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was that the efficacy •/ '^*5 .‘"J* grant of it, would He ,o,e ^dcousUuUont-W^^U, .be It was inevitable, miuvftl conslitatiofi tin ad nit UteeterchnofimpW •««>»“" of ii uitatiou on the M ? rc,s * converted to a n ®"!J 1 j c ,i f ” ns iit«tii»n -lionltl ««•*!. that every, pW'J ilicillt . llla | „,Init the eXP r«.eof.nplea.;« (lious ^ powers, as a result ot tn« c "" l rhlirHrU , r _ llicity of an iustru^" 1 l t |,j, but the danger ot «b**'' , bv £ ltl . (ll by a one whirl. mode of const rut ' tjtut i on 0 f .numerated did,,0t r^h«SS"at the power powers,) which I|| „, (hat w hich was made the source as should be t,Ud, r''“l„Ttin tlir relation between then. to be ohtainins, |f ( . seen, indeed, *>■>" commencomeut.- BuSc end of this thing, Mr. A. said, was SSh. The m ilady might no'v prcsei.1 on- Iv a i eruptive appearance on the suruce, h.t it would be l!.uiul to he progress,.e to ■ heart of the constitution i would com- .irate eventually to the system, he un natural activity of despotism, awl of unnatu- "|S„ if not arrested, whether in hod.es politkal o’rphysical! there was bat one re- Lit and that result was dissolution. Mr Archer could not abstain from remark- in* though the remark had no immediate relevancy to the question) on the unlimited character of tlie power of le S !s'aUon, which was assumed in onr government, k) relation to the national territories. Authority was arrogated to legislate -on this subject at dis cretion, and an instance of the fullest indul gence of it had occurred at the present ses sion of Congress, (in the measure for the in terdiction of Slavery in a portion ot the ter ritories.) Take this power of discretionary re ,r llation, in connection with the ackiiuw- ledged power to refuse admission of a terri tory into the Union, and what was the re sult ? A power was arrogated to regulate diseretionully, and a power conceded to re- liiiu the territories at pleasure in subjection to the authority invested with this power ol discretionary regulation. Let the extent and susceptibility of importance of the territ**- 1 rie i be considered, and what was ti.o specta cle which, under the practical operation of the doctrine asserted, our government might come to present r The spectacle of an au thority strictly limited within its appropriate •phere of operation, exerting unlimited pow ers in a co-exteusivecollateral sphere of ope ration. It would be a condition like that of the Homan republic in an advanced stage of Its progress, in which, characterized by the forint of a limited government at home, it ’ yielded without control the uncounted re sources and power of the provinces. To the issue of this condition of things in that re public it was not necessary to advert, nor to pursue the train of reflection which it was calculated to suggest. Reverting to the question, .Mr. A. denied that a power on the part of the President ta Senate, to dispose of territory, was to be re garded as a consequence of the power to ac quire it. The separable character* ofthese powers resulted from the principle which de termined the general propriety and motives of all delegation or reservation of power, namely, the heneflci.il or harmless character of its exercise. The exertion of a power to acquire territory could scarcely he otherwise than beneficial in its tendency, and the pow er in'ght therefore well he admitted. The exercise of the power to alienate could rare ly be attended with a beneficial, and was lia ble to be attended with a very detrimental operation. This power might therefore well he denied. The esse was like that of infancy at law, <n which, though a competency to he bone- fitted by acts of acquisition was properly ad mitted, the capacity was denied to be bound to acts of alienation. A power to alienate was, indeed, in no case, in relation to sub jects of private or of public interest, any ne cessary correlative of a power to acquire.— Whether, then, future acquisitions of territo ry w 're or were nnt contemplated, and tlie'ir dis.i ml provided for by the constitution, the concl ision was still the. same, that the pow er of disposal, either to foreign governments or tu citizens, so far as it existed at all, could belong only to Congress; and this in refer ence both to the letter of the constitution At to tiie policy directing the delegation of pow er in free states. If the power were to be considered as a necessary resulting power, arising out of circumstances not foreseen, it could only result to the legislature, the gene ral representatives of the nation. A subject of interest accruing subsequently to a grant, if it can be made to pass at all by the grant, must pass to the grantee of thu general es tate, ami.not to the grantee of any particu'ar portion of it. The powers appertaining to the treaty- maxing department and those granted to Congress over particular classes of subjects, presenting the appearance of conflict, the object of a just constitution would be to re concile them by allowing to both, if possible, a due operation. Hut this object could on ly be attained by the mode which had been suggested, of allowing them a concurrent operation over the subjects which presented the apparent occasion of conflict. This con struction was in consistency with all rec ivod rules in relation to questions of this sort.— It was an established principle, which had been adverted to, (by the Speaker,) that in cases of the conflict of particular with gen eral expressions, the general must give way to the particular expression. .And why?