
Thompson, Columbia county, we were again
attacked by about seven men, armed with
double-barreled guns and pistols, who or
dered us to get off the train, threatening to
kill us if we did not; we complied with
their demand, and I made my escape on to
Augusta.
Two persons of the ftbovc S6CII at TliODip
son, 1 recognized as one of Mr. ****«’s sons,
and the other as a son of Mr. **** who were
in the number of the one hundred and fifty
in Warren county, at our house, who mur
dered and burnt the body of my brother.—
My father and three brothers I left in the
hands of the Ku-Klux. The above statement
is strictly true.
Sworn to and subscribed before me, this
10th day of November. 1868.
WM. DOYLE.
Not. Pub. ex-Ollicio J. P.
Signed, Peter Jeffers, Jr.
Not Office, bi t Protection.—
The Democratic press are industri
ously laboring to make it appear that
the Southern Republicans only desire
to obtain and reap the rewards of
office. This is not the fact. It is pro
tection they desire and demand. They
demand for the Republicans of Georgia
the same assurance of safety in the
exercise of their political privileges as
are exercised and enjoyed by the Re
publicans of Pennsylvania and Ohio.
In a word, they do not wish to have
to choose between leaving the State
and joining the Democracy.
Gov. Bullock’s Views.
Much interest having been expressed
in regard to the views of the Gover.
nor, given in a public speech in New
York State, just previous to the late
election, and as some typographical
errors occurred in the first publication
here, we now republish the speech in
lull, and defy the Democracy to cither
disprove tho Governor’s statements or
disprove his arguments. All friends
of Union, Liberty and Justice will en
dorse his recommendation to Congress
that the Reconstruction acts shall be
executed, and a Legislature assembled
that will pass laws for the preservation
of these great principles. Here is a
revised and corrected copy of the
speech of his Excellency:
Fellow Citizens.—lt is accidentally my
good fortune to be with you again at a’pub
lic gathering, assembled according to pre
vious arrangement, fortlie purpose of for
warding the just principles of the great
Republican party. On the last occasion you
were congratulated upon the wise selection of
standard bearers that had been made by the
Chicago Convention, and at that time it was
well understood, that the real intent of the
opposition was the reassertion of the mistak
en principles which they had been compelled
to abandon by the results of war. Their ac
tion at New York left no room for a doubt
in the mind of those who had ever sincerely
rejoiced at the news of a Union victory in
battle, that a Democratic success at the polls
would be a vindication of the Rebellion and
a condemnation of the Union. While there
are thousands of good, honest, loyal, and
true men, Democrats, here at the North, who
do not realize the full effect of a vote, now
cast with, and for, their old party leaders,
there is at the South no sucli misunderstand
ing. There the party lines are sharply drawn
/wand against the Government, and the
ranks are made tip of men from all the old
parties. Whigs, Democrats, Know-Nothings,
"Original Union men” and “Original Seces
sionists" unite now in the Republican or
Democratic party, as they may be for or
against the restoration of the Union under
the laws of the land, one party being in favor
of peace upon the terms granted by the con
querer—the other for war, unless peace can
be had on the terms demanded by the con
quered. And you will therefore readily
understand that a Democratic success at the
polls will very properly be construed by the
malcontents at the South and the Copper
heads at the Nortn, as an indorsement by the
American people that the “lost cause” has
been regained, and that the war was a fail
ure.
