Newspaper Page Text
TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA.
The undersigned, in the discharge of the duty assigned them, have had the proceedings
of the convention printed which they herewith lay before the public, and to which they
particularly request the attention of the superintending committees. At this critical
juncture it cannot be denied to be of the first importance to the interest of the people of
the state, and perhaps no less so to the union itself, that the will of the majority of the
people of Georgia in relation to this subject, should he accurately known by a clear and
distinct expression. For this purpose were the superintending committees, appointed as
the several organs of communication through wnich that sovereign will may be ascer
tained.
It is neither our province or our inclination to remark upon the merits of that great
and agitating subject which has produced these movements of the people, but as every ef
fort has been made to prejudice the public mind ugaint the adoption of the course recom
mended, and some extraordinary strides have since been taken to stifle the expression of
the opinions of a patriotic majority of the people of Georgia, we deem it our duty so far as
the statement of facts will enable us, to disabuse the minds of the “ unwary ” of such pre
judices as they may have imbibed from the extraordinary conduct, and representations of
the minority.
The object, and only object contemplated by the convention, is relief from the burdens
of unconstitutional federal legislation. The unconstitutionally and oppressiveness of the
acts in question have been and continues to be asserted by our people without division.—
The state through her legislature has in vain icinonstrated and protested against the exer
cise of this power, and notwithstanding the unabated opposition heretofore manifested,
Congress at its last session passed an act preserving the principle of protecting manufac
tures in the most objectionable and dangerous form. The act based upon a partial reduc
tion of imports, has been generally considered by its opponents, and claimed by its ad
vocates from the modification in the amount of the revenue, to be intended to settle the
protective system upon us as the permanent policy of the government. Under these
alarming circumstances, a suggestion was made by a large and respectable meeting of the
people at Athens that the people of the state should meet in convention for the purpose of
determining upon some mode of relief from this dangerous exercise of power. Dangerous
from its being not only an intolerable grievance that northern capital should he protected
by a heavy tax upon southern labor, but rendered doubly dangerous from its rapid ten
dency if submitted to annihilate those restrictions and limitations in the grant of powers
to the Federal Government, which under the constitution afford the only security for free- 1
dorn. In accordance with the invitation, the people very generally,ashy one spontaneous j
action, elected delegates to represent them in this convention, the result of whose coun
cils is now laid before them for their approval or rejection. Was there any thing in this
meeting, or the manner of getting it up, that the friends of the constitution and of liberty
should deplore ? Was the design unworthy of freemen who wished to continue to be
free? Was there not abundant cause, and is there not upon such occasions, an imposing
necessity for freemen to assemble, for the purpose of preserving their freedom? A denial
of the propriety of an assemblage of the people upon so interesting an occasion, can be
sustained only upon the principle, that the people are incapable of attending to their most
important interests, and that their agents are the best judges of their rights and compose
the only competent tribunal by which they may he protected and defended. The conven
tion was composed of three-fourths of the counties of the state, containing as will appear
by a tabular statement annexed, more than three-fourths of the representative population.
A difference of opinion arose among its members as might have been expected ; unanimi
ty upon so important a subject was not to be anticipated. The minority made an effort in
the committee of twenty one to pass resolutions offered by Mr. Forsyth, a copy of which
is appended, by which they contended ‘'that it is not necessary to reiterate in anew form,
the opinions of the people on the subject of the Tariff’, or the necessity for the abandonment I
of the protecli ve system to preserve the union and maintain harmony among the states,” 1
and “that the legislature should provide for the appointmentof delegates to meet a southern ■
convention ■whenever all the states south of the Potomac and north of the Mississippi agree
to appoint their delegates for that propose.” The majority sensible that such resolutions \
were equivalent to a declaration, that the state would submit to the violation of those rights *
that they had convened to preserve, of course .rejected their adoption. If the SecedcrsJ
<lkl not consider themselves authorised to act for n single State, it certainly argued a de-!
gree of political absurdity and inconsistency, verging upon fatuity itself, to dictate to the j
whole &outh, the course of policy she should pursue. It was virtually saying to the ma
jority, if you will adopt our measures, we will acknowledge the People duly and le
gitimately represented by the Convention, but if you do not, we will secede from you and
denounce your measures us dangerous and unconstitutional. The minority then be
cause they could not controul the majority seceded, alleging in their protest against the
proceedings of the majority, that more than twenty counties were unrepresented, and that
the majority refused to have such a scrutiny instituted into their right to seats in the
convention as would shew them to be the representatives'of the people. No one opposed
an examination into the right of any member to bis seat, but the qualifications required
by the scrutiny which the minority desired to be instituted, were such as would exclude !