—. Because rules of coii-truclion being nothing more than contrivances for the ascertain ment of intention, what was equivocal in a general, became explicit in a particular ex pression. The construction stated, derived corroboration in the present instance of its application, from a con-ideratioo of the mo- in-utous character of the subjects of power which it operated to det.ch from the exclu sive, to confide to the concurrent treaty- making jurisdiction ; ami from a considera tion of the affinity which it tended to stamp on the treaty-making power, to the general pokey and character of the constitution, and to tue peculiar character of the more im portant specific powers which it comprised. The construction relied on was confirmed by other principles of interpretation. One <ft these, th** ofFspnnjg of incontrovertible reason, required _ that the most mitigated sense should be given to expressions obscure or doubtful in I heir character. “ In obsmris iptod mm mum est querimur.” The appli cation of this maxim was particularly strong lo grants of power, in relation to which the sm.il'est amount of concession might always he presumed. And it applied with blill an augmented force to a grant of power such as that contained in the constitution, which wiir admitted on all hands to be of the strict est uud most limited description. But, this being the fact, the whole doubt as well as xlauger in the case under review, proceeded fiom the construction which assigned the largest extension to the power of tile Presi dent and Isriata, and were obviated by that which admitted the qualification of lloir power by the s|>eciflc grants of power made in Congress by the constitution. It would not be contended by the most extravagant advocates ol the treaty-making power, that there existed no limils to its ex tension. It would not be contended that llie power extended to < lie transfer of a stale, ar of an essential part of sovereignty, for example. The question which arose upon this,power related, then, not to 111** fact, hot to the point of its limitation. Wluit wits llic point assigned? The subsistence of oilier powers by the explicit expression of the con stitution. What was the degree of limita- I ion contended for? Was fi the entire exclu sion of the jurisdiction of the power from the subjects of these particular powers ?— No. Tilt* degree of limitation was the con finement of the povve* - (left m other respects unrestricted) to a concurrent jurisdiction in relation to this particular class of subjects. The limitation assigned was precise, both as respected its point of occurrence and degree In its tendency it was beneficial: and it a- rose upon the letter and was sustained by the true iutendnient of the constitution. Con struction affirming a limit of this character upon power, could, vv ith nf> rotor of propri • ety, he rejected from operation. There was one consideration upon the subject of this controversy, in relation to the extent of the treaty-making power, which appeared to Mr. A. to be conclusive. It was this, that the exclusive control claimed for the power, was not pretended to extend to all the subjects submitted to Congress by the constitution. There were several which this exclusive control was admitted not to cover. The powers to borrow money; to make war; to raise armies; to admit new states, were examples, llut where was the ground of distinction between these subjects and those over which auexclusive, superce ding control was claimed? It was riot to he fonml in the constitution. There these se veral classes of subjects were placed on the same exact footing. The powers conveyed to Congress were all conveyed in the same terms. The distinction was not to he found in any peculiar importance, of the abdicated subjects. All were important. Was the dis tinction to be found iu the supposed exter nal relation of the class of arrogated subjects, rendering them in a peculiar degree adapted to become Hie objects of treaty stipulation ? Thescsuhject.s were not distinguished by this character in any greater degree than several of the abdieatedsubjects ; of which the pow ers of making war and raising armies were instances. The danger, too, with which the argument derived from this principle of con struction, was fraught, ought not to escape observation. Let the principle be admitted, and it would he only necessary to give to exercises of powerthe form of treaty stipula tion, and any power might Ik: exercised, and any object attained, by the Executive de partment, however remote from the proper sphere of its central. Finally, if the dis tinction Tietwecu the jurisdiction arrogated, and that renounced, by the treaty-making power, were made to rest on tile peculiar character of treaty stipulations, as being sus ceptible of execution, independently of legis lative aid, or as requiring that ikl for their execution, the answer vvr.s equally obvious with those which had been stated to other supposed principles of distinction. It was this, that there were various supposeuble cases of stipulation having no dependence on legislative aid for execution, w hich yet tiie consent of all men would reject from-ihe exclusive control of the tieaty-inakiug pow er. O.’ia example, suggested by recent oc currences, should be adduced. A new state, provided its government were organized, and the form republican, might he admitted into the Union without any necessary inter vention of legislative authority, by a treaty tipulating that it should send two Senators and one Representative to Congress.