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Float Grain
The political affaire oi the country
are in such a disturbed condition, that
the public mind at the South scarcely
know* which way to turn its attention.
Tbreataned with military rule, com
merce aud business of all kinds becomes
depressed, agriculture finds a difficulty
in securing' assistance necessary to
conduct successfully, and everything is
at a stand still. This is a state of
affairs greatly to be deplored, and it
becomes the duty of the people to
mitigate the evil as far as lies in their
power. We do not suppose that the
military will interfere with labor and
trade, any further than may be abso
lutely necessary iu enforcing their
orders ; but will rather give every
facility in their power to encourage
them. At least, we hope so. With
this expectation and this hope, we
advise our. people to cuminue on iu the
even tenor of their way ; not to allow
their fairs and regrets to overcome
tbetu; but_ to continue to work—and
particularly to cultivate the soil. Plant
grain and make as much to eat »s
possible. If we cannot vote or talk
politics, let us, at least, do all that we
can to keep from starvation. Perhaps,
after all, something may soon turn up
for our good, that will relieve us fiom
dangers which threaten us, and enable
us to progress in Union, peace, and
harmony.
The Political Status.
We lay before our readers this morn
ing, a series of articles, embracing edi.
torials of the leading New York dailies,
and including the Sherman I {-"construc
tion bill, and the Constitutional Amend
ment, so that the entire position of
political affairs may be thoroughly un
derstood.
ThebiiliUdti.sclenrenough without any
further explanations; while the news
paper comments of the Iribune, Timet
aud World, show equally as clear what
the South is to expect if this measure
is to be rejected. If the Constitutional
Amendment had been adopted by the
Southern Slates, we might have been
spared the present '-humiliation; but it
is unnecessary to idnlge iu idie repin
ing* as to what ought to have been
done. The future, the inevitable future
is before us, ami it behooves us to con
sider carefully and cautiously our position
and course. '
Wc urged upon our readers* some
time ago, the necessity of adopting some
action—something that would secure a
compromise in regard to existing diffi
culties; but our advice was unheeded,
and the advocates of inactivity pre
vailed. The result is disastrous to us-
A via. has hsiii piaoSvd >.'h>vh 1* auvt'.
ampled ia severity,even in a monarchical
government; and we must submit to it.
The President's veto will accomplish
nothing. He is as powerless as we are.
To hope for successful resistance on
his part, therefore, is vain and idle. The
only question then is for us to decide
whether we shall avail ourselves of the
fifth section of the bill, aud so rid our
selves of its military provisions, or
whether we shall continue ar.der that
rule indefinitely. These are the only
two conditions which are left for us to
decide; aud bard as our fate may be,
bumiliating as it may be, we can see no
other alternative to pursue.
We do not feel ourselves competent
to advise any particular action in this
time in the premises: but only repeat
■what we have already said, that some
action will be necessary, and it will be
for the people to decide wbat action
they will take.
The Charleston Courier , of Feb. 25th
says on this subject:
The President, it is expected, will
send into Congress this morning bis
veto of the Sherman Bill for the govern
ment of the South. Upon its various
provisions we have heretofore expressed
our views. We await the result of the
expected veto. Until then it is idle to
indulge in speculations. The future
indeed looks sad and painful. 'There
seems scarcely a star of hope in the
political sky. The duties of life are
superior to life itself. It is one of the
highest attributes to preserve our forti
tude and sclf possession amid all of its
trials and misfortunes. Calamities may
be thrust upon us, but we can still pre
serve our dignity and self respect. We,
however, forbear further comment for
the present.
With the Courier we also say, what
ever we do, let'ti.s still preserve onr dig
nity and seif respect.
[From the hew York Tribune,]
THE RECONSTRUCTION
STRUGGLE.
The plan of reconstruction which both
branches of Congress have adopted,
underwent so many changes in its form
ation that it seems desirable to explain
the issue between the Senate and the
House und the nature of the struggle
between the lladicals, led by Mr. Ste
vens, and the more Conservative Re
publicans who supported Mr. Sherman.
The history of the measure may be
briefly written es follows:
Mr. Stevens, on February C, reported
lrom the Committee on Reconstruction,
the “ bill to provide for the more efficient
government of the insurrectionary
States.” The House entered at once
upon a debate wbicb continued till the
13tb, when it passed the bill, with little
amendment, by a vote of 109 to 55.
Tbe original plan was intended to sot
aside the prelendedigownrineuti of tbe
Rebel States; to enforce peace nnd good
order by dividing tbe States into five
mihtarv districts, the General ol tbe
Army to appoint to the command ol
each" district a Brigadier General Os
higher officer of the Regular Army, to
w-iotn power was to be given to try all
c sea by tyilitarvceurts, and to overrule
all laws and decisions made under the
authority of the Rebel Government.
