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i[ nas cci'»«*inl\ to the transfer, treaty ivtre fiisl, ' ,,M * plausible, bubieqnrnt ■ ■ b,u l»^.f«r., thin ^rvcrno'. ivusGaioio.) made n number of come. siotts upon the 1 ruble pcctininrt ing to nil merit of an incottsidc- ciinMileration, Miioiint- a million ot between FOO.lH*'. win flCros of liind, »iniili»r«° those recently made at Madrid, to the roy al lavonles. This land is situated ip Fel.nana hetween the Jlississtpi'i und the An**, in the present slate ol Louisiana. granted to persons who possessed the t«- Stat information of the county am, i< no doubt, therefore, the cho.ro land. The United States hate nev ; >r recopu/.- ed. hut have eonstnntly dented the • - ditv of these concessions. It is contend ed'by the parties concerned, that tl.ev nre confirmed by the late treaty. By th< second article. Ins Catholic A ajesty cedes to the United States, in foil pio- perty and sovereignty, all the territories which belong to him, situated to the Fcsittard of the Mississippi, known by the name of Fart and West Flartda.- drd by the eighth article, all the grants o( land made before the 24th of January, IP 18, by his Catholic Majesty, or by his W,,/ authorin'!', shall he ratified and confirmed, ire. Now, the grants in ques tion, having been made long prior to that d iv, are supposed to be confirmed. He understood, from a person interested, that Don Onis had assured him it " as Ins intention to confirm them. Whether the American negoriator had the same intention or not, he (Mr. C.) did not know. It will not bo pretended, that the letter of Mr. Adams of the 12th of March, IC13, in which he declines to treat any further with respect to any | art nftlio tcv rilorv included within the lim its of the state* of Louisiana, can control the operation «l the subsequent treaty. That treaty’must be interpreted by what i« in it. and not by \\ hat is out of it. The oTerturcs which passed between the parties respectively, prior to the conclu sion of the treaty, can neither restrict nor enlarge its meaning. Moreover, when Mr. Madison occupied in 1811, the countrv between the Mississippi and the Perdido, he declared, that, in our hands it should he, as it has been, sub ject to negociation. It results, then, that we have given for Florida, charged and encumbered as jt is— 1st. Unincumbered Texas; 2d. Five millions of dollars ; 3d. A surrender of all our claims up on £pnin, not included in that five mil lions ; and, 4th. If the interpretation of the trea ty which lie had stated were well found ed, about a million of acres of the best unseated land in the state of Louisiana, worth perhaps ten millions ofdollars. The first proposition contained in the. second resolution was thus, Mr. C. tbo’l, fully sustained. The next was, that it was inexpedient to cede Texas to any foreign power. Mr. C. said he was op posed to the transfer of any part of the territories of the United States to any foreign power. They constituted, in his opinion, a sacred inheritance of poste rity, which we ought to preserve uiiim paired, lie wished it was, if it were not, a fundament.d and inviolable law of the land, that they should he inalienable to any foreign power. It was quite evident that it was in the order of Providence ; that it was an inevitable result of the principle of population, that the whole of this continent, including Texas, was to be peopled in process of time. The question was, by whose race shall it be peopled 1 In our hands it will he peo pled by freemen, and the sons of free men, carrying with them our language, our laws, and our liberties : establishing on the prairies of Texas temples dedica ted to the simple arid devout modes of worship of God incident to our religion, and ten.pies dedicated to that freedom which we adore next to Him. In the hands ot others, it may become the habi tation ot despotism and of slaves, subject to the vile dominion of the inquisition and of superstition. He knew that there were honest and enlightened men who feared that our confederacy was already too large, and that there was danger of disruption, arising out of the want of re ciprocal coherence between its several parts. He hoped and believed that the principle of representation, and the for mation ot states, would preserve us an united people. But it Texas, after being peopled by ns, and grappling with us, should, at some distant day, break off, she will carry along with iier a noble crew, consisting of our children’s chil dren. J he difference between those who might he disinclined to its annexa tion to our confederacy, and him, was, that their system began where his might, possibly, in some distant future day, ter minate ; and that theirs began with a fo reign race, aliens to every thing that we hold dear, and his ended with a race par taking of all our qualities. 