It is fortunate tliat time has elapsed, before
the election, in which the violence proclaimed
in the New York platform has had opportu
nity to produce its legitimate fruits, in deeds
of death, which the wooing words of the
discomfited Democracy cannot now over
come —events tliat have startled the loyal
heart to a full realization of the purposes of
the new conspirators, and overwhelmed them
in present and prospective defeat. Having
before explained that “Democrat,” at the
South, signifies disunion, and now stating to
you that the Legislature of Georgia is Demo
cratic, you will very naturally conclude that
the laws passed by Congress for the restora
tion of the Southern States must have been
defective, or this anomalous fact would not
have occurred. A few words of explanation
will show you that the fault is with the Ex
ecutive, and not with the law-makers—that
if the acts of Congress had been correctly
construed and properly executed, Hie results
would have fully sustained the wisdom of
those who framed the law. As the Recon
struction Acts of Congress are as objectiona
ble to the Democracy as was the draft, or any
other means adopted by Congress for over
coming the rebellion, and are therefore taking
prominent place in public discussion, the
results derived from those acts in Georgia be
come more noticeable, and worthy of consid
eration outside of that State, and I will there
fore refer to them. First, then, the intent
and purpose of Congress in passing the Re
construction Acts was to establish civil State
Governments —Republican in form and in
fact—approved by a majority of the persons
resident therein, who were not disfranchised
for participation in the rebellion. This was
accomplished in the usual way—by a vote,
and, subsequently, the election of delegates
to frame a Constitution; then aa election for
the ratification or rejection of the Constitu
tion so framed. In Georgia an election was
held for Slate officers and a General Assem
bly at the same time of voting for or against
the Constitution. As the Democrats voted
against the Constitution, and hoped to defeat
it, and thereby refuse the second offer of
terms by tit* conqueror, candidates were
placed in nomination by them, sim
ply for the purpose of aiding, by their
personal popularity and their war record, in
bringing out the vote to defeat the Constitu
tion.' and not with regard to their eligibility
under the law, or with any expectation of
their taking office; for, the Constitution
being defeated at the polls, we would remain
under military government. The result,
however, was the ratification of the Consti
tution by a majority of the w hole vote, while
in many counties that gave majorities against
the Constitution ineligible Democrats secured
the highest number of votes, and were,
therefore, elected to county offices, and to
the General Assembly. By the terms of the
Reconstruction Acts, all civil government
was “ provisional” until the new'ly-estab
lished State Constitution was accepted by
Congress, and, by the same act as amended
in July, 1867, all persons elected or appointed
to office in any oi the Southern States were
required to take the oath provided by law for
officers of the United States, commonly
known as the test oath. The closing section
of the Reconstruction Act requires that the
law shall lie liberally construed, to the end
“ that all the intents eend purposes thereof
shall be fully carried out.” The case, as
presented in Georgia, was that of a number
of persons elected to office in a Government
which was “ provisional,” until approved by
Congress; and, accenting to the law, such
persons should have taken the oath prescribed
for officers of the United States. The law in
this respect was not executed, and the men
who had been the most popular in an effort
to defeat the new Government were allowed
to take seats as legislators in its formation,
and were thus given an opportunity to suc
ceed by legislation in what they had failed to
accomplish at the polls. This, too, in
violation not only of the “ letter” but of the
“intents” and ’“purposes” of the law.
The act by widen the State was to be ad
mitted to representation in Congress after
she had adopted the XlVtli Amendment to
the Constitution of the United States, re
quired that persons to hold office in the State,
should be eligible under the terms of that
amendment. This law was not executed.
The body of legislators heretofore referred
to were permitted to decidefor themselvestWil
they were all eligible—and their decision tvas
accepted by the commanding officer. Under
our State Constitution, representation is
based upon counties and districts, and not
upon population; hence, while the popular
vote was in favor of the Reconstruction Acts,
the seating of ineligible members gives an
opposite political complexion to tlie Legisla
ture. Having thus explained that the condi
tion of Georgia is not the fault of the legis
lation of Congress, but arises from failure to
execute cither the letter, the intent, or the
purposes of the acts passed for her restora
tion, I may be excused for suggesting the
course which seems to me proper to be pur
sued to insure the establishment of a State
Government as provided for in our Constitu
tion, and as required by Congress. Congress
should take steps to ascertain whether the
Reconstruction Acts have been properly
executed. Finding that the laws have got
been executed, the proper authority should
lie advised of the true intent and meaning of
the acts, and directed to properly execute
them. This w ould result in preventing per
sons who could not take the oath required of
officers of the United States from participat
ing in the provisional legislation, and
thus effectually prohibit men whose policy of
opposition to tl*c Federal Government
had been defeated on the battle field and at
the ballot-boxes from carrying through a
third and nearly successful attempt—so far as
Georgia is concerned—in her legislative halls.
The law being complied with in this particu
lar, our legislation would be in safe hands,
and no more would be heard of forcible in
terference with persons “who had the impu
dence to be Republicans in Georgia,” or of
attempts to violate the civil and political
rights of those who have now only the
General Government to look to for protec
tion. With the facts, as they will appear
when Congress shall have investigated the
situation in Georgia, fully sustained by the
revolutionary action of the Legislature, we
feel confident that Congress will not only
maintain the laws which have liecn solemnly
adopted, but cause them to be faithfully exe
cuted, notwithstanding the objections of the
President constitutionally communicated, and
unconstitutionally enforced, and will fully
justify tlie abiding faith which the Southern
Republicans reposed in that patriotic body.