Certain necessary restrictions of tbi*
power were provided in the bill, which
was in fact no more than a police sys
tem. As such we approved it, holding
railitarv rule to be better than Rebel
State Governments, and believing that
it would be speedily followed by a plan
of reconstruction in which the army
would bold but a subordinate place, and
of which loyalty and impartiality would
form the basis. W'e did not think this
bill the best that Congress could make,
but we knew it to be far better than con
tinned inaction.
The Military bill was first debated in
the Senate, Feb. 16, meeting with reso
lute opposition, chiefly on the groond
that it proposed no solution of the ques
tion which tor two years bad been be
fore Congress, and that it established
military rule in the South without con
taining any provision for the restoration
of loyal civil governments. The first
change proposed by the Senate was tbe
amendment previously offered by Mr.
Blaine in the House, and by that body
rejected. This amendment was to the
effect that any Rebel State adopting the
Constitutional Amendment giving the
elective franchise to its citizens without
respect to color, and adopting a Consti
tution ratified by all its legal voters,
should be declared entitled to represen
tation in Congress, and that from the
day of their admission the military sec
tions of the bill should be inoperative in
such Slate. It will be seen that the
Blaine amendment did not strike out a
single section of Mr. Stevens’ bill, but
introduced anew issue of reconstruc
tion by making the ratification of the
Constitutional Amendment and the con
cession of impartial suffrage the sole
conditions of restoration. It was de
feated in the House upon the ground
that it did not disfranchise any of tbe
Rebel leaders, and gave them full power
to take part in the work of reconstruc
tioti. In the Senate it wax also defeated,
but amply for parliamentary purposes.
Mr. Sbermau, on the lGth, proposed a
substitute, including substantially the
Blaine amendment, and this was passed
on the 17th by a vote of 29 to 10.
The Sherman bill set aside the Ste
vens bill, (so far as it declared that no
legal governments exist in the Rebel
State*, divided them into military dis
tricts, and prohibited State authority
from interfering with the miiitary or
ders] but it differed iu declaring it the
duty of the President to appoint military
commanders, and iu making the Blaine
amendment the basis of reconstruction.
Thus amended, the biil was returned to
the House for its concurrence.
The majority of the Republicans in
the House were in favor ot the substi
tute, but Mr. Stevens refused to accept
it, and, with a few Radicals, joined by
the Democrats, led tbe best organized
opposition of the session. Mr. Stevens,
who on other occasions has denounced
{filibustering, did not hesitate in this
emergency to fillibuster to the extent of
his power. With this weapon, hastily
snatched from the enemy, he succeeded
in preventing a concurrence in the Sen
ate amendments, and gaining time lor
the passage, of a motion torn Committee
of Conference. The Sen etc refused a
conference, and insisted on its
menu. The House, in return, propose i
two to the Sen
ate bill ; itie*irst, offered by Mr. Wil
son, being to this effect—that no person
excluded from office by the Constitu
tional Amendment shall take any part
in the reorganization of a Rebel State.
This was carried yesterday by a vole of
125 to 46. Mr. ShelUbarger had previ
ously offered anew section, by which it is
enacted that until the Rebel States are
admit ed to representation in Congress,
all civil governments they may have,
shall be provisional only; that at all
elections held under provisional author
ity impartial suffrage shall be allowed,
aud that no person shall hold office un
der provisional governments who are
disqualified by the Constitutional
Amendment. This section the House
incorporated in the bill by a vote of 98
to 79, Mr. Stevens voting in the affirm
ative ; and the bill in this shape‘was
agreed to and sent to the Semite, by a
vote of 35 to 7, concurred in the House
amendments, and thus the XXXIXth
Congress, after two years of long and
weary debate, has crowned its labors by
adopting apian for the reconstruction
of the Uuion which the people are wil
ling to accept, and by which, we trust,
Peace and Justice may be secured to
all the States and all the inhabitants of
the land. The bill, as passed by Con
gress and sent to the President lor his
approval, is as follows :
Wkerias, No legal State governments
or adequate protection for life or pro
perty now exist in the Rebel States of
Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louis
iana, Florida, Texas, and Arkansas;
mid whereas it is necessary that peace
and good order should be enforced in
said States until loyal and republican
State governments can be legally es
tablished ; therefore
he it enacted, etc., That said rebel
States shall be divided into military
districts and made subject to the mili
tary authority of the United States, as
hereinafter mentioned ; and for that pur
pose Virginia shall constitute the First
District; North Carolina and South
Carolina the Second District; Georgia,
Alabama and Florida the third District;
Mississippi and Arkansas the Fourth
District; and Louisiana and Texas the
Fifth District.
Sec. 2. That it shall be the duty of
the President to assign to the command
of each of said districts an officer of the
army not below the rank ol Brigadier
General, and to detail a sufficient mili
tary force to enable such officer to per
form his duties and enforce hi* authority
within the district to which he is as
signed.