many of the present legislature from their seats. The meeting being a spontaneous effort
of the people to get together in council was of necessity informal. To take advantage of
the informali ties not possible to be avoided in such a primary movement of the people and
upon that informality to break tip the convention, was the object of the leader of the sece
ders, and so plain was it manifested that it could scarcely escape the notice of anyone
present.
fo Hie objection that twenty counties were unrepresented, rest the same unsound prin*
pie upon which their proposed convention was based; that is, if not all the oppressed do
not rise at once, it is improper for any to take measures of resistance, even though three
fourths should engage in concert. Their committee too, who were by them appointed to
make an exposition of their viwesto the public, proscribe the proceedings of the conven
tion as emanating from a body not authorized to act. It is not pretended by the convention
that the views presented are final and conclusive, and therefore binding upon the people,
but they are only intended as recommendatory of such a course as in their judgment is
best calculated to promote the great object which gave impulse to their action. If the mi
nority had authority to attendthe convention, the presumption is very strong in favor of the
majority’s being equally clothed with recommendatory power.
Had not the majority as much right in public—in open day—before the people of the
State —m the State House —to counsel together, on the most effectual mode of relieving
their constituents trom oppression, as had the minority to hold secret caucuses, at night, in
a Tavern, tor the purpose of defeating the plan of the majority? Which shall appear the
most patriotic, remains to be determined by the just appreciation of those in the name of
whom both parties were acting. The minority, when in caucus in the Tavern, did not
represent themselves in the character of a Voluntary association of a number of gentle
men having no peculiar relation to the people, but they professed to be a part of that con
vention from which they had seceded. They were so truly. They were the minority of
those sixty one counties which had assembled in convention, and their secession left not
one county less represented than were at the time they took their seats. As well might
the minority of the legislature, upon the passage of Mr. Ryan’s resolutions have withdrawn
and refused to have voted upon them, under the vain expectation of defeating their appro
val by asserting that their constituents were not represented. And that they “expected to
withdraw whenever a course should be adopted” (as time will prove that to have been)
“clearly inconsistent with the interest of their constituents.”* The committee of the So
cedcrs in their exposition state that there were twenty counties “ devoted to the cause
of the Un'on ” who refused to be represented. There is evidence of but few having refused,
and upon the great democratic piinciple which is still alive in this State, it should be
presumed that even those counties would sooner yield to the will of the majority, than
calculate upon the novel expedient of remaining unrepresented, the better to enable them
to controul the balance of the State. It is anew mode of computing strength to count
neutrals. The only just scale of estimating, their opinions is by that of a majority Who
went’into convention. But in regard to the Union, a word so bandied for political effect—
the public are too sensible of the unfeigned attachment of all parties to the union to be at
all influenced by such unjust and illiberal insinuations. The time and talents of the Sece-
ders and their committee arc very unprofitably spent when employed upon the forlorn hope
of inducing the public to believe that there is less of love of the Union—less of patriotic
devotion to the interest and happiness of the people in the majority of that convention than
in the iinority. That a majority of the people were represented there is no reasonable
ground ofdoubt, but that is not the main question; and it is perfectly immaterial whether the
resolutions recommended for adoption by the people he the work of a majority or of a mino
rity. they are only advisory; and it is the interest of the people not to be led away from the
merits of so important a subject by collateral issues perfectly indifferent in themselves or
their consequences, but to consider well of the different propositions, and adopt as unitedly
as possible that course which seems most likely to effect a redress of those grievances
which both parties assert to exist in a very high degree.