1 he last proposition which the second resolution affirms, is, that it is inexpedi ent to renew the treaty. If Spain had promptly ratified it, bad as it is, ho would h ive acquiesced in it. After the pro tracted negotiation which it terminated : after the irritating and exasperating cor respondence which preceded it’, ho would have taken the treaty bb a man who has passed a long and restless night, turning and tossing in liis bed, snatdies at day an hour’s disturbed repose. Out Hie would not ratify it; she would not consent to be bound by it, and she has 'liberated us from it. Is it wj se to re new the negociation, if it is to be re commenced, by announcing to her at once our ultimatum ? Shall we not give her the vantage ground ? In envlv life he had sometimes indulged in u species of amusement, which years and experience had determined him to retrmneo, which, if the committee would allow him to use it, furnished him with a figure. Shall »c enter on the game, with our hand ex posed to the adversary, whilst he shuf- lles the cards to acquiVc more strength .' What has lost us liis ratification of the treaty ! Incontestihly our importunity to procure the ratification, end the hopes which that importunity inspired, that he could vet obtain more from us. Let us undeceive him. Let us proclaim the acknowledged truth, that the treaty is prejudicial to the interests of this coun try. Are we not told, by the Secretary ofState, in the bold and confident asser tion, that Don Onis was authorised to grant us much more, and that Spain dare not deny his instructions ? That the line, of demarcation is far within liis limits ! If she would have then granted us more, is her position now more favorable to her in the negociation ! In our relations to foreign powers, it may be sometimes politic to sacrifice u portion ot our rights to secure the residue. But is Spain uch a power as that it becomes us to sacrifice those rights ? Is she entitled to it by her justice, by her observance ol good faith, or by her possible annoyance of us in the event of war ? She will seek, is she has sought, procrastination in the negociation. taking the treaty as the ba sis. She will dare to offend us, as she has insulted ns, by asking the disgraceful stipulation that we shall not recognize the Patriots—Let us put aside the trea ty ; tell her to grant us our rights, to their uttermost extent. And if she still palters, let us assert those rights by w hat ever measures it is for the interest ot our country to adopt. If the treaty were abandoned; if it were not on the contrary signified, too tinctlv. that there was to he a contin ued and unremitting endeavor to obtain its revival, he would not think it advisa ble for this house to interpose. But, with ail the information in our possession, and holding the opinions which he enter tained. be thought it the boutvden duty of the House to adopt the resolutions. He had acquitted himself of what he deem 'd a solemn duty, in bringing up. the uhjret. Others would discharge their’s accord ins* their own sense ofthem. with the oxet Florida vv liicli pi Jou of that portion of IVtst| not say it could. Butt can, discover no ven- i has hern added to them. By]-mi "by it could not. Since, this period, nftlio f, ili.riil ronstitiition. in i mimic other lands have been lit i re 11 used ol the adoption of the. federal constitution, in I some other binds have been pi ire I in coyimi&sft. HOUSE OF REPRESEJYTA TIVES. GEORCrA LANDS. T!ie Appropriation bill for the civil list being under consideration, in committee oi the whole— Mr. C'obr, of Georgia, moved to amend the same, by inserting the following appro priation : “ For holding a Treaty with the Creek and Cherokee Nations of Indians, for the purpose of procuring extinguishment of the Indian title to all the lands within the limits of Georgia, pursuant to the 4th condition of the 1st article of the articles of agreement and cession, concluded between the United States and the state of Georgia, on the 44th day of April 1002, the sum of thirty thousand dollars. Mr. C'obb followed his motion with the following remarks: Mr. Chairman : Although the subject mat ter of the motion just submitted must excite but little interest in the committee on ac count of its local application, yd it is one of very great importance to the state of Geor gia. It is the same which was submitted hy me n few days past, during the discussion of the military appropriation hill, but which was withdrawn, from a suggestion that it could be attached to this hill with great pro priety. Uninteresting ns«ny remarks may prove, I ask tile patient indulgence of the committee,to a plain statement of facts, shewing not simply the propriety of the ap propriation, hut an undoubted obligation on the general government to accomplish the purposes for which it is asked, as soon as possible. If this obligation is not shewn, I shall not expect my motion to succeed. The object of the appropriation