Sec. 3. That it shall be the duty of
each officer assigned as aforesaid to pro
tect all persons in the right of person
and property, to suppress insurrection,
disorder and violence, and to puuish or
causo to be punished till disturbers of
the public peace and criminals ; and to
this end he may allow local civil tribnnnls
to take jurisdiction of und try offenders,
or, when in his judgement it may be
necessary for the trial of offenders, he
shall have power to organize military
committees or tribunals for that purpose;
and all interference under color of State
authority with the exercise of military
authority under thja uct shall bo null
aud void.
Skv. 4. That all persona put under
military arrest by virtue ot this net shall
he tried without unnecessiry delay, and
hu-orue! or .unusual punishment' shall
he inflicted, aud no sentence of any
military commission or tribunal hereby
authorized affecting the fife or liberty
of any person until it ia approved by
the officer in command W tbe district;
and tbe law* ami regulation* lor the gov
ernment of the army shall not lie affect
ed by this act, except in so far a* they
may conflict with its provisions. TVo
rided, That no sentence of death under
this act shall 1* carried into execution
without the approval of the President.
See. 5. When the people of any one
of said Rebel Slaves shall have formed
a constitution and government in con
formity with the Constitution of the
i United States in all respects, trained
by a eonvention of delegates, elected by
the mate citiaeu* of said Skvto twenty
one year* old and upward, of whatever
race, color, or previous condition, who
have been resident ia said State for one
year previous to the day of such elec
tion, except such as may be disfran
chised for participation in the Rebel
lion or for felony at common law, and
when such constitution shall provide
that the elective franchise shall be
enjoyed by all such persons as have the
qualifications herein stated fur electors
ot delegates, and when such constitu
tion shall be ratified by a majority of
the persons voting on the question of
ratification who are qualified as elec
tors for delegates, aud when such con
stitution shall have been submitted to
Congress for examination and approval,
and Congress shall hare approved the
same, and when »aid State, by a vote ol
its Legislature elected under said con
stitution, shall have adopted the amend
ment to the Constitution of the Untied
States, proposed by tho XXXIXth
Congress, and known as Article 14, and
when said article shall have become
part of the Constitution of the United
States, said State shall be declared
entitled to representation in Congress,
and Senators and Representatives shall
be admitted therefrom on their taking
the oath prescribed by law, and then
and thereafter the preceding sections of
this act shall be inoperative in said
State. P.orided , That no person ex
cluded from the privilege of holding
office by said proposed amendment to
the Constitution of the Uuited States
shall be eligible to election as a mem
ber of the Convention to fro me a Con
stitution lor any of said Rebel States,
nor shall any such person vote for
members of such Convention ”
Sec. 6. And be it further enacted.
That until the people of the said Rebel
States shall by law be admitted to
representation to the Congress of the
United States, ail civil governments
that may exist therein shall be deemed
provisional only, and shall be in all
respects subject to the paramount au
thority of the United Suites, at any
time to abolish, modify, control, and
supersede the same, and in all elections
to auy office under such provisional
governments, all persons shall be en
titled to vote, and none others, who are
entitled to vote under the provisions of
the filth section of this act. And no
person shall be eligible to any office
under such provisional governments
who wooid be disqualified iron) holding
office under the provisions of the third
article of said Constitutional Amend
ment.
TheimmediateYespousibiUty now rests
with the President, and after him with
the Southern States. He may veto the
bill, and they may refu-e its offers. But
should it become a law, tbe effects will
be these:
I. The Rebel States will retain their
present governments, but merely as pro
visional governments, under, which no
person who, as the third section of the
ConsUtutiunnl Amendment enacts,
‘•having taken an oath as a member Os
Congress, or ;is an < fficer of the United
States, or as a member of any State
Legislature, or as executive or judicial
offi er of any State, to support the Con
etitiition of the Untied States,” shall
have aided tlm Rebellion, is eligible to
office. And also under such govern
ment* no discrimination in regard to
color shall be made in the elective fran
chise. *
11. While these provisional govern
ments liebel States are to be
divided into military districts, governed
by officers of the army, with power to
organize military courts superior to
State authority.
111. The people of the Rebel States,
whenever they are tired ot this govern
ment, may, by a vote of all their citi
zens, without respect to color, except
those disqualified from holding office by
the Constitutional A mendtr.ent, elect
delegates to a Convention to form State
Constitutions. When these Constitu
tions are established upon the basis of
impartial suffrage, and are ratified by
the people, and when the States thus
organized have adopted the Constitu
tional Amendment, they shall be admit
ted to representation in Congress, when
military rule will cease, and South Caro
lina and Texan will hold ihe same
places in the Union as New York arid
Massachusetts. Nor is there want of
cause to hope that this result may soon
be reached, for those provisions of the
bill which at once establish Impartial
Suffrage make the Freedmen equal
participants in the work.
[From the New York Times.]
THE SOUTHERN PEOPLE AND
THE ACTION OF CONGRESS.
Though the inhabitants of the ten
Southern States have no part or voice
in the legislation of the country, and
though the white population of those.
States are not likely to be a political
force for some time to come, it is not
without value to observe the way in
which they regard the endless legisla
tion of Congress concerning them.