It is not designed to be concealed that the majority believe the time to have arrived
when the State with one voice should proceed to act with spirited and effective opposition
to the protective system. The policy of the minority is equally apparent to all who will
but judge for themselves —to put down if possible such opposition, some of them say for
the present, and others forever. The result of their policy will be the same, whether it
be for the present or indefinite postponement of the subject. It ends in SUBMISSION to
unconstitutional legislation ; this is clearly indicated by Mr. Ryan’s Resolutions; which
the committee of the Scceders take special care to say. contain “substantially the plan which
they would have recommended.” It is natural for authors to evince a lively interest for
their own productions. It would be wonderous indeed if the committee should form an
exception to those common attachments; since these very resolutions, it is said, are the
offspring of the Caucuses at night at the Tavern by the Seeeders and their friends in the
legislature of the same political aastc,to counteract the views of the majority,which charge
being made bv a member in his place, Mr. Ryan did not den/. The Seeeders and their
friends in the legislature have fully developed their course, nor do they desire to disguise
it, a3 appears by the resolutions proposed in the committee of the Convention by Mr. For
syth, and (heir substantial reiteration in the I louse of Representatives by Mr. Ryan. Th'
plan of th<j_ Seeeders that five out of six States must agree to a Southern Conven
tion, as a condition precedent to resistance, shews plainly that they requiro such miri a
sonable and unexpected concurrence of number as to place their project entirely out ofthc*
question, so far us it might be intended to operate a: a remedy against the operation of the
the MACON ADVERTISER.
( Tariff. But their object is to let the subject rest undisturbed, as they well know, and the 1
, people cannot avoid seeing that they impose such restrictions upon the action of tiie State (
I that the plan which they propose is in itself nugatory, and cannot be executed. Tennessee,
lias already expressed her determination not to go into Convention, and at the time Mr.,
i Ryan’s resolutions passed the House of Representatives it was well known as appears by
Mr. Bates’ amendment, that South Carolina had taken tier final and decisive resolution by
a solemn ordinance of her people in Convention annulling the unconstitutional acts, so
far as regarded their operation within her limits without consultation with any State. It
is therefore clear that the Seceders and the friends of Mr. Ryan’s resolution, do not anti
cipate a Convention according to their plan—do they not know that under all the circum
stances connected with this subject, there cannot be such a Convention. Why then attempt
to deceive the people with such illusory and deceptive propositions? Placing their propo
sed Convention upon a contingency so improbable that no just expectation can be formed
of its ever happening is sufficient evidence of their intention to defeat any, and all action
upon the subject, while the plan of the Convention proposed by a majority of the State Con
vention may, and probably will take place, whether composed of twe, three, or .-e cu States;
as it provides for consultation with such States having like interest with our own anil dis
posed to unite with us in resistance to the principle. The committee of the Seceders say,
“the resolutions adopted by flic remnant of the Convention, both those which relate to their
doctrine and their project receive our decided condemnation, the constitutional principles
which they announce are stated in a manner, which however designed is at least fitted
j to seduce the uuwary into the doctrine of nullification.”
| It was not unexpected that such language would be employed by those generally, who
j are averse to the doctrine, that the State has the reserved power of redressing her own
wrongs. But it is to us a little surprising that gentleman so eminent in character for logi
cal acumen, as those at the head of that committee, should so unnecessarily and gra
tmtiously commit themselves. They urge a wrong,and deny a remedy. They say that they
express but one sentiment concerning the Tariff, viz : “ that it is unjust, unwise, and un
constitutional,” yet they will not permit their own State to enter into consultation with any
less number of States, as to the mode and time of relief from their acknowledged Uun
just, unwise and unconstitutional Tariff, than they (a minority) shall prescribe. That a
consultation with five Slates, would be wise and politic, but a consultation with two, three
or four, “is fitted tosedu.ee the unwary into the doctrine of nullification,” while a conven
tion composed of only one more State, provided it is recommended by them is free from
that odious principle. It will be difficult for them to induce the people to believe, that
the principle is changed by thqse numerical distinctions. Mark Further their inconsisten
cy. In their resolutions submitted by Mr, Ryan, it is Resolved, that if the above plan of
a Southern convention is adopted by a majority of the citizens of this State, given in the
1 manner therein described; it will he the right and duty of the different functionaries of
tiiis State, to afford all necessary aid in facilitating its execution, that istosay if a majority
of the people approve of their plan, which is to hold a convention composed of delegates
from ji vc States, if they can be had, it is then peaceful and binding ; it being the “ duty''
of the public functionaries in that event to afford all necessary aid in facilitating its execu
| tion. But :f a majority of the people ratify the plan proposed by delegates especially se
lected by the people themselves, by which a Southern Convention may be held, with such
number of “ States having like interest with our own, and disposed to unite with us in re
sistance to the principle,” whether more or less than fee, then it is fitted to seduce the
I unwary into the doctrine of nullification, and to escape from the consequences of such
|an alarming doctrine, the people are requested not to vote for such convention. Their
course in these resolutions in substance and effect, support the doctrine that the people
when met together for tlic avowed purpose of correcting a great evil in the administration
of theirgovernment, are acting rashly and without authority, and that it is necessary fortheir
well being, that they should lie under the conjoint supervisorship of theirovvn minority, and
their servants, the legislature. The people generally have claimed the right to instruct
their representatives, and heretofore that right has been accorded to them. But the pre
sent legislature, so far as the majority of the House of Representatives is concerned, has
reversed the principle,and assumed the right of dictating to their masters.