is to de fray the expeuces of a treaty or treaties with the Creek and Cherokee Indians, for obtain ing an extinguishment of their title to all the lands wiilTui the limits of Georgia, ac- enrding to the stipulation of the agreement referred to in the motion. From the public prints my colleagues and myself have learn- d that this subject lias engaged the. serious attention of the Legislature of the state of Georgia, at their late session, and that, a memorial has been addressed hy that body to the executive of the United States, re monstrating against a longer delay in ful filling this agreement. Although it would seem from the terms in which this document is mentioned In the newspapers, that the Senators and Representatives from Georgia were required to afford their aid in giving to it some effect, it is acknowledged on my part, anti 1 presume I may make the same acknowledgment for file whole delegation, that no notice of its transmission has been received, either front any person in the state of Georgia, or nt this price. But a know ledge, however derived, that the. Legisla ture of Georgia have acted upon this sub ject, is deemed of sufficient authority hy me for ( ringing the. claims of that state before Congress,’ which is the only branch of the government before which I could venture to offer them, wit bout being deemed officious.* It is true, that claims from Georgia have not heretofore met with the most favorable re ception, even from Congress ; but this cir- umstai.Te shall not deter mo from dis- hargitig my duty. At the close of the revolutionary war, and indeed at a much later period, the state of Georgia found herself possessed of an ex tensive territory, with very limited pecuni ary resources, and a population iueonsider- ble as to numbers. In addition to the ex tent of the surface now embraced within Iter boundaries, she claimed, hy an undoubted title, all that fine region of country now for ming the tlutes of Mississippi and Alabama, * While Air. Cobb was delivering his re marks. a message was received from the Pre sident of tile I'. States, recommending an appropriation for the very object contained in Mr. C’s motion. Whether the memorial of the Legislature of Georgia or other for tunate circumstances, produced this well tinted message, Mr. C. tins yet to learn. It was read in the house, after Mr. C’s motion was agreed to. and the Hill reported to the house. nnimuii with the other states, she imposed upon herself a prohibition to make war, or conclude treaties, and thus lost the power to extinguish the Indian title to the lands she thus claimed, by conquest or purchase ; and it is worthy of remark, that, after this event, the general government never did ex tinguish the Indian title to one acre ot her lands for her benefit, until after die conclu sion of the articles of agreement and n s .ion. The eons* quenco was, that her population and resources were hut little increased for a period of tyears. Her wish, uuit"d with her inability, In increase them, induced her to yield to {lie inv itation of the government of the Union, and on the Milt April. 18Uat, the cession was made. It is true, that ill this instrument, another consideration ($1,490- 000) is mentioned,hut it will not he concluded that this iiiciuisiucrahle sum can he declared an adequate price for the relinquishment of a territory so extensive and valuable. In deed, it is mentioned in the 1st condition of the 1st article, that this sum was paid hy the United State-. “ as a consideration for the expense incurred by the state of Georgia in relation to the said teiritory.” How and upon what account these expenses were in- eurred, I am not fully informed, nor is it necessary to he shewn. That considerable debts were contracted, and that some of tin m probably yet remain unpaid, I have strong reason to believe. There can be no doubt that the leading consideration was that which I have mentioned : a desire to extend the hounds of her while population, and thus to increase her strength and her respectability in the Union. To judge simply hy the face of the maps it would appear that the state of Georgia yet has an extent of territory reserved to herself, equal or nearly equal in ::quare miles to any other state in the Union. This is admitted. But let it not he thence inferred, that she will he equally rich nod populous.— Fully one half, tx perhaps more of that sur face, is of that description of land called pine barren, and is remarkable only fur its pover ty. Another portion is too mountainous and sterile to admit of a dense population. Per haps also, it may not be generally under stood in the committee, that the Indian ti tle to fully one half, and probably the most valuable half, of the lands within the bound aries of the state is yet tinvxtinguished.