They have been perpetually before Con
gress ever since the close of the rebel
lion. There have been numberless
schemes under debate for regulating
them and their affairs. These schemes
have affected their privileges, rights and
liberties, their property, social condition
and deeply rooted customs; in fact they
have touched upon everything which
appertains to human nature, or which
matt run possess. Have they been ac
customed to political rights?—of these
they should be deprived. Have they
been possessors of property ?—this it
was proposed to confiscate. Instead of
local laws and the civil administration
of justice, they must submit to martial
law administered by Northern soldiers.
It the blacks, as their hereditary slaves,
were without power, they should be de
graded to the former position of the
blacks, and t)-e blacks elevated to the
former privileges of their hereditary
musters. Their already subdued pride
must be broken, as it were on the wheel,
and whatever means might be necessary
tor that cud, eager advocates aud ready
support could be had for it.
Arid yet, while such schemes and
projects have buen under hot and-inoes
sain debate in Congress, the Southern
people, to whom they were applicable,
have appeared (o care less nbout them
than j»ny oilier section or party of the
country. Wliilo in the North Radicals,
have fought with Conservatives, and
Democrats battled with Republicans
upou questions ull important to the
South and its interests, we have seen
the whole matter regarded in the Booth
itself with a degree ot unconcern that
could hardly be surpassed if tbe diaens
*k>us referred to the moonshine of an
other world. Even those highly demon
atrative sad reinonstrative bodies, the
Legislatures and the newspapers, have
treated the subject with an indifference
that is all but unaccountable. If articles
that presumed to be bitter were printed
now and then .in some of the newspapers,
the weakness of the utterances was more
calculated to draw sympathy than scorn
from a generous nature ; and if a Leg
islature declined to commit toiri-kari at
at our demand, it did so in a way that
showed there would be no more resist
ance to the death penalty when inflicted
by other hands. It is evident from a
thousand proofs that the great bulk of
the Southern millions have not only felt
unconditional submission to be a neces
sity. but have felt that the necessity
itself was not beyond the limits of en
durance.
Take, for instance, their course in view
of the Military Bill which has been un
der discussion for a week past, and has
now gone through both Houses of Con
gress. It would be hard to conceive any
measure more strinvent upon the South
ern people than this, as far as it goes.
It embodies measures wbicb have iong
been threatened, but which few people
in the North or South believed would
be executed. And yet, except a few
small newspnper articles, no Southern
voice is raised in deprecation of it.
We are very far from saying that all
this furnishes any excuse for harsh
measures toward the South. On the
contrary, we think no stronger argument
could be made for justice aud lenieucy.
It shows such a profound change in the
Southern temper and style of dealing
with matters, if not in the Southern
character itself, as to furnish conclusive
proof that old things have passed away,
aud all things have become new.
The tact must not be lost sight of that
it is part of the American people, and
not that part of them which lias been
least imperious and resentful iu times
past, who are now displaying the char
acteristics we have indicated. If it were
a people of another stock, of a less inde
pendent and self-asserting nature, a peo
ple accustomed to the rebuffs of fortune
aud the caprice of the conqueror. If it
were a race whom the centuries had
broken, instead of one growing stronger
with the generations, the phenomenon
of their temper and their submission
might be indicative of nothing very
remarkable. But as Americans we can
appreciate it in our fellow Americans.
Explorers of history and hunmn na
tare, aud students of political philosophy,
may think they find in such phenomena
grounds lor doubting the permanence of
our free institutions. If the Southern
people, who comprise one third of the
population of our country, have become
so prostrated as to be not only careless
of their political fate, but to be ready
for submission to any order of things
which Congress may choose to impose,
be it regal, military, or theocratic, why
may not the probable events of the fu
ture bring about a similar prostration in
the West or North, to be accompanied
by similar feelings, until we ali shall
welcome the “man on horseback,” whose
coming Caleb Cushing foresaw twenty
years ago? Neither the reasoning nor
the question ia unnatural, and though
we may not be prepared to allow them
as incapable ot answer, we must be
prepared to admit that they have force
enough to justify forethought. At alt
events, whether in view of immediate
politics or permanent poi-ties, we con
sider it exceedingly bad tor the country
that a third oC its population should be
precluded from participation in public
affairs until they care nothing whatever
for the free institutions of America, or
its political welfare.
[Fr ua the Xev York Times.]
NOT SO BAD AS IT MIGHT BE.
The IVoifd expresses the opinion that
the Reconstruction Bill adopted by
Congress might he much worse:
*' This hill, bad as it is, is more fa
vorable than any likely to be pas.-el in
its stead. If it is sent back with a veto,
the Republicans cannot choose but try
to repass it. If they succeed, it binds
them to this measure instead of a worse
one which might follow it, and prevents
the absobit*? (\iiij (iu«l exclusion of ths
South from the Presidential election,
which would be .the certain consequence
of letting the whole subject drop.”
We have seen what Democratic at
tempts to obstruct the measure result in.