Fellow Citizens A crisis is at hand when it becomes necessary for the safety of
the constitution and the union, that the people should speak out in language not to be mis
understood. The contest is one of the deepest interest to all. The General Government
claims substantially the excluaive right of judging of the extent of the power which
has been granted to it by the States.
The question of the supremacy of the constitution or consolidation of the State Govern
tnentscan no longer be postponed. The issue is formed and cannot be averted. At this
momentous period it is all important that Georgia be firm, united, and inflexible, and the
sooner her voice is heard in favor of an uncompromising resistance to the principle of pro
tection, the sooner shall we have peace, tranquility, and liberty. And for the accurate
ascertainment of the opinions of the people, it is respectfully suggested to the superintend
ing committees, that they open their polls especially on the Ist Monday in Jan.&that those
who approve of the proceedings of the convention, write upon their tickets the word ap
prove, and those who are apposed to the adoption of the measures recommended write up
on their tickets the word disapprove; arid in those counties where from a want of acquaint
ance wi,th the people no superintending committee may have been appointed, or where
the superintending committee irom any cause may fail to act, it is earnestly and respect
lully requested for the purpose of obtaining a correct knowledge of the will of the people,
in relation to this matter, that the magistrates presiding at the election of county offi
cers shall hold the elections. In presenting the foregoing views, we tire members of the
central committee have carefully abstained from entering further into the subject than we
consideicd ourselves justified, by the course which has been taken since the adjournment
of the convention to distract public opinion, and derange any plan which the people of
themselves might think proper to pursue. It is for the people who are alone interested in
the question of liberty or slavery to determine, whether Congress shall be limited in its ac
tion to those powers which they have granted, or whether they will submit to aconsolida
| tion of all power in the General Government—whether they have sovereign, independent
j rights, or whether a redress of their wrongs shall be dependent upon the previous consent
jof five States ! Success of the Seceders against tfie constitutional principles announced
bv the convention, may cover their leaders with laurels. But like-other victors whose
I wreaths are entwined by the miseries and sufferings of their followers, their trophies will
be the ruin ot State sovereignty, at the heart-rending sacrifice of tlie constitution of their
| country. Very respectfully,
JOHN H. HOWARD, 't
S. ROCKWELL,
. WM. 11. TORRANCE. • Members cf Central Comm.
/ JAS. S. CALIIOUN, J
ELECTIOiVS.
For Solicitor—Clicrokcc Circuit.
Ballotings |lst|2d|3d |4th | sth| Cth j 7th | Bth | J)tlij 1 Oth Jll thj 12th] 18> 14th
Clark, 37 32 20 2 1
Holt, 12 9 12 8 6 6 8.13 14 11 8 0 3
Gonder, 29 31 35 40 17
Irwin, 17 12 9 9 8 10 7 7 12 15 20
Cobb, 3 2 1
Payne, 4 2 1
Oglesby, 5 5 5
Walker,* 17 16 12
Sinis,f 28 27 23
Mason, # 12 9
5 Hubbard, 4 2
i Bcrthelot, 3 5 4
Warner, 30 39 54 103 108115 114 109 98 95 102 109 112 113
Pearman, 7 6 .
Groves,* 4 3
Ezzard, 21 24 48 G 7 9G 107 108 110 109 1017 108 113 11G 118
I Farnbrough, 3
Steelman, 1
* Withdrawn on the 3d ballot,
do. “ “ 2d do.
f On the 4th ballot, many of the gentlemens names were either withdrawn or
propded.