— Fully two thirds of the part to which it has been extinguished, is of the description I have mentioned, to wit, a wild barren waste of pine lands, or mountain peaks and ridges not more sesccptihie of cultivation. Her valuable lands are yet possessed by the In dians, To these circumstances are to be attributed the small population of the state and flic paucity of iicr representatives on this floor. Surpassed in extent of surface by few other states, Georgia is yet called one of the small states. The committee will be able to judge whether she intended infix upon herself this title, after hearing the following portion of the articles of ces sion read. The fourth condition of the first of those articles is as follows: “ That the United States shall, at their own expense, extinguish, for the use of Georgia, as early as the same can he peaceably Obtained on reasonable terms, the Indian title to the county of Tallasee ; and the lands left out hy the line drawn with the Creeks, in the year 1 run, which hadheen previously grant ed hy the state of Georgia; both which tracts had formerly heen yielded hy the In dians ; and to the lands within tho forks of Oconee and Onkmulgce rivers, for'which several objects the President of the United States lias directed that a treaty should he immediately held with the Creeks : and that the United States shall in the same tnaiini r, also extinguish the Indian title to all the oth er lands within the State of Georgia.” Before I proreed further, to enquiie whe ther the United States have fulfilled, as far ns they could this condition, it may not he improper to mention that the‘“county of Tallassee,” was a strip of pine barren land of little value. “The land left out Vv the line drawn with the Creeks in 1798,” was ano ther strip of about thirty miles in length and four in breadth, also of little value. Although once yielded by' the Indians, possession of lltcse had been resumed, in consequence of an improper marking of tin line between the whites and Indians. The “ lands in the forks of Oconee and Oakmillgee rivers” were ob tained soon after the execution of the arti cles, and are the only valuable lands which have been since acquired “ for the use of Georgia.” In remarking upon the clause of the arti cle just read, I request the commit tee to ob serve, that in another part of the contract it is called an“oxptess condition,” end that the cession of territory hy Georgia is declar ed to be “ subject thereto.” Nothing can lie more explicit than is the nature and extent of the obligation imposed upon the govern ment ol the United States by itiis condition. “They shall, in the same manner (that is, at their own expense,” and “as early as the same can he peaceably obtained upon rea sonable terms,”) also extinguish the Indian title to nil the oilier lands within the State of Georgia.” The words sufficiently explain themselves, and lead at onee to the enquiry, has this condition been complied with by the federal government? Has tl is obligation been discharged, nr even facilities vo its-spee- dy discharge created ? It is demonstrable that the United States have done neither the one nor the other. A particular refer- nce to the words and terms of all the trea ties which have since been held with tlie Creek and Cherokee Indians would prove more tiresome than instructive. 1 will only advevt to them from memory, promising to give more particular explanations if necessa ry- AVith the exception of the treaty or treaties alluded to in the clause ns being “di rts ted” for obtaining the lands in the Folks of tlic. Occnee and Oakmnlgoe rivers, no o- thers were subsequently held with the Creek Indians by which any lands were acquired for Georgia until the treaty of Fort Jackson, a 1814. fly that, the United States acquir ed for themselves, that fine rich region since formed into the state of Alabama. Could not this obligation of the general govern- uent have then been discharged ? Could riot an extensive and valuable acquisition have then been obtained, of lauds within the limits of Georgia ? AVhat cause could have prevented it ? If it was thought impolitic that the whole acquisition should he within Georgia, why not a part ? Shall I lie told that a part was in Georgia? It is true—but such a part! so poor, so barren is its quality (circunetancr a tJiat must have been known) is that, instead of being of use and value, it has proved a burthen upon the people of All state. If brought into market to-morrow, it would not command a price sufficient to discharge the expense of surveying it : and it is a fact, that for this very reason, the Le gislature of Georgia have never directed it O lie surveyed until within the Jast year. It may lie possible however, that more could not have been acquired in Georgia. 