They led to the disfranchisement of the
very class whom {he South has striven
to protect, and to their exclusion from
all share in the work of reorganization.
Further obstruction will provoke Con
gress to further action, and the imposi
tion of yet more distasteful pains and
penalties. The World's opinion, then,
should be pondered hoih by the Presi
dent and the South. The bill, as it is,
has no claim upon their admiration or
attachment. But objectionable as it is
in many features, it might be easily
rendered more objectionable. The best
course, in existing circumstances, is to
‘•make the best of a had bargain.”
[From the New York Times.J
THE PRESIDENT AND THE
RECONSTRUCTION BILL.
The decision of the President, what
ever it tnav be, in regard to Ihe Recon
struction Bill, will be chiefiy important
in its bearing upon his own position and
upou the mi tunes of the South. The
more than two thirds vote by which the
bill passed both branches of Congress,
places it beyond the reach of the veto.
The most that can happen is temporary
delay. To veto the measure openly
would simply be to insure its enactment
as law, irrespective of the President's
hostility. To retain it in the Executive
pocket, and so to smother it for the ses
sion, would btsfquully unavailing ; since’
the Congress which is to assemble on
the 4th of March would at once pass a
similar law, and might possibly augment
its harshness and stringency. Fur the
•sake of the South it is desirable that
the contingency be obviated, which can
only be done by an absolute settlement
within the next tew days. And for the
sake of the President himself it is to he
hoped that he will meet the issue imme
diately; whether his final decision be
for or against the bill.
The principles upon which recon
struction is provided for, and the con
ditions to which it is subjected, differ
so widely from those tavored by the
President, that his concurrence can
scarcely be expected. He has uot
shown himself an adept in the art of
conciliation, or a very earnest seeker
after compromise. The question has
reached a stagey however, iu which the
reaffirmation of his antagonism to Con
gress can avail neither himself nor the
country. It is not necessary that be re
cant his declared opinions, or surrender
his version, of constitutional right and
duty. Ha may adhere consistently to
both, and yet find himselt at liberty to
follow Mr. Beverly Johnson in his ac
ceptance of the inevitable. By no pos
sibility can he gain aught by refusing tp
acquiesce in the action of Congress.
Ho may intensify the feeling ugaiusj
himself, sod may percbaoca bring other
burden* upon tbe Booth, bat he can no
more bope to give effect to his own
views or to induce Congress to abate
die exercise of its power. The unex
pectedly large majorities on Wednesday
placed these points beyond dispute.
Nor should the President forget the pro
bable influence of his course upon the
temper and policy of the South. Do what
be may, the bill will go into effect. W hat
be may say or do may nevertheless influ
ence tbe Southern people for good or
for evil. They were misled by his ad*
vice into the rejection of tbe Constitu
tidnal Amendment—a measure which,
compared with the Reconstruction Bill,
was mildness itself. Again they have
exulted in his checks upon military
authority, and have been encouraged
by hi* language and acts to rely upon
the intervention of Ihe Supreme Court
Intentionallv or otherwise, there.ore, he
has incurred a responsibility from which
he cannot escape, and the remembrance
of this fact should not be without influ
ence upon his treatment of the present
bill. It is now possible for him to
encourage the expectation that bis
views shall more or less affect the ad
ministration ot the law—in which case
much sullen defiance may be looked
for in tbe South ; or, ou the other hand,
by an unreserved acknowledgement of
the power of Congress and the will of
tbe loyal people, he may at the outset
convince the South of the necessity of
accepting the terms offered without
more ado.
To the South it is no longer a ques
tion of choice. The “dignity” which
obstructed Governor Orr's path cannot
tsve tbe present Governments from tbe
operation of negto suffrage and the
disability clause of the Constitutional
Amendment. The ‘‘passive resistance”
and “masterly inactivity” which South
ern Solons have inculcated as infallible
prophylactics, will neither frusirate-the
Brigadiers -and their commands nor
save from disfranchisement a large and
influential class. The provisions of the
bill will be brought into play, happen
wbat may. New Constitutions will be
provided, despite the disfranchisement
and exclusion from the conventions of
every prominent rebel. The only open
aspects of the question refer to the
-spirit in, which these events shall be
received, and the disposition to be
shown in relation to them. It is in
connection with these points that the
President should feel his responsibility.
And it is iu view of this responsibility,
rather than in consideration of any
other circumstance, that we trust the
President will respect the action of
Congress as a settlement of the recon
struction question, from which there is
no appeal.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL
AMENDMENT.
The following is the text of the
Constitutional Amendment now await*
ing the action of the Legislatures of the
several States :
-Joint Resolution proposing an Amend
ment to the Constitution of the
United States.
