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• citizens. A proper consideration for
part v ■ irul difficulties cl'this nature has made
c a'“® u!e^ ;it an( j peremptory in our demands for
uS ' MS Than duty to our feilow-citizens would,
j" sliCft -let circumstances, have required. But
under “"•’ g are not neglected, and will, on all
tb‘ f C ‘^ cjS ion3, be urged, and it is hoped with
effect. . making any communication on
* "fS of our affairs with Buenos Ayres, be
eSU ' e negotiation communicated to you in my
<c use tae 1 message was, at the date of our last
j jS i annua and j n a s t a i e that would
aJV H Ce3 ’publication of the details inexpedient,
rendera p f amity and commerce has been form
,Ai[fa,L Republic of Ohili, which, ifapprov-
. v ; he laid before you. That
™ • ent seems to he established, and at peace
neighbors; and its ports being the resorts
f u ships which are emplored in the highly im
° ° ttrade of the fisheries, this commercial
P orU " t ion cannot but be of great advantage to
C ° n leilow-cttizens engaged iu that perilous but
profitable business.
V. commerce withjthe neighboring Statelof Peru,
•■jicrthe onerous duties levied on our principal
0 "' of export, has been on the decline, and all
to procure an alteration have hitherto
fled fruitless. With Bolivia, we have yet no
,1 ]i>mauc intercourse, and the continual contests
1 med on between it and Peru have made me de
nntil a more favorable period, the appoint
ment of any agent for that purpose.
An act of atrocious piracy having been commit
tej on one of our trading ships by the inhabitants
o fa settlement on the west coast of Sumatra, a
fricrate was despatched, with orders to demand
satisfaction for the injury, if those who committed
it should be found members of a regular govern
ment, capable cf maintaining the usual relations
with foreign nations: but if, as it was supposed,
and as they proved to he, they were a hand of
lawless pirates, to inflict such a chastisement as
Mould deter them and others from like aggres
sions. This was done, and the effect has been
an increased respect for our flag in those distant
seas, anti additional security fur our commerce.
In the view I have given of our connex
ion with foreign powers, allusions have been
made to their domestic disturbances or for
eign wars, to their revolutions or distentions.
It'niay be proper to observe, that this is done
solely in cases where those events affect our
political relations with them, or to show their
operation on our comrmerce. Further than
this, it is neither our policy nor our right to
interfere. Our best wishes on all occasions
our good offices when required, will be af
forded, to promote tire domestic tranquillity
and foreign peace of all nations with whom
we have any intercourse. Any intervention
in their affairs furthes than this, even by the
expression of an official opinion, is contrary
(o our principles of international policy, and
will always be avoided.
The report which the Secretary of the
Treasury will, in due time, lay before you,
will exhibit tiie national finances in a highly
prosperous state. Owing to the continued
success ofnur commercial enterprize, which
lias enabled the merchants to fulfil their en
gagements with the Government, the receipts
trom customs during the year w ill exceed
the estimate presented at the last session, and
lith the other means of the Treasury will
prove fully adequate, riot only to meet the
increased expenditures resulting from the
Isrge appropriations made by Congress, but
to provide for the payment of all the public
debt which is at present redeemable. It is
now est.mated that the customs will yield to
the Treasury, during the present year, up
wards of twenty-eight millions of dollars
the public lands, however, have proved less
productive than was anticipated; and, ac
cording to present information, will not much
exceed two millions. The expenditures for
all objects other than the public debt, are
estimated to amount, during the year, to
about sixteen millions and a half, while astill
hrger sum, viz. eighteen millions of dollars,
villhave been applied to the principal and
interest of the public debt.
It is expected, however, that in conse
quence of the reduced rates of duty which
effect after the 3d of March next
dinre will be a considrrable falling off in
'he revenue from customs in the year 1833.