1 will the Creeks, but they are too inconsiderable to be tin I In r noticed. With the < Invokers also, various treaties and various purchases of land have been made, hut not for the use of Georgia, or in the fulfilment nf the articles of cession. The lands situated Ul the great bend of the Ten nessee, forming the rich county of Madison, have been purchased. At Unit time, an ex tinguishment of Indian title to lands in Geor gia, could have been otitaincd. The Chero kee land udjiueiit to the Georgia frontier is of a quality inferior to those of Madison county. The Clterokees could, therefore, have no objection to selling the. former in iirefcreiiee to the latter. It may he doubted, however, whether this contract with Geor gia was then even thought of. Since that period, other purchases have been made ol the Cherifkces, but for whom? Partly for Georgia, I admit, hut the land is of little va lue. With the exception of the reservations made in favor of particular Indians, the lar ger portion of it is unfit for profitable culti vation, and untie of it rich. It differs from the land obtained fur Georgia by the treaty of Fort Jackson, in this, the one is a flat, pine barren country; the other scarcely less barren, hut mountainous. The purchases of value which have been made, are situate not in Georgia, hut in Tennessee, with whom or whose parent, (North-Caroiioa) no such contract exis ts for the extinguishment of the Indian title. In thus alluding to Tie acqui sition of land made by Tennessee, to the c- vident injury of Georgia, I would not tie un derstood ns envying the prosperity of that state ; I fi id no such envy, nor do the peo ple of the state I in part represent. On the contrary, I but use their own language in saying,'that they always rejoice on behold ing the rapid march of any of the states to respectability. But, as I have said, hy ex press contract, no obligation is imposed up on the United States to extinguish the Indi an title to lands in Tennessee; yet it has been rapidly extinguished to the whole ot them, with a very small exception, and the population of Tennessee now does, or short ly will, extend from North-Carolina to the Mississippi: and after the next census, in all human probability, her representation on this floor-tv ill he double that of Georgia. In adverting to this system of favoritism, (I know no 1 letter name for it) I would do it ra ther as a fact by w hich to shew the obliga tions of the United States, under this con tract to he increased and strengthened, if possible, and not for the purpose of mani festing any jealousy at the rising greatness of that slate. It is her duty to promote her own interests in the best manner she can.— But I have a right to shew, that, in thus con tributing to the prosperity of Tennessee, the general government have forgotten their obligations to Georgia, w ho was one “ of the good old thirteen states,” as they have been called; who aided in the struggle for inde pendence, feebly indeed, hut with all the re sources she possessed, and who has yielded a country, almost a little empire in itself, for the express purpose of obtaining the means of more speedily acquiring the portion she had reserved for herself. To this very end were the articles of cession concluded. Site, however, has the mortification to discover, that her exertions have been in vain, or have only retarded the end she had in view. States whose names were scarcely known a few years ago have sprung up around her: Ken tucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and in the v e ry territory she ceded, Mississippi and Ala bama have been formed and admitted into the Union since the adoption of the Consti tution. With an extent of boundary that should place Iter upon an equality w ith any, she is likely in he ouHtript by the w hole of them. She alone, of all these, seems doom- id to be a “ small state.” 1 have heretofore enquired, •w hether the United States had increased the facilities to the discharge of their obligation-under these articl.'s? I much fear that all the measures they have pursued with Indians have had a contrary tendency. Let us look at tho facts. Two thirds of the Creek nation, and the whole of the Cherokee nation, with one tri fling exception, are within the .State of Geor gia. By vvais, and hy treaties, the. Indians, instead of having been driven from her fron tiers, have heen driven upon them. Urged from the confines of Tennessee, Alabama, and Florida, they are now pent up within that portion of their nation which is in the limits of Georgia, within that very portion to which the United flates, eighteen years ago, engaged to extinguish their title. If ru mor is to he credited, their numbers are soon to be increased by the Indians of Florida, who are to lie removed in the event of the ratification of the late treaty with Spain. I w ill say no more on this subject, except to call the attention of the committee to one other act, to which the United States arc a party; l mean an article of the treaty of Fort Jackson, upon which I shall leave the committee to place their own construction. The second article of that treaty is ns fol lows. “'Tlie United Slates will guarantee to the Creek nation the integrity of all their territory eustwnrdly and northwardly ofthe said line to lie run and described as uientku.