Pc it enacted by the Senate and House
of Representatives of the United States
of America, in Congress assembled
(two thirds of both Houses concurring),
'1 hat the following article be proposed
to the Legislatures of tbe several States
as an amendment to the Constitution
*f ' the United States, which, when
fcrifctaßl by three-fourths of said Legis-
Ttasßs, shall be valid as part of the
Constitution, namely:
ARTICLE XlV—Sectio.y 1. All
perseji# born or naturalized iu the
l nited States, aud subject to the juris
diction thereof, are citizens ot the
United States, and of the State wherein
they reside. No State shall make or
enforce any law which shall abridge
the privileges or immunities of citizens
of the United States ; nor shall any
State deprive any person of life, liberty,
or property, without due process of law.
noc deny to any person within its juris
diction the equal protection of the
laws.
Sec. 2. Representatives shall be ap
portioned among the several States
according to their respective numbers,
counting the whole number of persons
in each State, excluding Indians not
taxed. But when the right to vote at
any election for the choice of Electors
for President and Vice President of
the United States, Representatives'in
Congress, the executive and judicial
officers of a State, or the members of
the Legislature thereof, is denied to any
of the male inhabitants of such State,
being twenty one years of age and
citizens of the United Slates, or in any
way abridged, except for participation
■ in rebellion or other crime, the basis of
representation therein shall be reduced
in proportion which the number of
such male citizens shall bear to the
whole number of male citizens twenty
one years of age, in such State.
Sec. 3. No person shall be a Senator
or Representative in Congress, or Elec
tor of President and Vice President, or
hold any office, civil or military, under
the United States or under any State,
who, having previously taken an oath,
as member of Congress, or as an
officer of the United States, or as a
member of any State Legislature, or as
an executive or judicial officer of any
State, to support the Constitution of the
United States, shall have engaged in
insurrection or rebellion against the
same, or given aid and comfort to the
enemies thereof. But Congress may,
by a rote ot two thirds of each House,
remove such disability.
Sec. 4. The validity of the public
debt of the United States, authorized by
law, including debts incurred fur pay
ment of pensions and bounties for
services in suppressing insurrection and
rebellion shall not be questioned. But
neither-the United States nor any State
shall assume or pay any debt or obliga
tion incurred in aid of insurrection or
rebellion against the United States, or
any claim for loss or emancipation of
any slave ; but all such debts, obli
gations. or claims, shall be held illegal
and void.
Sec. 5. The Congress shall have
power to enforce, by appropriate legis
lation, the provisions ol this article.
The Peabody Record.
To bis relations $2,500,000
To tbe poor of Loudon 2,250,000
To'the Grinned Arctic Expedi
tion 19,000
To the towns of Danvers and
Salem 100,000
To the City of Baltimore 1,000,000
To Phillips’ Academy 25,000
To the Massachusetts Historical
Sooiety 20,000
To the Baltimore Historical So- .
eiety 25,909
To Harvard College 150,000
To Yale College 150,000
To the South 2,000,000
To tho Essex Mm cum, Salem,
Mass 150,000
To the Institute, Newburyport,
Mass ...• 15,000
To Bishop Mcllwains, for col
lege iu West 25,000
Total $7,829,000
Tbs Kllswoktb Humicidx. — Tbe
Mt. Sterling (Ky.) Sentinel,o f the 21sU,
gives tbe following account of the mur
der of Mr. Smothers, by Capt, Ells
worth, formerly quite noted as Gen.
Morgan's telegraph operator.
On Saturday evening last, Capt. Ells
worth, accompanied by Boyd and Mox
ley, both residents of Bath county, went
to the village of Sharpsburg, began
drinking, and soon became intoxicated.
While in this condition they engaged in
a game of cards with some of the pro
fessional gentry of Sharpsburg. Before,
however, they began playing, Mr. Smo
thers, knowing CapU Ellsworth, at
tempted to dissuade him from playiosr.
In this his efforts were ineffectual.
After playing a short time, Ellsworth
requested Smothers to get them a bottle
of brandy, which he did. After hand
ing it to him he turned off to leave
them. Ellsworth drew his pistol and
shot him, the ball entering his back be
low tbe shoulder blade and passing
through his heart, killing him instantly.
Thereupon, Ellsworth. Boyd and Mox
ley mounted their horses, dashed through
town, shooting at every citizen that
dared to show himself. A posse of
citizens started in pursuit of them, sue
ceeded in overtaking and capturing
Boyd and Moxlev; they also overtook
Ellsworth, but upon their coming up
with him he fired upon them, and there
by so delayed them as to make good Jps
escape, at least for the present time.
Too long has our section been disgraced
by such foul murders.
IN MIDIORI i.n
DOMINICK FRANCIS SUERON; born
in the Parish of Eglish, King’s County,
Ireland, July 26th, 1843; Died in Augusta,
Ga., February I6tb, 1867, aged 23 years, 6
months, and 21 days.