From the magnificent display which lias
been witnessed here to-day. the tone and
temper of the people whom 1 have-met in
passing through Indiana and Ohio, and Hie
reports from Pennsylvania, I feel fully
assured that Congress will be sustained by
the people in any policy that insures the in
tegrity of the Union, and one of the most
essentia] jioints of such a policy is the
placing the Southern Governments in the
hands of the friends of the nation and the
supporters of its laws. Am 1 correct ? Elect
your State ticket, and place Grant in the
White House, and we will be safe. Georgia
will be ns free, as peaceful, and in due pro
portion as prosperous as New York.
The Assassination of Judge Horton,
of Alabama.
A correspondent of the New York
Tribune gives an interesting sketch of
the career of Judge Gustavus Hor
ton, of Mobile, who was assassinated
a few weeks since for his devotion to
the Union, and support of General
Grant for the Presidency. Although
a native of Massachusetts, Judge Hor
ton had been a citizen of Mobile not
far from thirty years. He was an
uncompromising Union man through
out the war, and for his liberal contri
butions of relief to the unfortunate
but noble East Tennessee Unionists,
who wero imprisoned in Mobile in
1862, he was arrested and imprisoned
by the Confederate authorities. His
business was destroyed, he was re
moved from the Presidency of the
Public School Board, and also re
quested to withdraw from the church
of which he was a consistent and use
ful member—all because he would not
turn traitor to his Government.
After the close of the war General
Pope restored him to the Presidency
of the Board of Education. He was
also appointed Mayor of Mobile after
the riot there, and was, at the time of
his death, Probate Judge of the
county. The Tribune says:,
He loved bis country intensely, was no
negro-worshipper, but believed the Union
paramount to every other political considera
tion. He believed universal and impartial
suffrage a necessary result of the war, and
that the Union, could not possibly exist ex
cept upon tliat basis. For his opinions he
w as socially ostracised by his almost life-long
friends in Mobile, and was almost daily the
subject of the most venomous attacks of the
Mobile Tribune, edited by one J. R. Eggles
ton, who, in a controversy with the Register,
Forsyth’s paper, some six months since, gave
as a reason why the Tribune should become
the oracle of the Democracy, the fact that he
(Eggleston) was cruising as a rebel pirate in
the West' Indies "one month after Booth
killed Lincoln.” The fruit of these attacks
has at last come to the lips of Eggleston, in
the assassination of Mr. Horton’ at Hunts
ville.
I have thus given, ns briefly as possible
the history of Mr. Horton, tliat I may draw
the attention of the v hole country to the
dastardly course of the Southern leaders since
the war. Day after day, the threats of such
unhung scoundrels as Eggleston, John For
syth, and a thousand like them, are being
carried into murderous execution. The lives
of twenty men in Mobile, of 100 in New’ Or
leans, and of thousands throughout the coun
try, hang upon a thread which may snap
asunder at any moment. There seems to
be an organized host of miscreants among
us, whose whole business is to assassinate
“ carpet-baggers” and “ scalawags” as fast ns
the work can be done with impunity. I
most certainly believe that the farcical pro
tests of such men as Hampton, which are
periodically printed in the papers, form an
important part ol the system, now being de
veloped. to kill all white citizens of the
South who do not openly regret the failure
of the rebellion, and to return the black race
to a condition far worse than slavery.
The Northern people imagine that the
election of Gen. Grant will of itself stop the
assassinations daily recurring under our very
eyes. I warn them of their fatal mistake.
Mr. Horton, and hundreds of others, believed
that at the close of the war the Union men of
the South would be protected. He was a
victim of the error, and I take it upon myself
to warn tlie Republican party of the North
—it is quite useless to appeal to what you
cull your “ Democracy”-—that, unless some
thing is done beside ' the adoption of
“ platforms" and “ resolutions,” a Republican
victory will have no practical benefit in the
South. We want action, not mere words. A
mere Republican victory will not stop the
machinations now being plotted by 50,000 —
that’s the number, as estimated by their
chief, Forrest—assassins in the South. In a
more humble way, Mr. Horton has fallen,
as Mr. Lincoln fell, a victim of his love for
the great principle of liberty.