It will, nevertheless, be amply sufficient to
J rovide for all the wants of the public ser-
V| M) estimated even upon a liberal scale,and
tor the redemption and purchase of the re
mainder of the public debt. On the first of
January next, the entire public debt of the
united States, funded and unfunded, will be
reduced within a fraction to seven millions of
00 ars; of which, two millions two hundred
ani brenty-seven thousand three hundred &
sixty-three dollars are not of right redeema
ble until thy first of January, 1834, and four
Ini ', ons BeV(; n hundred and thirty-five thou
san two hundred and ninety-six dollars,
not untd the second of January, 1835
10 wnmissioners of the Sinking Fund,
nowever, being invested with full authori
••o P u rcl)ase the debt at the market
cc ’ , *j ie means of the Treasury bc
wnT P • ma y * ,e hoped that the whole
l)e extinguished within the year 1833.
tTo UUI a 1 to ° cordiall y congratulate Cou
a(in, ?y fellow-citizens on the near
evem i°* memorable and happy
4 dpht ’r i ° ext mguishincnt of the public
fnl t< tl ™ S £ reat an d free nation, Faith
ed out Kv T s ? an< ? Idiotic policy mark
tliis, i,; tle legislature of the country for
•dpvm Jj ? Ct ’ . tll(i P J ' ese nt adtninistration lias
Sw dtoltall the means which a llour
dent ?, Colnmerce las supplied, and a pru-
T rpaoi COnoni y preserved, lor the public
whi(.|i I,'"' ‘thin the four rears for
utivo , 10 I>co P !o have confided the Exec
i otis , fTu rt ° ln y charge, fifty-eight mili
tia ° ars Wl *l have been applied to
thi s |'''! lent of the public debt. That
in'll,? ><<;n accomplished without stint
objoctv' tor all other proper
eralnrr • ,c seen *h v refering to the lib-
Od for V SlOn "‘ado during the same peri
in Cans i" su PP 01 ’t and increase of our
for in,” aiaratime and military defence,
'haracw r lm l )rovonientt of a national
lion of.i, ’ i ol ,.* ie rnmoval and preserva
iant v ( , t e r . '“‘ff’ !l " d ’ lastl >’’ f ‘*r the gal-
Revolution.
r °ni out- 11 '- 1 rc,nov al of this great burthen
f ;r tl,r„ r rCSO " r< T’ athirds the means of
1 revision for all the objects of gen
eral welfereand public defence which thel
constitution authorizes, and presents the
occasion for such further reduction in tiis
revenue as may not he required for them.
From the report of the Secretary of the
Treasury, it will be seen that, after the
present year, such a reduction may be
made to a considerable extent, and the
subject is earnestly recommended to the
consideration of Congress, in the hope that
the combined wisdom of the representa
tives of the people will devise such means
of effecting that salutary object, as may re
move those burthens which shall be found
to fall unequally upon any, and as may
promote all the great interests of the com
munity.
I ,ong and patient reflection has strength
ened the opinions I have heretofore ex
pressed to Congress on this subject; and
I deem it my duty on the- present occa
sion, again to urge them upon the atten
tion of the Legislature. The soundest
maxims of public policy and the princi
ples upon which our republican institu
tions are founded, recommend a proper
adaptation of the revenue to the expendi
ture, and they also require that the expen
diture shall be limited to what, by an eco
nomical administration, shall be consis
tent with the simplicity of the Govern
ment, and decessary to an efficient public
service. In effecting this adjustment, it is
due in justice to the interests of the differ
ent States, and even to the preservation
of the Union itself, that the protection af
forded by existing laws to any branches
ot the national industry should not exceed
what may be necessary to counteract the
regulations of foreign nations, and to se
cure a supply of those articles of manufac
ture essential to the national independ
ence and safety in time of war. If, upon
investigation, it shall be found, as it is be
lieved it will he, that the legislative pro
tection granted to any particular interest
is greater than is indispensably requisite
for these objects, I recommend that it be
gradually diminished, and that, as far as
may be consistent with these objects, the
whole scheme of duties be reduced to the
revenue standard as soon as a just regard
to the faith of the Government and to the
preservation ol the large capital invested
in establishments of domestic industry,
will permit.