A young man of noble character and high
promise, bis death is a loss, not only to his
own family, but, also, to the community of
which he was snch a worthy and respected
member. Full of hoDest and praiseworthy
ambition, he strove hard to excel in the oc
cupation which he had selected for himself;
and faithful and attentive as an Apprentice
at the Printing Easiness, he proved faithfal
and just as a graduated Compositor. Pa
triotic and devoted to his adopted country,
he went with his Company when called into
service, though of a delicate constitution
and exempted from military service. Pes
sessing talents of no ordinary character, he
wr te some interesting sketches of “Irish
Celebrities,” which were published in the
Pacijientor, of this city, at the time, and
wbicb reflected no little credit upon his liter
ary taste. At the close of the war, he sought
to improve his uiiud, and for this purpose
betook himself to tbe “Academic Groves”
of Georgetown College, where he applied
himself so closely to study that he soon
gained Collegiate honors and distinctions of
the most flattering character, and gave as
surance of an honorable and enviable future
for tbe zealous young student. Bat, alas!
tbe assiduity with which be applied himself
to his studies proved too much for h's al
’ready feebie constitution, and, perhaps,
served to hasten the sad event which we
have recorded.
On bis return from College, he sought, in
the wilds of Florida, to restore his shattered
health; but in vain ; and he returned to
Augusta only to die in the bosom of his
family and in the a-mg of that mother he
had, in life, so fondly loved. After long
suffering, with patient resignation, be yielded
up his spirit to the God who gave it, aud in
a blessed immortality, it is to be hoped, that
spirit dwells in the regions of Bliss, and
wears tho crown of glory given to the
blessed “dead who die in the Lord.”
“Full of repeutance,
Continued meditations, tears, aud sorrow,
lie gave his honors to the world again,
His Messed part to Heaven, and slept in
peace."
# 3 * » * * *
“Nothing in his life
Becsmc him like the leaving it. lie died
As one teat had been studied in his Death,
To throw away the dearest thing ho ow’d
As ’twere a careless trifle !’’
Peace to his ashes ! Immortality to his
soul! B.
A nynWa, Ga., Feb. 25, 1867.
S. ecial Notices.
Consignees pek Central Railroad.
Feb. 24. Ist Ames, B A Cos, 0A D, Nelson
A Mol, WAD* Cos, V A M, Mrs Frede
rich, Cook AM, JGB4 Bro, M CoheD, E
O'Donnell, E Mustin, II F Bussell, T
Richards A Son, Jas Yarrow, D R Wright
& Cos, G Voirer & Cos, V Richards A Bro,
Gray M dc C, Moore A Cos, [N. Y.J R F
Urguhart, Sterenson A Cos, Conley F A Cos,
Stoy A J, A Bohne, W H W db Cos, P Ma*
1 >no, C db M, T N Johnson, Mrs Goutihy, C
W Johanson, W T Peay, S D Heard, Bruce
A Cos.
EMIGRATION TO VENE
ZUELA.—Having been appointed Agent of
the Venezuela Company loi the State of
Georgia, I atn prepared to sell shares in
said Company, and to impart such informa
tion as will convince all that Venezuela pos
sesses superior advantages over all other
countries for our people to emigrate to.
A. F. RUDLER.
Agent Venezuela Company,
Georgia State Lottery Office,
Rear of No. 227 Broad street.
fe26—tf
BUREAU OF R., F. AA. L. )
Office A. S. A. Cosimissioner, >
Augusta, Ga., Jan. 29, 1807. J
ORDER NO. 1.
EST* INFORMATION HAVING
been received at this office that numerous
parties are in this city employing Freedmen
for laborers; that some of these parties are
in the habit of giving the Freedmen liqaor
for the purpose of iuducing them to sign
contracts, also inducing them by this means
to violate contracts previously made.
Therefore, it is hereby ordered, That no
contract will be considered binding until
approved at these Headquarters, neither
will auy contract be considered binding
when made through the influence of intoxi
cating liquors ; neither will the advancing
of money or rations have any effect in
binding the parties made in relation of
this order. W. F. WHITE,
fcbl—tf Capt. A A. S. A. Com.
MRS. PICQUET WOULD IN
FORM the Ladies of Augusta that she is
prepared to dr Dressmaking, Plain Sewing,
and Braiding, and desires a liberal share of
their patronage. She can he found at the
corner of GItEENE and CENTRE SIS.
No. 96. ja23—tf
pumSStner
212 BROAD STREET,
AUGUSTA, GA.
jalO—tf
New Advertisements.
Situation Wanted.
TBI SERVICES OF A practical
BOOK-KEEPER, who can give good
reference, and bar an extensive city and
country acquaintance, can be procured at a
moderate salary. Apply at
THIS OFFICE.
fe26—6*
To Rent,
The well known and popular
FLOWER GARDEN and ICE CREAM
ESTABLISHMENT celled Smith’s Garden,
oo Telfair street. Ap, ly to
MRS. SMITH,
fo26— ts * 134 Broad street.
Election Notice.
CLERK OF COUNCIL’S OFFICE, >
Auccsta, Ga., Feb. 21,1867. /
AN ELECTION FOR INSPECTOR
and Measurer of Wood, for the Second Di
vision, vice Matthew Sheron, resigned, will
be hold at the next Regular Meeting of
Council, Friday, March Ist, 1867.