Will the people of the North read such
facts, and then turn idly away to ordinary
business, giving no heed to their awful sig
nificance ? I warn them that such a course
will bring, within twenty years, a war upon
them compared with which the "late war”
will have been mere child’s play. It is in
finitely easier to prevent the passions of men
from lining than to suppress them when once
engaged in their hellish works. 1 believe that
the Congress of the United States ought im
mediately to assemble and remain in session
till measures are taken which will secure
every nian in the South the rights of life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. From
this time till the 4th of March, the most will
be made of the Mexican license now the rule
among us.
- •
Passing Away.—Our dispatches
announce the suspension of the
Charleston Mercury. That paper has
been, for a long series of years, the
advocate and organ of the intense,
uncompromising and exclusive sect of
Southern politicians. Its suspension
denotes the gradual but certain dis
appearance of the aristocratic and
anti-national sentiments of which the
Mercury was, for so long a period, the
chief Southern exponent.
.
--Two rival belles meet at a hop.
“How well you look under candle
light !” exclaimed one, with a stress
on the candles. “ And how charming
you are in the dark !” answered the
other. I
Come On.
Now the election is over, when misrepre
sentation may no longer be profitably used
to the manufacture of political capital, we
hope to hear no more stories of Southern
outrages upon freedmen, and persecution of
Northern men who come South to settle
in our midst.— Atlanta Constitution 1 Sth.
For particulars see the Early Coun
ty News.
This class [of immrantsj will soon learn that
we were placed before them in a false light,
and that in no section of the country may
greater personal security be found than in the
South.— Atlanta CfowMution. Au,/. Vith.
For particulars see Early County
News.
Ever since the close of the war, the South
has been eager to induce immigration from
the North and elsewhere into her midst. We
trust the good people of the North will soon
become satisfied that we are anxious to have
them come amongst us, to form a part and
parcel of us.— Atlanta Constitution.
For particulars sec Early County
News.
There is scarcely a point in the section
named in which good society and the ad
vantages of civilization do not already exist,
whilst in the far West, where the territory has
been but recently reclaimed from the savage,
none of these advantages are to be had.—At
lanta Constitution.
For advantages of civilization as
compared with the dangers of the sav
age, see Early County News.
From Harper’s Weekly, Nov. 21.
The Democracy of General Grant.
Since General Grant has been
elected by so immense a majority, it
is lustily asserted by the Democratic
journals that he is, and always has
been, a real Democrat. Undoubtedly
he is, and that is his first radical dif
ference with the Democratic party.
General Grant is a Democrat, and the
Democratic party is, and has been for
a generation, the instrument of an
aristocracy. For what is it to be a
Democrat in the true sense of the
word ? Certainly it is not to do
what slave-lords com maud, and to
vote as a Ring ordains. But that is
what Democracy has been for many a
year. The policy of the party was
just what the slave-masters thought
the interests of slavery required. The
great measures of the party during
the twenty years before the war were
the annexation of Texas and the re
peal of the Missouri Compromise,
while every minor measure was tested
by its degree of service to the same
great end of the supremacy of slavery
in the government. This system was
the denial and outrage of every human
right; but the party existed and strug
gled for no other end, and still called
itself Democratic. To be a Democrat
was to apologize for slavery, and de
fend it; to sneer at a part of the popu
lation as of an inferior race to be
abused at pleasure, and consequently
to stultify the moral sense, to sophisti
cate and prevaricate, and to struggle
endlessly with every generous human
instinct, with religion and civilization.