- ed in the first article.” Now, tin: Creek territory cast and north of this line is for the most part in tho State of Georgia. To sup pose that this article means nothing, would he doing injustice ns well to those who ne- goeiated the treaty as to the government w hich ratifii d it. Against w hose claims or pretei r.ions, unless those ot Georgia-arc in tended, or for what objects, was this “ gua rantee of integrity of territory” made? It is nut my intention to answer the question. I The words arc plain, and can as well lie tin dcrsto(id by the committee as by me. I will only observe, 1 hat the article has a strange coincidence w ith other acts of the govern ment, inspiring a belief that the power of executing its contract with Georgia has been voluntarily placed beyond its eoutrol. At present, 1 know of no oilier method, hy which this condition of the cession on the part of the United States can be pel formed, but by a removal of the Indian*. That this measure,under any circumstances, would he kikhI policy, vv>i 1 not he doubted. In 1817, the people of Georgia were inspired with a hope that this would lie spccdly done under a treaty concluded with the Clterokees hy Gov. McMimv, and Generals Jackson and Meriwether. By this an arrangement was made f«ir the removal of a large part of that nation to territory ofthe United Mutes, west of live Mississippi. A part of the nation have removed. The. arrangement, substan tially, w as an exchange of territory. A cen sus was to be taken, and in the proportion of 1 he numbers w ho might emigrate to the w est, land* on the east ol t, e Mississippi should be ceded to the United States. However great' the hope of substantia! benefit the State of Georgia might sustain from this treaty, sin- lias his'ii disappointed in the result, indeed I lie whole arrunpi ment set ms tube at an end. Although all the Indians inhabiting the “ low er towns”* (and of course principally in Georgia) were desirous of removing; only twelve months la-love, it seems hy a subse quent treaty, rnucludi d at this place in 1810, that a “ greater part ofthe t 'hernkee nation” now desire to remain on the cast ofthe Mis sissippi “in order to commence those mea sures necessary for their civilization, and the preservation of their nation.”! It is true that hy each of thi se cessions more lands were yielded hy the Indians. But,as usual, the valuable part of them is within other tates, with whom the United States httvene enntrart. Unproductive hillsnnd mountains are the portion of Georgia. When she. may look fot ward for the execution of this con tract, so necessary to her prosperity, I can not tell. Of one thing, I am certain—if not speedily done, l shall lose oil hope of it ever being performed. * Set treaty of 1817. j See treaty q/T819. Note, since the passage of the bill, by the House ol Hepresentatives containing the appro priation moved hy Mr. Cobh, ucopy of the me morial ofthe Legislature of Georgia, has been transmitted by the Governor, to the Senators and Representatives of the state, mid to Con gress. An observing and intelligent commercial friend, has draw n our attention to the follow ing article, which we not only deem worthy a place in our columns, but recommend 4o the considerate attention of our readers. As to the ailedged failure in the scope of our country’s ultimate policy, we suppose opin ions will differ. The most enlightened of our own politicians dissent, as to the probable result of measures projected and proposed. But, with the opinions of this English politi cian, as to the issue of the South American conflict, and its consequences, we fully coin ride. We do not mean that the act oftak ing possession of t he. Flovidas is determined on by our cabinet; or that taking possession of that part which has heen once agreed tr, be ceded, would be strictly speaking, an act of aggression ; but we do believe tliat the South American Patriots will eventually tri umph ; and that as to America, the sceptre is about to depart from Spain forever. [Halt. Puli tot.] FROM BELL'S CONDON WEEKLY mrSSEMC.BR. NORTH AM) SOUTH AMERICA. The subjects of most importance to the British People at the present moment arc, the political slate and condition ol the United Slates of British America, and of the pro\ inces in Spanish America which yet preserve themselves in a kind of frail am), imperfect dependence on the Cl own of Spain. Within a few years, Art: eric a has ob tained an immense influence in European politics, and such is her wise and cauti ous system of policy ; that this influence is more likely to be continued ami aug mented than shaken or diminished. First, as to the United Males. T he President’: speech contained a plain indication ofthe