That manufactures adequate to the sup
ply ol our domestic consumption would,
in the abstract, be beneficial to our coun
try there is no reason to doubt; and to ef
fect their establishment, there is, perhaps
no American citizen who would not, for a
while, be willing to pay a higher price for
them. But, for this purpose, it is presum
ed that a tariff of high duties, designed for
perpetual protection, has entered into the
minds ot but few of our Statesmen. The;
most they have anticipated is a temporary
and generally incidental protection, which
they maintain, has the effect to reduce the
price by domestic competition, below that
of the former article. Experience, how- 1
ever, our best guide on this, as on other!
subjects, makes it doubtful whether the ad
vantages of this system are not counter
balanced by many evils, and whether it
does not tend to beget in the minds of a
large portion ol our country men a spirit
ot discontent and jealousy, dangerous to
the stability of the Union.*
W hat then shall be done ? Large interests j
have grown up under the implied pledge of
our national legislation, which it would seem
a violation of public faith suddenly to aban
don. Nothing could justify it but the public
safety, which is the supreme law. But those
who have vested their capital in manufacturing
establishments, cannot expect that the people
will continue permanently to pay high taxes for
their benefit, when the money is not required for
any legitimate purpose in the administration of,
the Government. Is it not enough that the high !
duties have been paid as long as the money a-;
rising from them could be applied to the common
benefit in the extinguishment of the public debt 1
Those who take an enlarged view of the con
dition of our country, must he satisfied that the
policy of protection must be ultimately limited to;
those articles of domestic mrnufacture which are
indispensable to our safety in time of war. With
in this scope, on a resaonahle scale, it is recom
mended by every consideration of patriotism and
duty, which will doubtless always secure to it a
liberal and efficient support. But beyond this
object, we have already seen the operation of the
system productive of discontent. In some sec
tions of the republic its influence is deprecated
as tending to concentrate wealth into a few
hands, and as creating those germs of depen
dence and vice which in other countries have
characterized the existence of monopolies, and
proved so destructive of liberty and the public
good. A large portion of the people in one sec
tion of the republic declares it not only inexpe
dient on these grounds, but as disturbing the e
qual relations of property by legislation, and
therefore unconstitutional and unjust.
Doubtless these effects are, in a great degree,
exaggerated, and may be ascribed to a mistaken
view of the considerations which led to the adop
tion of the Tariff System; but they are neverthe
less important in enablingus to review the sub
ject with a more thorough knowledge of all its
bearings upon the great interests of the republic,
and with a determination to dispose of it so that
none Cun wit i justice complain.
It is niy painful duty to state, that, in one quar
ter of the United States, opposition to the reve
nue laws has arisen to a height which threatens
to thwart their execution, if not to endanger the
integrity of the Union. Whatever obstructions
may be throw n in the way of the Judicial Autho
rities of the General Governnment, it is hoped
they will be able peaceably to overcome them by
the prudence of their own officers and the patri
otism of the people. Hut should this reasonable
reliance on the moderation and good sense of all
portions of our fellow citizens be disappointed,
it is believed that the laws themselves are fully
adequate tothe suppression of such attempts as
may be immediately made. Should the exigen
cy arise, rendering the execution of the existing
laws impracticable from any .cause whatever,
prompt notice of it will he given to Congress,
with a suggestion ofsuelt views and measures as
may be deemed necessary to meet it.
in conformity with principles heretofore ex
plained, and with the hope of reducing the Gen
! oral Governmont to that simple machine which
| Constitution created,and of withdrawing trom
! the States all other influence than that of its uni
versal benificence in peace, affording an uniform
currency, maintaining the inviolability of con
tracts, diffusing intelligence, and discharging un
felt its other superintending functions, i recom
mend that provision be made to dispose of all
stocks now held by it in corporations, whether
created by the General or State Governments,
and placing the proceeds in the Treasury. Asa
source ot protit, these stocks are of little or no
vatue ; as a means ot influence among the States,
they are adverse to the purity' of our institutions.