This was to be a Democrat. It made
no difference that there was a plea
that it was a subject upon which
nothing could be done, and therefore
upon which no thought should be ex
pended ; that there was an incessant
talk about State rights, and reserved
rights, and limited powers, and origi
nal compromises. . The one fact that
was steadily clear through all the ob
scurity and confusion was that a
Democrat was a man who supported
the practical assertion that some men
had no rights which other men were
bound to respect. And it was this
tragical absurdity which has been
driving the best men out of the Demo
cratic party for twenty years. The old
and true Democratic paper in this city
is the Evening Post. How long since
it has been technically a Democratic
paper ? In the true sense of Demo
cracy, or respect for equal rights, who
are and always have been stancher
Democrats than its editors, Mr. Bry
ant Mr. Godwin and Mr. Nordhoff? But
what have they had to do, what could
they have to do, with a “Democracy”
which drew its inspiration from Cal
houn, with his doctrine of slavery as
the only sure foundation of a free gov
ernment ; which followed a dozen
years ago the leadership of Hammond
and his associates, sneering at free
laborers as mud-sills; and which ac
cepted in this last election the dicta
torship of Wade Hampton and Robert
Toombs, their hands dripping with the
blood of loyal citizens—of Forrest
fresh from Fort Pillow, and Semmes
from the Alabama . J
To be a true Democrat is to reject
with scorn every distinctive principle
that the Democratic party has pro
fessed for a generation, and to disown
all its acknowledged chiefs from Cal
houn to Seymour. To be a true
Democrat is to believe in the equal
rights of men, not of States, ami to
organize that faith in law ; it is to re
ject the resolutions, of ’9B, and to ac
knowledge the necessary subordination
of the State to the Union; it is to op
pose every kind of hostility of race, of
interest, and of section in the country;
it is to insist upon an economical and
honest administration of govenment;
it is to be neither abuly to the weakest
of foreign States nor a sycophant to
the strongest, but reasonable, firm, and
self-respecting with all; it is to foster
to the utmost free schools and churches;
to demand absolute freedom of speech
and action every where in the land;
to keep the national honor unstained ;
it is, above all, to see that justice is
expediency, and that the maintenance
of the equal rights of men is identical
with true policy. This is Democracy,
or the practical assertion of the rights
of man. This is exactly what the
Democrats who voted for Mr. Seymour
have opposed. This is precisely what
General Grant accepts. If he be a
Democrat Horatio Seymour is not.
The Democrats of to-day will find
small comfort in General Grant until
they renounce what is now know as
Democracy.
- •
—Professor Youmans quaintly- sug
gests that “it would be wise for
preachers who are annoyed with
drowsy- congregations to inquire how
far the stimulus of pure air might be
advantageously substituted for scold
ing.”
CTommunirations.
De Intimerdation.
Mas Editor : It is rumored dat on
de day of de lection de demmycrats is
to come to de polls wid pistols to pop
cm oft' in de air so as to skeer off an
intimidate de colored republican voters.
De sopc tail niggers will of course be
advised of de trick. Is dis fair play ?
I only axes for information.
Sambo.
Worthy of Imitation.
Mr. Editor —The New York Times
of the 10th instant has a Columbia
(8. C.) special, dated November 9th,
which declares, on the announcement
of the result of the Presidential elec
tion, General Wade Hampton, and
other prominent Democrats, called on
Governor Scott and expressed, in for
mal terms, his and their determination
to acquiesce in the' result, as becomes
good citizens and sensible men. They
said they would support the present
State Government, and advise others
to do so, too.
That was a good beginning, and the
action is worthy of imitation in every
Southern State. The question of re
construction entered largely into the
late campaign. Governor Seymour,
at the head of the Democracy, made
the race, with the express determina
tion to undo, as early as possible, what
he and the Democratic party denomi
nated the unconstitutional acts of Con
gress. The people—the sovereigns of
the Republic—the workingmen—the
bone and sinew of the country —saw
proper to defeat Mr. Seymour, and,
by so doing, to frown upon his and
General Blair’s reactionary ideas. The
voice of the people is certainly unmis
takable upon this question. Congres
sional reconstruction is an accomplished
fact, or soon will be. The people’s
policy has been announced—was an
ticipated by their representatives, and
the President elect, long ago, said ho
had no policy to interpose as against
the will of the people.
Southom State Governments are
both de facto and de jure. The
Democracy- ought to recognize this
fact here, in Georgia, even as, in South
Carolina, one of their brightest lights
has.
Let leading Democrats cease from
silly forebodings, and come up like
men to the support of our State Gov
ernment, through our noble-hearted
Governor.
Let each man determine to con
tribute his mite toward the healing of
our internal derangements and the
development of our rich resources.
Governor Bullock is as true as steel to
Georgia, and, being fully imbued with
the spirit which is the very- life of our
free institutions, will meet every man
half way, in order to unite all in the
effort to accomplish his heart’s desire—
the prosperity of Georgia, Georgia’s
glory, and the glory of the whole
country. S. VV.
November 18,1868.
De Nomenaslien.
Mas. Editor :—I is told de nome
nashen of de Dimoeracy is made for
de 4 Wards of de city, an dat Mas.