Election for J ud S e-. Cherokee Circuit. [ Aft . T | fl| 7S 10{ , ]23
Andrews 25 23 30 17 15 12
Crane 18 13 7 6 8 5 FOU .11 A.SOR CE£RAL,
Crawford* 30 27 18 1 0 1 7th Division.
11ayne............ 9 ' ® Jj 20 ; Vice Maj. Con. Andrew Miller resigned,
" ii ’ § M “f.Batcof Halll 113, Balling** ~l'Hull.
Vitchell 8 5 5 5 3 i ,C3 —Beall ol Wulton, 48.
McDonald 63 71 73 79 80 73;
Petit 4 33 1 1 3 ....... ...
Blank 2 2 2 1 1 3 ***'- *II2I Poliii'noss.
* Withdrawn on the 4th ballot. Thi.ro I. cn im>l. n fii.. •. • >
t do “ “6th do. 1 Here is so much of the suaviter inmodo—
FOK BRIO AI>IFK OMER IL, in the following paragraph from the Georgia
l()th Division. Courier, that we cannot forbear its re-publi-
Lowe of Harris, 11 f> elected cation :
m m 0, < ,an( * ’ -V* “Judge Clayton, it seems, has acquired a
I . 1. Damage, 157 little horror of stage accidents. The papers
Col. Harwell, of Harris, < SG state he passed Abbeville Court House, with
I'OK MAJOR OfcN'LKAL, Ins lady, in his own carriage. We arc sorrv
l(Hh Division. bis good lady is with him ; for it prevents our
Ist* bid. till, Bd wishing his next turn-over might knock Nul-i
fanning, 81 91 95 location out of him.”
MAC ’Off.
TUESDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1632.
Message of the President of the United States to
the Senate snd llous of Representatives, at the
opening of the second session of the £2d <_ ongress.
FtLlow-citiztn:; of the. Senate and
Jlouse of Representatives.
It gives me pleasure to congratulate you upon your
return to the seat of Government for the purpose of
discharging your duties to the people of the United
States. Although the pestilence which has traversed
the old world, has entered our li ■ its, and extended
its ravages over much of our land, it has pleased Al
mighty God to mitigate its severity, and lessen the
number ol its victims, compared with those who
have fallen in most other countries over which it has
spread its terrors. Notwithstanding this visitation
our country presents, on every side, marks of pros
perity and happiness, unequalled perhaps, in any
other portion of the world. If we fully appreciate
our comparative condition, existing causes of dis
content, will appear unworthy of attention, and with
hearts of thankfulness to that divine being who has
filled our cup of prosperity we shall feel our reso
lution strengthened to preserve, and hand down to
posterity, that liberty and that union which we have
received from our fathers, and which constinute
the sources and the shield of all our blessings.
The relations of our country continue to present
the same picture of amicable intercourse that I had
the satisfaction to hold up to your view at the open
ing of the last session. The same friendly profes
sion the same desire to participate n our flourishing
commerce, the same disposition to refrain from inju
ries, unintentionally offered, are, with few excep
tions, evinced by all nations with whom we have any
intercourse. This desirable state of things may be
mainly ascribed to our undeviating practice of the
rule which has long guided our national policy, to re.
quire no exclusive privileges in commerce, and to
grant none. It is daily producing its beneficial ef
fect in the respect shown to our flag, die protection
of our citizens and their property abroad, and in the
increase of our navigation, and the extension of our
mercantile operations. The returns which have
been made out since we last met, will show an in
crease, during the last preceding year, of more than
80 000 tons in our shipping, and of near forty mil
lions of dollars in the aggregate of our imports and
exports.
Nor have we less reason to felicitate ourselves on
the position of our political than of our commercial
concerns. They remain in the state in which they
were when I last addressed you a state of prospe- ;
rity and peace the effect of a wise attention to the
parting advice of the revered father of his country
on this subject, condensed into a maxim for the use
of posterity, by one of his most distinguished succes
sors, to cultivate free commerce and honest friend,
ship with all nations, but to make entangling allian
ces with none. A strict adherence to this policy has
kept us aloof from the perplexing questions that now j
agitate the European world, and have more than
once deluged those countries with bloodt hould
those scenes unfortunately recur the parties to the
contest may cuunt on a faithful performance of the 1
duties incumbent on us as a neutral nation, and our
own citizens may equally rely on the firm assertion
of their neutral rights.