The whole principle on which they are based is
deemed by many unconstitutional, and, to persist
in the policy which they iudicate, is considered
wholly inexpedient.
It is my duty to acquaint you with an arrange
ment made by the Bank of tho United States
with a portion of the 3 percent slock, by which
the Government will be deprived of the use of
the public tunds longer than was anticipated.
By this arrangement, which will be particularly
explained by the Secretary of the Treasury, a
surrender of the certificates of this stock may be
postponed until October 1833; and thus the lia
bility of the Government, after its ability to dis
; charge the debt, may be continued, by ths failure
of the Bank to perform its duties.
Such measures as are within the reach of the
Secretary of the Treasury have been taken to en
able him to judge whether the public deposiles
in that institution may be regarded as entirely
| safe; but as his limited power may prove iuade-
I quate to this object, I recommend the subject to
| the attention of Congress, under the firm belief
j that it is worthy of their serious investigation.—
An inquiry into the transactions of the Institu
tion, embracing the branches as well as the prin
cipal Bank, seems called for by the credit which
is given throughout the country to many serious
charges impeaching its character, and which, if
true, may justly excite the apprehension that it
is no longer a safe depository of the money of the
people.
Among the interests which merit the conside
ration of Congress, after the paymeutofthe pub
lic debt, one of the most important, in my view,
is that of the public lands. Previous to the form
ation of our present Constitution, it was recom
mended by Congress that a portion cf the. waste
lands owned by the States should be ceded to the
United States, for the purposes of general harmo
ny, and as a fund to meet the expenses of the war.
The recommendation was adopted, and at ditl'e
r.-nt periods of time the States of Massachusstts,
New York, Virginia, North and South Carolina,
& Georgia, granted their vacant soil for the uses
lor which they had asked. As the lands may
now he considered as relieved from this
pledge, the object for which they ceded hav
ing been accomplished, it is in the discretion
of Congress to dispose of them in such way
as best to conduce to the quiet, harmony, and
general interest of the American people. In
examining this question, all local and sec
tional feeling should he discarded, and the
whole United States regarded as one people,
interested alike in the prosperity of their
common country.
It cannot he doubted that the speedy set
tlement of these lands constitutes the true in
terest of the republic. The wealth and
strength ofa country are its population, and
the best part of that population are the culti
vators of the soil. Independent farmers are
every where the basis of society and true
friends of liberty.
In addition to these considerations, ques
tions have already arisen, and may he expect
ed hereafter to grow out of the public lands,
which involve the rights of the new' States
and the powers of the General Government:
and unless a liberal policy he now adopted,
there is danger that these questions inav
speedily assume an importance not now
geneiaily anticipated. The influence of a
great sectional interest, when brought into
full action, will be found more dangerous to
the harmony and union of the States than any
other cause of discontent; and it, is the part of
wisdom and sound policy to foresee its ap
proaches and endeavor, if possible, to count
eract them.
Of the various schemes which have been
hitherto proposed in regard to the disposal of
the public lands, none has yet received the
entire approbation of the National Legisla
ture. Deeply impressed with the importance
ofa speedily and satisfactory arrangement of
the subject, 1 deem it my duty on this occa
sion to urge it upon your consideration, and,
to the propositions which have been hereto
fore suggested by others, to contribute those
reflections which have occurcd to me, in the
hope that they may assist you in your future
deliberations.
It seems to me to be our true policy that
the poor lands shall cease as soon as practica
ble to be a source of revenue, and that they
be sold to settlers, in limited parcels, at a
price barely sufficient to reimburse to the
United States the expense of the present
system, and the cost arising under our Indi
an compacts. The advantage of accurate
surveys and undoubted titles, now secured to
purchasers, seem to forbid the abolition of
the present system, because none can be sub
stituted winch will more perfectly accomplish
these important ends. It is desirable how
ever, that in convenient time this machinery
be withdrawn from the States, and that the
right of soil and the future disposition of it
be surrendered to the States respectively in
which it lies.