Frankie Koggin, an Mas Wm. H. Good
toberieh, an Mas. Jimmenitte Garre
gan am de studs entered for de per
litical race. Dese is all honorable
mens in dis community-, an I’m sorry
dis is all dat can be said in favor of
dem. Dey will run well, but dey
don’t represent de people.
Mas. Koggin is de sykeological ex
ponent of §600,000 in de Kotton Fac
try, an he is bound to make all' de
money he can out of dat. Mas. Good
toberich is de coefficient of a big car
penter shop an some rail estate. His
interest is to make all de money he
can out of dem. Mas. Jimmynettc
represents de Georgia}- R. Road, and
has to look after de interests of dat
concarn. Now, all dese interests, as
you an de rest of de world knows, re
quires mens not too honest to grab
every cent dey can get out of de work
ing mens, womens, an children, an
make large dividends. Dey never wants
to pay any taxes to de city, or to pay
any wages to de laborers, except so
much as will keep soul an body to
geder, to do dere work an vote as (.ley
direct (a la J. (J. Adams.) As to de
generil interest and prosperity of de
citty, as a citty, dey arc perfectly ob
livious, an if dey make de moneys,
den de rest of de citty may go to h—
as well as de citizens.
Wat I wants is a fair representa
shun of de generil interests, so wen a
poor man, white or colored, turns to
de citty lie may find work an de moans
of living without selling his votes to
de factry, carpenter shop, or R. Road.
Pompey.
N. B.—No nigger votes wanted at
de Factry.
Gen. Butler.—The Lousisville
Courier-Journal of the 14th instant
published a private letter from Gen-
Butler, in which he says:
Thai we are politically opposed, 1 think
must arise from the different light in which
we see the same thing. The South has no
firmer friend than I am and have ever been.
It is a part of my country, and although I
may misjudge in the best way to prevent the
South from the consequence of what 1 must
regard as a great crime, and still worse, a
blunder; yet I would do anything if I could
be convinced that it would tend to the pros
perity, quiet, and regeneration of the South
as a part of my country-. I bear no hatred
toward the South, or Southern men as such,
if I know my- own heart, but I am opposed,
only to those who still war upon the liest in
terests of the country, as I understand them,
and that opposition, from the very necessi
ties of my nature, will be a stem and unyield
ing one. I hope to see you and assure you in
person that I can be as ardent a friend in
peace as I was a determined and unrelenting
foe in war.”
The Courier-Journal says of this:
As a partisan we liave untiringly fired
the heaviest guns in our battery at General
Butler. When lie soars so high, and demon
strates that his will is equal to Ins capacity
for good, our guns shall all be spiked, or
turned upon those who may assail Ins acts in
our behalf.
I— •
—A writer in the New York
zensays: “If Plymouth Rock had
landed on the Pilgrim Fathers, it
would have accomplished something
worth talking about.”
SPECIAL NOTICES
Assistamt SurtniHTENDENT’s Orric„ v
ueorgia railroad, ’(
Augusta, Ga., November 19th, 1868 )
, Delegates to the North Georgia Conference M
E. Church, to be held at Griffiu, Ga., on the 2d
December, will be passed free, returning, on pre
sentation of certificate of membership from u,
Secretary of the Conference.
8. K. JOHNSON
“''’ n Ass t Sup i.
Assistant Svpbrintenpbnt’s Ornci- 1
GEORGIA RAILROAD, ’I
Augusta, Ga., ovember, 20th, 1868. J
Until farther notice the SUNDAY BEKZELIA
TRAIN will be discontinued.
8. K, JOHNSON,
no2o—lm Ass t Sup't.
JMJ-PUBI.IC NOTICE CHURCH oi'
THE ATONEMENT.—The undersigned g i res
notice that the PEWS in the CHURCH OP
THE ATONEMENT will bo rented on MON
DAY, 23d NOVEMBER, at the Church, on Tel'
fair street, from 11 o’clock a. in. to 2 o’clock
p. m.
Parties desiring to obtain Pews will p] eaEC k
in attendance, and those who have bad Pews
and who wish to retain them during the current
year, are requested to notify the undersigned of
their intention on or before the time above
named. R. c. AGNEW,
novl9—lt Treasurer.