— There was a republican government now organized among the blacks in the island ot Hayti. If the doctrines asserted in relation to the extent of the treaty-making power, were just, what was there to hinder the ad mission of tliis Republic into the Union, if the President ami Senate were to be. of n- piuion to admit it P Here was a case requir ing no intervention rf legislative aid. Here was a case which, from its character of ex ternal relation, fell within the class of the appropriate objects of treaty stipulation.— It was sufficient for the argument, that the case was a possible one. Mr. A. did not af fect to insinuate that the realization ever eouid be thought of. Considering, however, the value of West India possessions, there was a possible composition of the Executive department, in which tiie realization, was by- no means inconeeiv able. Constitutional doc trines, however, could not be sound, which involved the possibility of such a conse quence. There were various other and important ■■lews, connected w ith the discussion of this question of the just character of tiie treaty- making power in our government, which Mr. A. said that fatigue compelled him to pretermit. An observation had been made in the debate, however, which it was neces- ary to notice. It had-heen said that, admit ting the incompetency of the President and Senate to alienate, their power could not he denied to ascertain tho limits of territory, and that the provisions of the. treaty, in this respect, extended no farther than to an ascer tainment oflimits. The distinction, as rela ted to the power, was admitted. There could he no question of the authority to set tle limils. But was the character of the trea- lysucii as had been represented ? Did it ope rate only to define, and not extend to the alienation of territory ? Was not the contrary of this suggestion notorious ? Did not ttie treaty, on the face of it, purport to make a cession of territory, by stating the fact, and by employing throughout the language ap propriate to cession ? Did not every person, in any degree versed in the history of the controversy with Spain upon this subject, know that the boundary fixed by the treaty was as had been observed by the Speaker, a new line made, and not a line ascertained.? The treaty did, therefore, make an alienation of territory. Into the question of our title to tliis territory, Mr. A. did not design at tliis- time to enter, farther than to observe that the acceptance try Spain of tiie country as a cession from us, was to his mind sufficient evidence of the validity of our title. Tit inability, too, of Spain to make out a valid title against us,(which appeared from the negotiation to be the fact,) was itself, in the relative condition of the two countries, tan tamount to u valid title upon our part. Surh were the views which Mr. A. had been led to entertain of tile proposition af firmed by Hie first resolution. But, wheth er those view s were w ell or ill founded; whe- ther Congress were or were not entitled to a voice in tiie disposal of the territory which the treaty with Spain proposed to alienate, there could be no question of its belonging, both to the. right anil tiie duty of Congress,to express an opinion.upon any subject of na tional policy, deemed of sufficient impor tance. to require such an expression Therq ould he as little question Unit tins expression I kiincd at New-Orb an?, iLt !f the most ini of opinion would have its due weight with portnut position in our country, would im- ihc Exccutiv (department of the government I mediately he perceived. Upon this view of If Congress concurred, then fore., in the views winch had dictated the second reso lution, there could lie no qm <tion of the pro priety of affirming them, by the passage of the revolution. There were sevx-ral propositions asserted by the resolution—Hie disproportion of the equivalent rendered by Spain for our con cessions in tiie treaty ; the general impolicy of the transfer of the territory ceded on our part to any foreign power ; and the inexpe diency as a consequence of these, of r.ie rati fication of the treaty, now that the option of our government was restored, to ratify or reject it. Was, then, the equivalent stipu lated to be rendered by them, disproportion ate, and was it impolitic to make a transfer to any foreign power of tiie territory we had stipulated to cede? What were the rela tive concessions of the contracting parties r On the side of the United States, five, mil lions of dollars to tie paid, in part discharge of claims of our citizens upon Spain ; the a- liaudoiimeut ot the residue of these claims ; of which, as they stood in the same charac ter, the allowance of this part, was in effect a recognition, to the amount of 515,000,000, ns had been stated (by the Speaker;) the privilege to the subjects of Spi'in carrying on commerce with the territory we were to acquire; of admission into i.s port* oil the same terms with our own citizens, fur the period of tw elve years from the ratifica tion of the treaty ; and, finally, the territory of Texas, which we. stipulated to cede.— Blaring out of view thu other parts of this concession, what was the character and va lue of this territory of Texas ? The full va.- lue we were not possessed ofsnilicient infor mation, it was probable, to enable us to ap preciate. Enough, however, was known, to ascertain its superiority in this respect to the Province, as part of the consideration of which, it was proposed to be transferred.