The adventurous and hardy population of
the West, besides contributing their equal
share of taxalion under our impost system,
have, in the progress of out Government, for
the lands they Occupy, paid into the Treasury
a large proportion of forty millions of dol
lars, and of the revenue received thorefrom
hut a small part has been expended amongst
them. When to the disadvantage of their
situation in this respect, we add the conside
ration that it is their labor alone which gives
real value tothe lands, and that the proceeds
arising from their sale are distributed chiefly
among States which had not originally any
claim to them, and which enjoyed the undi
vided emolument arising from the sale of
their own lands, it cannot be expected that
the new States will remain longer contented
with the present policy after the payment of
the public debt. To avert the consequences
which may be apprehended from this cause,
to put an end forever to all partial and inter
ested legislation on this subject, and to afford
to every American citizen of eriterptise, the
opportunity of securing an independent free
hold, it seems to me therefore, best to aban
don the idea of raising a future revenue out
of the oulilic lands.
MACON ADVERTISER.
In former messages I have rxprersed my
conviction that tho constitution docs not war
rant the application of the funds oT the Ge
neral Got eminent to objects of Internal Im
provement which are not national in their
character; and both as a means of doing jus
tice to all interests, and putting an end to a
course of legislation calculated to destroy the
purity of the Government, have urged the
necessity of reducing the whole subject to
some fixed and certain rule. As there never
will occur a period, perhaps more propitious
than than the present to the accomplishment
of this object, I beg leave to press the sub
ject again upon your attention.
Without some general and well defined
principles ascertaining those objects of Inter
nal Improvements to which the means of the
nation may he constitutionally applied, it is
obvious that the excercise of the power can
never be satisfactory. Besides the danger to
which it exposes Congress of making hasty
appropriations to works of the character of
which they may he frequently ignorant, it
promotes a mischievous and corrupting influ
ence upon elections, by holding out to the
people the fal!acious,hope that the succcsof a
certain candidate will make navigable their
neighboring creek or river, bring commerce
to their doors, and increase the value of their
property. It thus favors combinations to
squander the treasure of the country upon a
multitude ol local objects, as fatal to just le
gislation as to the purity of public men.
11 a system compatible with the constitu
tion cannot be devised, which is free from
such tendencies, we should recollect that that
instrument provides within itself tho mode
ot its amendment; and that there is, there
fore, no excuse for the assumption of doubt
ful powers by the General Government. If
those which are clearly granted shall be found
incompetent to the ends of its creation, it can
at any time apply for their enlargement; and
there is no probability that such an applica
tion, il founded on the public interest, will
ever be refused. If the propriety of the
proposed grant be not sufficiently appa
rent to command the assent of three
fourths of the States, the best possible
reason why the power should not be as
sumed on doubtful authority is afforded ;
for, if more than one-fourth of the States
arc unwilling to make the grant, its exer
cise will be productive of discontents
which will far overbalance any advantage
that could be derived from it. All must
admit that there is nothing so worthy of
the constant solicitude of this Government
as the harmony and union of the people.
Being solemnly impressed with the con
viction that the extension of the power to
make Internal Improvements beyond the
limit I have suggested, even if it be deem
ed constitutional, is subversive of the best
interests of our country, I earnestly re
commend to Congress to refrain from its
excercise in doubtful cases, except in rela-
tion to improvements already begun, un
less they shall first procure from the
States such an amendment of the constitu
tion as will define its character, and pre
scribe its bounds. If the States feel them
selves competent to these objects, why
should this Government wish to assume
the power ? If they do not, then they
will not hesitate to make the grant. Both
Governments are the Governments of the
people ; improvements must be made
with the money of jjie people; and if the
money can be collected and applied by
those more simple and economical politi
cal machines, the State Governments, it
will unquestionably be safer and better for
the people, than to add to the splendor,
the patronage, and the power of the Gene
ral Government. But if the people of the
several States think otherwise, they will
amend the constitution, and, in their deci
sion, all ought cheerfully to acquiesce.