ASS’T SUPERINTENDENT'S oFFIcf '
Georgia Railroad ’ I
Augusta, Ga., November 14th,1868 f
MfiTON AND AFTER MONDAY
November 16th, 1868, the Night Train on the
Washington Branch will run only twice a week
—Monday and Tuesday nights—leaving Washing
ton at 10:00, p. m. Returning, arriving at Wash
ington at 3:20, a. m.
8. K. JOHNSON,
nov!s—tf Assistant Superintendent.
NEWADVERTISEMENTSr
ISTotice.
Municipal Election for Mayor ami
Members of Council for the City
of Augusta.
In compliance with the requirements of an Act
of the Legislature of this State, at its recent res
sion, entitled “An Act to re organize the Municipal
Government of the City of Augusta," we, the
Commissioners therein named, and as required
thereby, do hereby give public notice,' That said
Municipal election for Mayor and Members
Couueil for said city, will be held on Wednesday
the Second day of December next, at the several
places hereinafter named, and under the Superin
tendence of the citiz.eus named for each of the
Wards, respectively, and wc appoint as Superin
tendents of said election the following citizens, to
wit:
First Ward.
BOX 1.
Henry L. Leon, .I.l*.
Elisha 11. Rogers,
Oliver F. Gregory.
BOX 2.
Jesse M. Jeans,
W. W. Alexander,
William Hale.
Alternate—William 11. Howard.
Nccoud Ward.
BOX 1.
Robert M. I’hinnizv, J. P.
G. Crawford Rhodes,
John 8. Coleman.
BOX 2.
James A. Dortic,
Thomas R. Rhodes,
Henry Allen.
Alter) late—Ellis I .yon s.
Third Ward.
BOX 1.
Alexander Phillip, J. P.
John Bowles,
Francis C. Taylor.
BOX 2.
W. A. Ramsey,
I). B. Plumb,
Geo. B. Snowden.
Alternate—William Shear.
Fourth Ward.
BOX I.
Robert F. Uurhy, N.P., Ex Os. J. P.
William E. Jackson,
John Miller.
BOX 2.
Michael O’Dowd,
William Phillip,
Simeon W. Beard.
Alternate—James B. Wilson.
The said election to be held at the following
named places'; the polls to be opened at eight (8>
o'clock a. in., and closed at five (5) o’clock p. in..
on the day named, and to be held for the
First Ward—At the Seale House.
Second Ward —At the City Hall.
Third Ward—At the Engine House, corner oi
Jackson and Greene streets.
Fourth Ward—At the Upper Market.
The appointments for the two latter Wards at
the places named, being made for the reason that
wc have been olficiaily apprised by the Mayor of
the City of Augusta, that the proprietors ol the
Central Hotel of the Third Ward, and Planters
Hotel of the Fourth Ward (being the places named
in the Ordinances for holding said elections), object
to the elections being held in their hotels.
JOHN C. SNEAD,
WM. R. McLAWS,
E. M. BRAYTON,
WM. DOYLE
R. A. HARPER.
Attest: Daviii I’ortbr, Clerk.
November 19th, 1868.
In ftccopdftnc® with th? hiw th? o«_»niiniHAiou6is
of Registration, under the Municipal Bill for the
City of Augusta, on the 11th day of November,
1868, appointed three citizens in and for each Ward
—one of whom was a Justice of the Peace—to
superintend the election. On this day a majority
of the Board appointed three additional citizens in
and for each Ward, as superintendents of said
election. The action of the majority of the Boaid
on this day, wc fiiotest against as unauthorized
by law. WM. R. McLAWS,
JOHN C. SNEAD.
Two of the Comr.
Augusta, Ga., Nov. 19, 1868.
I am also of the opinion that the Board ban no
legal right to change the places of holding tbc
election. WM. R. McLAW 8.
no2o -tde .
. ——
Wanted.
I WANT A MAN TO TAKE THE AGENO
lor Lloyd's Great Double Revolving Map
Europe and America, with tlm 4,000 county ,
ed map of the United States on the back, is
to day, and needed by every family, school an
brary it the land, with patent reversers, by wm
either map can te thrown front. Each luap
62x61 inches large, with ribbon burning
double faced rollers; cost SIOO,OOO and three y
labor. Price $5-worth SSO. A small capita
will do to start with. $lO a copy can be got i
these great maps. Send for circular, terms, ei •
Twenty new maps under way
J. T. LLOYD, (I*. O. Bos I'--)-
uo!9-lmdw Atlanta, Ga.