With the nation that t was our earliest
friend &. ally in the infancy of our political
existence, the most friendly relations have
subsisted through the late revolutions of
its Government, and, from the events of
the last, promise a permanent duration.—
It has made an approximation in some of
its political instit tior.Sj, to our own, and
raised a monarch to the throne who pre
serves, it is said, a friendly recollection of
the period during which he acquired a
mong our citizens the high consideration
that could then have been produced by
his personal qualifications alone.
Our commerce with that nation is grad
ually assuming a mutually beneficial
character, and the adjustment of the
claims ot our citizens has removed the
only obstacle there was to an intercourse,
not only lucrative, but productive oflitera
ry and scientific improvement.
From Great Britain I have the satisfac
tion to inform you that I cantinue to re
ceive assurances of the most amicable dis
position, which have, on all proper occa
sions, been promptly and sincerely recip
rocated. The attention of that Govern
ment has latterly been so much engrossed
by matters of a deeply interesting do icstic
character, that we could not press upon it
the renewal of negotiations which had been
unfortunately broken off by the unexpect
ed recal ot our Minister, who had com
menced them with some hopes of success.
My great object was the settlement of
questions which, though now dormant,
might hereafter be revived,under circum
stances that would endanger the good
understanding which it is the interest of
both parties to preserve inviolate, cement
ed as it is by a community of language,
manners, and social habits, and by the
high obligations we owe to our British an
cestors lormany of-our most valuable in
stitutions, and for that system ot Ivepre
sentative Government which has enabled
us to preserve and improve them.
Ihe question of our Northeastern
boundary still remains unsettled. In my
last annual message, I explained to you
the situation in which I found that business
on my coming into office, and the meas
ures I thought it my duty to pursue for
asserting the rights of the* United States
before the Sovereign who had been chosen
by my predecessor to determine the ques
tion ; and also the manner in which he
had disposed of it. A special message to
the Senate, in their executive eopacity,
afterwards brought before them the ques
tion, whether they would advise a submis
sion u> the opinion of the Sovereign arbi
ter. I hat body having considered the
award as not obligatory, and advised me
to open a further negotiation, the proposi
tion was immediately made to the British
Government; but the circumstances to
which I have alluded have hitherto pre
vented any answer being given to the
overture. Early attention, however, has
been promised to the subject, and every
effort on my part will be made for a satis
factory settlement of this question, inter
esting to the Union generally, and parti
cularly so to one ol its members.
i he claims of our citizens on Spain are
not yet acknowledged. On t closer in
vestigation o| them than appears to have
heretofore taken place, it was discovered
that some of these demands, however
strong they might be'upon the equity of 1
that Government, were not such as
be made the subject of interference
faithful to the principle of asking ‘ 'S
but what was clearly rhffit S
s,ructions have bj •
demands, so as to embrace those 5 OUr
which, according to the laws „f U y 01 >
vv M ha o l ? strict ri § ht to insist
table delay m procuring the a Ulevi
necessary for this review ofthr, CUnie N
these claims, retarded this operahe rjf
an unfortunate malady, which i n Untii ]
cd His CatholicVMajesU
examination ol them. Being nm e °]. e<1 8:1
first time presented in an unexcerf ° r the
fbrm, it is confidently hoped the
tion will be successful. “Pphca-
I have the satisfaction to inform
that the application I directed to h? H
for the delivery of a part of,£ a M
of Florida, which had been carried ?,?
favaima, has produced a royal order J
their delivery, and that measures h °1
been taken to procure its execution 'H
By the report of the Secretary of <5. ,
communicated to you on the *aS i ’
last, you are informed of the v I
reduejo,;, obtained by the MinSS'
batted States at Madrid, of the daft*
tonnage levied on American shim n
the ports of Spain. The condifi on M
ieduction having been •complied with J
our par ,by the act passed the l 3th “f j j
lv last, 1 have the satisfaction to fofJj
you that our ships now pay no highertl
other duties m the continental p„ r s 1
S|.am that, are levied on our nalih J
1 lie demands against Portugal for j]k|
gal captures in the blockade of Tercein J
have been allowed to the full amount ol
the accounts presented by t!. claim
and payment was promised to be madenl
hree instalments. The first of these has
been paid ; the second, although due had I
not, at the date of our last advices, ’been
received ; owing, it was alleged, toe
barrassments in the finances, 0 conse<X|
on the civil warm which that nation
engaged. 18 1
The payments stipulated by the comen- J
tion with Denmark have been punctual
made, and the amount is ready for disri I
but.on among the claimants as soon as Z\
ffisr sha “ hav^H
1 regret that by the last advices from!