Fora detailed and highly satisfactory
view of the operations of the War Depart
ment, I refer you to the accompanping Re
port of the Secretary of War.
The hostile incursions of the Sac and
Fox Indians necessarily led to the inter
position of the Government. A portion
of the troops under Generals Scott and
Atkinson, and of the militia of the State
of Illinois, were called into the field. Af
ter a harrassing warfare, prolonged by the
nature of the country, and by the diificul
ty of procuring subsistence, the Indians
were entirely defeated, and the disaffected
band dispersed or destroyed. The result
has been credible to the troops engaged in
the service. Severe as is the lessson to
the Indians, it was rendered necessary by
their unprovoked aggressions); and it is to
he hoped that its impression will he per
manent and salutary. This campaign has
evinced the efficient organization of the
army, and its capacity for prompt and ac
tive service. Its several departments
have performed their functions with ener
gy and despatch, and the general move
ment was satisfactory.
Our fellow-citizens upon the frontiers
were ready, as they always are, in the
tender of their services in the hour of dan
ger. But a more efficient organization of
our militia system is essential to that se
curity which is one of the principle ob
jects of ail Governments. Neither our
situation, nor our institutions, require or
permit the maintenance of a large regular
force. History offers too many lessons of
the fatal result of such a rncasore not to
warn us against its adoption here. The
expense which attends it, the obvious ten
dency to employ it because it exists, and
thus to engage in unnecessary wars, and
its ultimate danger to public liberty, will
lead us, 1 trust to place our principal de
liendence lor protection upon the great
body of the citizens of the public. If, in as
serting rights, or repelling wrongs, war
should conic upon as, our regular force should
be increased to an extent proportioned tothe
emergency, and cur pausent small army is a no
cleus around which such force could be formed
and embodied. But for the purposes of defence,
under ordinary circumstances, we must rely upon
the electors of the country. Those by whom,
and for whom, the Government was instituted
and is supported, will constitute its protection iu
the hour of danger, as they do its check in the
hour of safety.
But it is obvious that the militia system is im
perfect. Much time is lost, much unnecessary
expense incurred, and much public property was
ted, under the present arrangement. Little use
ful knowledge is gained by the musters and
drills as now established, and the whole subject
evidently requires a thorough examination
W hether a plan ofclassification, remedying those
defects, and providing for a system of instruction
might not be adopted, is submitted to the consid
eration of Congress. The constitution has ves
ted in the General Government an independent
aurhority upon the subject of the militia, which
renders its action essential to the establishment
or improvement of the system. And 1 recommend
the matter to your consideration, in the convic
tion that the state of this important arm of the
public defence requires your attention.
I am happy to inform you that the wise
and humane policy of transferring from
the eastern to the western side of the Mis
sissippi the remants of our aboriginal
tribes, with their own consent, and upon
just terms, has been steadily pursued, and
is approaching, I trust, its consumption
By reference to the report of the Secretary
of War, and to the documents submitted
with it, you will see the progress which
has been made since your last session in
the arrangement of the various matters
connected with our Indian relations.—
With one exception; every subject involv
ing any question of conflicting jurisdiction,
or of peculiar difficulty, has been happily
disposed of, and the conviction evidently
gains ground among the Indians,
that their removal to the counrty, assigned
by the United States for their permanent
residence, furnishes the only hope of their
ultimate prosperity.
With that portion of the Ciicrokccs, how
ever, living within the State of Georgia, it
has been found impracticable, as yet, to make
a satisfactory adjustment. Such was my anx
iety to remove ill the grounds of complaint,
and to bring to a termination the difficulties
in which they are involved, that I directed
the very liberal propositions to be made to
them which accompany the documents here
with submitted. They cannot, but have seen
in these offers the evidence of the strongest
disposition, on the part of the Government,
to deal justly and liberally with them. An
ample indemnity was otlered for their pres
ent possessions, a liberal provision for their
future support and improvement, and full se
curity for their private and political rights.—
W hatever differenccof opinion may have pre
vailed, respecting the just claims of these
people, there will probably he none respect
ing the liberality of the proposition, and very
little respecting the expediency of their im
mediate acceptance. They were, however,
rejected, and thus the.position of these Indi
ans remains unchanged, as do the views com-
municated in my message to the Senate of
February, 1831.