Candidates must hand in their applica
tions at this office by 12 o’clock, M., tbe
day previous.
By order of Council.
L. T. BLOME, C C.
fe26—3
NEW BOOKS! NEW BOOKS I!
IdALIA {by Oneida)
TWO MARRIAGES (by Miss Mulock)
INGEMI6CO
CAMERON HALL
FAITH UNWIN’S ORDEAL
ST. ELMO, and others.
Just Received at
J. C. SCHREINER A SONS.
fe24 —3
JUVENILE CONCERT
AT
Concert Hall.
TUESDAY EVENING, FEB. 26, 1867.
Doora open at 74, Concert to commence at
8 o’clock.
Singing, Mnsic on the Piano, Duett-, etc.,
Given by the Pupils of Madame Ballot’s
Music School as a mark of respect for that
lady.
The ages of tho Children giving the Con
cert will be from 5 to 12 year3.
The use of tho Hall has been gratuitously
tendered, and the Piano to be used has been
kindly loaned by Geo. A. Oate.-. Eiq.
Tickets, sl.; Children under 12 years
old, 50c.; to be obtained at J. C. Schrein
er’s and at the door.
fe24—2
ROOMS WANTED,
FOR THE
Parisian Photographic Company.
A DDRESS, WITH FULL PARTICU
-11 lars, A. P.,
fe24—2* DAILY PRESS OFFICE.
GROCERIES.
2Q HnDS. BROWN SUGAR
bags COFFEE
chests TEA
C) X hhds. BACON, Sides and Shoui-
U“e ders
1 tierces prime SUGAR CURED
IU HAMS
J QQ bbls. FLOUR, all grades
|OO kegs NAILS
cases MUSTARD, J, J, aud 1 lb
eJ\J cans
f/C boxes Colgate’s Palo and No. I
IO SOAPS
25 boxes Pearl STARCH
KA cases Plantation and Wahoo BIT
-O\J ters
bbls. Rye WHISKEY
I A qr. casks WINE, Sherry, Port, and
-I vz Madeira
00 boxes TOBACCO, assorted grades
50 boxos CANDLES
50 doz. BROOMS
g 0 doz. BUCKETS
20 cases SARDINES
50 boxes CHEESE
50 cases PORTER and ALE
10 nests Cedar TUBS
20 nests Painted TUBS,
In store anti for sale low by
O’DOWD db MULHERIN.
fe24—s
COM AND OATS.
1 000 BUSHELS CORN
500 bushels OATS
Far sale by
O’DOWD & MULHEBIN,
fe24—s
A NOVELTY.
The repeating match, anew
invention for safety and economy.
For sale by
BARRETT, CARTER & CO-,
W. 11. TUTT,
HANSBERGER A CO.
1e24—6
BAUON FOR SALE.
1 flfifi Uj!i - BACON CLEAR SIDES,
A OjUUvJ zured in this city;
1 x Ann !bs - bacon CLEAR RIB
lUjUUU SIDES and SHOULDERS;
At the lowest market price. May be seen
in the Wareroom under tbe Newton House,
on tho corner of Washington and Kllis
streets. SI. A. DEIKJNEI’.
fe2t—tf
GRA.N, Floor,
Bacon, Etc.
3000 BUSHELS CORN
3000 BUSHELS OATS
300 BARRELS FLOUR
SOOOO POUNDS CLEAR SIDES
5000 ORAIN sacks
Tennessee BUCKWHEAT, BUTTER,
and EGGS, for sale low, by
C. A. WILLIAMS A CO.
fe22—Hit
BOARDING.
A FEW SINGLE GENTLEMEN CAN
be accommodated with BOARD AND
LODGING, by application to
J. J. I.ATnROP,
Corner Lincoln and Ellis streets.
feS— tf
Carpets *• Upholstery,
New Supply^
OF
CAEPETSi
mats,
RUGs,
druggetts,
FLOOR OIL CLOTHS
TABLE OIL CLOTHS,
Window Shades,
PICTURE TASSELS,
Cord and Nails,
COCOA AND CANTON
MATTINGS,
WALL PAPER
AND
Lace Curtains,
AY FEW STYLES,
WITH FINISHED BOEDEES
DAMASK, REP, AND MUSLIN
CUHT^YXISrS!
CORNICES, ~
Bands and Pins!
JUST RECEIVED,
IN NEW STYLES
AND AI
REDUCED PRICES!
The attention of those in want of such
articles is invited to the above New and
Beautiful
LLYE OF GOODS!
J. G, BAILIE & BRO.,
205 BROAD STREET.
Groceries!
Anew and beautiful stock of
GROCERIES Just received, embracing
all of those
Fancy Groceries
Required about Christmas times.
ALSO,
Table and Cooking WINES
OLD BRANDY
OLD WHISKEY
RUM AND GIN.
5 kegs Pure Old IRISH and SCOTCH
WHISKEY!
Just arrived and for sale by
JAS. G. BAILIE & BRO.,
205 BROAD STREET.
de2o—tf