disposition of the government; which is, to shake off, as much as possible, the de pendence ofthe United States upon Eng lish commerce and manufactures, and to aim at the object, w Lie h a century’s legis lation has acquired for England-—namely, such a system of navigation and maritime preference, as should make America a formidable naval power. T lie politicians in America, see that English commerce, w hilst it discourages American manufactures, mlvanccsBritish interest in a two fold manner- In the first place, it tends to enrich us, by giv ing a vent to our trade ; and secondly, it preserves and augments our naval power by encouraging our shipping. The Uni ted States have already aimed a stroke at the latter of these objects; but their arm was not nerved with sufficient strength to etfect its purpose ; and the blow has recoiled upon them. It is only two or three years ago, we believe, (speaking from recollection) that the United States attempted to enact several laws similar to our navigation laws. Some of these laws passed ; but it was found a speculation of too much hazard to tarry the whole system into effect. America, however prohibited, and still continues to prohibit, till coast ing and carrying trade on her own shores. She prohibits every vessel, which sails from a British colony, from trading with any of her territories, provided an Ame rican vessel is excluded from entering such colony. In other words, she is aiming at having colonial trade thrown open to her, by menacing us will) retali ating acts. To those acquainted with commerce, it is w ell known, that coloni al produce may be exported direct from our colonies to North America in British ships, and that such British ships may bring back to the colonies a number of articles of the first necessity, which com pose what is termed the lumber trade. But America, by her late acts, has inter dicted this trade, for she will not permit articles of colonial grow th to lie brought from any colony in British ships, from •which colony American vessels tire ex cluded. Under this new policy, what has heen tlw: result ? The sale ofcolo- . nittl producebas not, thereby diminished ; but America has 'ost her lumber trade in consequence. The West-India planter has been compelled to supply himself with articles of necessity, either from the mother country, or from British A- merica. This is the reason of the won derful increase of the trade of British A- rnerica. It is from this cause, that the trade of Canada, her shipping, imports, and exports, have increased within the last three years in a threefold propor tion. We have not the doubt of a mo ment, but these navigation acts ofthe U- nited States have been rather beneficial than injurious to our commerce. But the United States arc still desirous of checking British shipping and com merce, and they would not hesitate pro hibiting it altogether, but for one season, which renders it almost impossible for America to subsist without it. The rea son is this :—There is scarcely such a thing in America as internal tax ; there is a postage, we believe, for letters, which yields a very small surplus reve nue above the charges ; and there is an assessment on lands Tor the maintenance el'the government, the repairing of roads, supporting schools for education, and maintaining the old and decrepid poor. But there is no house tax, excise, &c. America raises almost her whole reve nue from her customs ; from duties laid upon the importation of foreign articles chiefly British manufactures. In pro portion, therefore, as she contracts and diminishes her trade with Great Britain, she lays the axe to the root ofher own fi nance. If she abandons her customs and she must do so if she prohibits British commerce, or what is the same thing if she renders it impossible to carry it ou bv high prohibitory duties ; if she takes the course for encouraging her own ships and manufactures ; she must replace her customs by an excise ; and we think the citizens ofthe United States will not ea sily be brought to endure an excise. If America, therefore, enacts new prohibi tory laws, no one will suffer so much as herself. With respect to South America, we think the cause of the independents, bad as it is from the infamy of some of the lea ders associated in it, will most infallibly triumph. The United States will take the Floridas by main force, which will so far be an act of aggression against Spain as to place the two countries in hostility. An jdiiance will then doubtless be formed be tv een the South American Insurgents and the United States, and they will be recognised as constituting an independent government. In the mean time, Spain must abandon all attempts to reduce these provinces, from the mutiny of her own troops, who it appears, will not embark for South America, and threaten to turn their arms against their own government. Spain i« wasting fast away ; her ancient grandeur is gone, and Iter lofty spirit and Castilian pride, are bound to the earth by chains of the grossest superstition. She is a sort of a Turkey in Europe, hav ing iter vineyards neglected by sluggards, and trampled on by Swine. Such are the effects of Iter feeble government, and im becile despotism, that science is eclipsed, arts are. neglected, and the human race itself seen to melt away before the eye of the beholder. FROM TUB KlTIONAT. INTFT.LIOEXrrK. The Letter, of which the following is s copy, appears to have been published in a German translation at Augsburg ; whence, by a re-translation, it has appeared in some of the English Gazettes, and from them been extracted into some of the newspapers in this country. In its double transformation it has suffered variations, not supposed to lie intentional, nor perhaps important; but which render the publication of it proper, as it was written. It has been incorrectly stated lo be an answer in the name of the. American government. It was indeed writ ten by the Secretary of State, as it pur ports, in answer to an application from an individual and respectable foreigner, who had previously been employed by the Baron de Gagern, to collect information, concerning the German emigrants to the United States, and to endeavor to obtain encouragements and favours to them front, this government. Upon that mission he had heen particularly recommended to Mr. A- dams, to whom a printed copy of his Report to the Baron de Gagern had afterwards been transmitted. There are several allusions to the Report, in this letter, which was an an swer to one from Mr. Furstrnwnerther, in timating a disposition to become himself an American citizen; but suggesting that he lmd offers of advantageous employment in his native country ; and enquiring whether, in the event of his settling here, he could ex pect any official situation in the Department: of State, or any other, under the govern ment. Department of State, ) Washington, 4th June, 1819. S Sir: Tbad the honor of receiving your I t ter of 22nd of April, enclosing one from your kinsman the Baron de Gagern and a copy of your printed report.; which I hope, and have no doubt will-he useful to thorn of your countrymen in Germany who may have entertained erroneous ideas, with re gard to the results of emigration front Eu rope to this country. It was explicitly stated to you, and vntir re|M)ft iias taken just notice of the statement, that tlie government of the United States, has never adopted any measure to encour age or invite emigrants from any part of Eu rope. It has never h< Id out any incitement* to induce the subjects of another sovereign to abandon their own country, to become the inhabitants of this. From motives of humanity it has occasionally furnished fa- cilities to emigrants who, having arrived here with views of forming settlements, have specially needed such assistance to carry them into effect. Neither rite general go vernment of the Union, nor those of the individual slates, are ignorant or unobserv ant of the additional strength and wealth, which accrues to the nation, hy the accession of a mass of healthy, industrious, and frugal laborers, nor are they in any manner insen sible to the great benefits which this coun try has derived from the influx of such adop tive children, from Germany. But there is one principle which pervades all the Insti tutions of this country, and which must al ways operate as an obstacle to the granting of favors to new comers. This is a land, not of privileges, hut of equal rights. Privi leges are granted hy European sovereigns to particular classes of individuals, for purpo ses of general policy; but the general im pression here is, that privileges granted to one denomination of people, can very sel dom lie discriminated from erosions of the rights of others. Emigrants from Germany therefore., or from elsewhere, coming here, are not to expect favors from the govern ment. They nre to expect, if they choose to become citizens, equal rights with those, of the natives of tlie country. They are to expect, if affluent, to possess the means of making their property productive, with mo deration, and with safety—if indigent, hot industrious, honest, and frugal, the means of obtaining easy and cotntnrtahle subsist ence for themselves and their families. They come to a life of independence, but to a life of labor; and. if they cannot accom modate themselves to the character, moral, political, and physical, of this country, vv it 1 all its compensating balances of good and evil, the Atlantic is always open to them, " return to (lie land of their nativity and thur fathers. To one thing’ they must make up their minds, or, they will be disappoint! ill every expectation of happiness as Am® ricans. Tin y must cast off the Europe.^ skin, never to resume it. They must I"" 1 forward lo their posterity, rather than tew