1 refer you to the annual report of the
Sec’ry. of the accompanies
this message, tor a detail of the operations
of that brnnch of the service during the
present year.
Besides tho general remarks on some of
the transactions of our Navy, presented in
the view which has been taken of our foreign
relations, I seize this occasion to invite to
your notice the increased protection which it
has afforded to our commerce arid citizens on
distant seas, without any augmentation of the
force in commission. In the gradual im
provement of its pecuniary concerns, in the
constant progress in the collection of materi
als suitable for use during future emergencies,
and in the construction of vessels and the
buildings necessary to their preservation and
repair, the present state of thjs branch of the
service exhibits the fruits of that vigilance
and care which are so indispensable to its ef
ficiency. Various new suggestions contain
ed in the annexed report, as well as others
heretofore submitted to Congress, are worthy
of your attention; but none more so than
that urging the renewal, for another term of
six years, of the general appropriation for the
gradual improvement of the Navy.
From the accompanying report of the Post
master General, you will also perceive that
that Department continues to extend its use
fulness without impairing its resources, or
lessening the accommodations which it af
fords in the secure and rapid transportation of
the mail.
I hog leave to call the attention of Con
gress to the views heretofore expressed in re
lation to the mode of choosing the President
and Vice President of the United States, and
to those respecting the tenure of office gen
erally. Still impressed with the justness of
those views, and with the belief that the
modifications suggested on those subjects, if
adopted, will contribute to the prosperity and
harmony of the country, I earnestly recom
mend them to your consideration at this
tine
-1 have heretofore pointed out defects in the
law for punishing official frauds, especially
within the District of Columbia. It has been
found almost impossible to bring notorious
culprits to punishment, and, according to a
decision of the court for this District, a pro
secution is barred by a lapse of two years af
ter the fraud has been committed. It may
happen again, as it has already happened,
that, during the whole two years all the evi
dences of the fraud may be in the possession
of the culprit himself. However proper the
limitation may be in relation to private citi
zens, it would seem that itoi.glit not to coin
meuce running in favor of public officers un
til they go out of office.
The Judiciary system :.f the United States
remains limperfect. Of the nine Western
and Southwestern States, three only enjoy the
benefits of a circuit court. Ohio, Kentucky,
and Tennessee, are embraced, in the general
system; but Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Ala
bama, Mississippi, and Lousiuna, have
ouiy district courts. If tho existing system
be a good one, why should it not be extend
ed? If it be a bad one, why istt suffered to
exist? The new States were promised cqu al
rights and privileges when they came into .me
Union, and such are the guanantees of the
constitution. Nothing can I c more obvious
than the obligation of the General Govern
ment to place all the States on the same foot
ing, in rela-ion to tho administiatioii of jus
tice, and I trust this duty will be neglected no
longer.
On many of the subjects to wliictj your at
tention is invited in this communication, it
is a source of gratification to r. Her t. that the
steps to he now adopted are u..influenced by
the embarrassments entailed upon tho coun
tiy by the wars through which it Las passed.
In regard to most of our meat interests, wo
way consider ourselves as just starting in our
career, and, after a salutary experience, about
to fix upon a permanent basil the policy best
calculated to promote tho happiness of tile
people, and facilitate their progr ss towards
the most complete enjoyment of civil liberty.
On an occasion so interesting and inn orlant
in our history, and of such anxious con
cern to the friends of freedom throughout
the world, it is our imperious and; tv to lay
aside all selfish and local Considerations,
and be guided bv a lofty pint of devotion
to the great principles on which cur in: :i
--tutionsare founded.