our Charge and Afiairs at Naples, that Gov-I
ernment had still delayed the satisfaction!
due to our citizens; but at that date the!
etiect of the last instructions was noJ
known. Despatches from thence are!
hourly expected, and the result will bel
communicated to you without delay. 1
W !th the rest of Europe, our relation J
political and commercial, remain unchanJ
ed. Negotiations are going on to put J
a peimanent basis, the liberal system oj
commerce now carried on between us an!
the Empire of Russia. The treaty col
eluded with Austria is executed by Hil
Imperial Majesty, with the most perfecl
good faith ; and, as we have no diplonJ
tic agent at his court, he personally si
quned into* and corrected a proceedin'.'!
some of his subaltern officers, to the ii,ul
ry of our Consul in one of his ports. 1
Our treaty w ith the buiolime Porte is prmio!
in<r its expected effects on the commerce, ,'otl
markets are opening for our commodities,aid!
more extensive range tor the employmentoloul
ships. A slight augmentation of the duties ol
our commerce, inconsistent with the spirit of J
treaty, had been imposed; but, on the represen*
tton of our charged’ affaires, it has been prompt*
withdrawn, and we now enjoy the trade and nat*
lgation ot the iilack Sea, and of all the ports bel
lunging to the Turkish Kmpite and Asia, on till
most perfect equality with all foreign nations. I
wish, earnestly, that, in announcing toy*
the contmuence of friendship, and the increase!®
a profitable commercial intercourse with Mexin®
with Central America, and the States of I*
South, I could accompany it with the assurai*
that they all are blessed with that internal tnfl
quillity and foreign peace which their heroics®
votion to the cause of their independence meet®
in Mexico, a sanguinary struggle is now
on, which has caused some embarrasment tool®
commerce; but both parties profess the mo®
friendly disposition towards us. To the termi®
Jtion ol this contest, we look for the establish*
inept ot that secure intercourse so necessary *
nations who-e territories arc contiguous. Ho>l
important it will he to us we may calculatefro®H
the fact, that, even in this unfavorable stateoffl
things, our maritime commerce lias iucreasrfl
anil an internal trade, by caravans, from St-L®*
is to .Santa I*c, under the protection of eseJU®
furnished by the Government, is carried out®
great advantage, and is daily increasing. I'®
agents provided for by the Ireaty with this Pot*
or, to designate the boundaries which it esta*
iis tied, have been named on our part; but one*
the evils of tire civil war now raging there In®
been, that the appointment of those with wit*
they were to co-operate has not yet been annois*
ed to us. |
The Government of Central America hast*
pel led from its territory the party which, sm*
time since, disturbed its peace. Desirous oft*
tering a favorable disposition towards us, win*
has, on more than oue occasion been evinced ? ®
this interesting country, I made a second atiem*
in this year, to establish a tliploniatic
with them; but the death of the distinguished**
tizen whom I had appointed for that purpose 1*
retarded the executions of measures, froinwh**
I hoped much advantage to our commerce, y*
union of the If States which formed the keifj 1 *
of Colombia has been dissolved; hut they all*
is believed, consider themselves as
hound by the treaty, w hich was made in their
deral capacity, [’lie Minister accredited if l *
federation continues in that character, near j*
Government of New Granada, and hopes'**
entertained that anew union would he
tween the separate States, at least for the l lur P*
ses of foreign intercourse. Our Minister hatf*
instructed to use his good offices, whenever • **
shall lie desired, to produce the re-union so® lll j*
to hr wished, lor the domestic tranquility o *
parties, and the security and facility of t° ,e H
commerce. I
Some agitations, naturally attendant on , an *
font reign, have prevailed in the empire *
w hich have had the usual effect upon co |n " ll \*
operations; and while they suspended the r, f.*
• ration of claims created on similar occa *
they hate given rise to now complaint* 0 ■