That the Government may le so :: dtriin
istcred as to preserve if.-; officii nev in pro-'
inciting and securing these general objects,
should be the only aim of our ambition;
and wc cannot, therefore, too carefully ex
amine its structure, in order that we may
not mistake its powers, or assume those
which the people have rcsei ved to them
selves, or have preferred to assign to other
agents. We should bear constantly in
mind the fact, that the considerations
which induced the framers of the Consti
tution to withhold from the General Gov
ernment the power to regulate the great
mass of the business and concerns of the
people, have been fully justified by expe
rience ; and that it cannot now be doubt
ed that the genius of all our institutions
prescribes simplicity and economy as the
characteristics of the reform which is yet
to be effected in the present and future "ex
ecution of the functions bestowed upon us
by the Constitution. ’
Limited to a general superintending
power to rnantain peace at home and a
broad, and to jircerihelaus on a few sub
jects of general interest, not calculated lo
restrict human liberty, but to en'i w ■ hu
man rights, this Government will fad its
strength and its gldrv in the faithful dis
charge of these plain and simple m ■ .
Relieved by its prelecting shield from the
fear of war and the apprehension of op
pression, the free enterprise of our citi
zens, aided by the State sovereignties, will
work out improvements and ameliorations,
which cannot fail to demonstrate the great
truth, that the people can govern them
selves, is not billy realized in our exam
ple, but that it is done by a machinearv in
Government so simple and economical as
scarcely to be felt. That the almighty
Ruler of the Universe may so direct our
deliberations, and overrule our acts as lo
make us instrumental in securing a result
so dear to mankind, is my most earnest
and sincere pravt r.
ANDREW JACKSON.
December 4, 1532.
Prom the Journal of (be 4 ini< s of Tecsday morning
December 11.
The I'i'o idout’s gx*.
This document, always iiiq cm:,;, Let more
so, at this eventful crisis, tr an it cvt r Las
been at any former period, wc have waited
for, in common with our follow ciiizens, with
no little degree of political solicitude. In tho
regular course of mail, we should have receiv
ed the Message by the Northern Stage of last
evening—but it did not conic; & our patrons,
as well a3 oursi If, have boon disappointed.
The Northern Stage of this evening, must wo
think, bring to us tins important National
State Paper; and should it then be received
we will spread it before our readers with all
the utmost promptitude imaginable. Oiiranx
icty to see the Me ssage, is not so much with
the view of convincing ourselves, that Ax
drew Jackson is with the South in her ad-
Iterance to constitutional principles; because
wc know he - is—but it is with the view of
convincing otheis that he is consistent with
the high constitutional principles which he
has pursued throughout his useful and bril
liant administration.
The interesting State Papers from South
Carolina, which has been submitted to him
by the late Convention of that State, as they
involve a question of the highest importance
to a great Republic, will require the most
mature and patriotic deliberation before lie
spreads them before the National Legislature.
A Cabinet Counsel has no doubt been held
upon it; and this may probably, account for
the unusual delay which has taken place in
the reception of the Mr. sage.
North Carolina Legidatnrc.
Since the publication of our last pa|/er, lit
tle has transpired of much interest to the com
munity, except the election of a Governor,
and the passing of (he Clerk’s bill in the
House of Commons. The election for Gover
nor was obstinately contested for three days
by three parties. The candidates at the first
balloting were, Messrs. Spaight, Branch and
Polk, which took place on Thursday; the re
sult was for Spaight 73, Branch 56 and Polk
51. On the second balloting Spaight It) and
Branch 59 votes. Col. Polk having with
drawn, the blanks numbered fifty.
On Friday, David L. Swain, Esq. one of the
judges of the Supreme Court, was placed in
nomination; there were three ballotings on
that day; (he result of the first balk/was,
Spaijrlit 80, Swain SG, Branch 54. On iho
second ballot Spaight received 75, Swain 01,
and Branch 53 votes- On th@. third, Spaigjp i
77, Swain 60, and Branch 55.
On Saturcav there were two ballotings. Mr
Branch having withdrawn, Judge Swain and
Mr. Spaight only remained in nominolion,th<r
former received 93 votes. —-Raleigh paper.