— Tu superficial extent, Texas would not. he denied to be several times larger than Flori da. In a general character of fertility, the two .countries, according to the accounts which Mr. A. had received, admitted of no comparison, so decidedly was the advantage on tiie side, of the former of them. Placed in a near vicinity to South America, this pro vince asserted still more signally, to the cha racter of its productions, its afliuilyto the pe culiar natural advantages which distinguished in a manner so remarkable, that most favor ed portion of the earth. Productions of the highest value, and supposed to he the most widely diversified, ns respected the soil and climate they required, found here a point of neighborhood and union. Corn, Cotton, Su gar, met a congenial soil,and circumstances favorable to their production. The climate was of extraordinary salubrity : the rivers various and large. And what was the con sideration for which we were to surrender a country such as this had been decribed ;of immense extent, possessed of every natural advantage,destined by tile most signal evi dences, to high political importance ? Was it for the sands of Florida ? No, not for the property, but fur little more than the sove- reignty of these lauds. Independently of the grants to Alagon, aiul Vargas, and Punon llostro, which had been the subjects of re cent contestation, far the largest and the most Valuable portion of the soil of Florida, was known to have been granted out. The recent contested grants had only been of tiie residuary lands, in the bargain which had been made, we we.e to give the sovereignty a.id nearly the whole, Mr. A. jnc-aiiuieu, of the soil of Texas, such as it had been describ ed, for little more, comparatively speaking, than the sovereignty of Florida. Was the bargain one which in this obvious view of its character, with perfect liberty to accept or reject it, it would be expedient to confirm ? Butgreat importance was attributed to Flo rida in a military and political point of view. Without any design of derogation from the importance of Florida in this respect, did this consideration, Mr. A. asked, render its acquisition at this time, and at the price of any disproportionate equivalent, an ob ject of reasonable solicitude or. our part ? lie apprehended that it did not. Whatever might be tiie advantages presented by this country for purposes of military or com mercial annoyance, in the hands of Spain, it could not he rendered subservient to any such purposes against us. Spain did not possess, nor had tiie faculty of acquiring means and resources, military or naval, which could be applied to such objects.— Nor, if she possessed, or could acquire them, couhl it ever be her policy to avail herself of the position of Florida to employ them a- gainst this country ? In proof of this, the single consideration was sufficient that the inevitable result of the purs uit of such a policy, would he the loss of the province in question, without the pos sibility of indemnification. This result, it would he admitted, could not be prevented bv any exertion or contingency of events. The acquisition of Florida, was therefore, an object of no considerable importance, as related to any view of danger of its being used for purposes of annoyance by Spain.— The ground of apprehension was ns slight from any other quarter. The Indian inhabi tants would be in no great degree more like ly to give us disturbance, if the country con tinued in the hands of Spain, than if it were transferred to our own. Nor was fear in deed to he indulged, of disturbance from this source, whilst tiie fife, or the memory of Jackson among his Indian adversaries, were preserved. For danger, proceeding from any European power other than Spain, we hail already made an adequ ate provision by a law giving authority to the President to prevent the. occupation of Florida by a fo reign power. Mr. A. said that in the policy of this law he entirely concurred. Whilst he should be opposed to the occupation of the country by ourselves, at least umler pre sent circumstances; while he would he averse to any measure by which the hazard of war might lie incurred, he slvoiild at ill times, k under all circumstances,'consider the preven tion of the occupation of Florida by any o- ther foreign power than Spain, as a measure of indisputable and unimpeachable policy, on tiie part of tliis country. It stood justifi ed to his mind, by considerations admitted to he paramount to all others, of defence and preservation. No power could have either interest or motive to the acquisition of Flo rida, unconnected with views to our annoy ance, and a policy dictated by such v iews, it was at all times as justifiable, as it was ne cessary, to repel. Whatever then, might he tiie intrinsic importance of Florida in a poli tical point of view, its acquisition could not be censidcred as demanded of us at this time at the price of any concession disproportion ed to its proper value. But, was this character of importance in a political view confined to Florida? Was Texas of no consideration in this view ? Let the situation of this province, at the buck of Louisiana, and the direction of tiie flow of its principal rivers be considered, and the im portant and. delicate relation, which it sus- the subject, interesting as it was, Mr. A. for bore, from obvious considerations, to en large. He would dismiss it, merely accom panied with a hint at the capacity of Texas, to maintain a formidable population. Con sidered in a mere political aspect, then, the i quivalent which we. were lo obtain for nor Teirilnriid concession in the treaty, appear ed to lie little entitled to the preference, which had been allotted it, and the ratifica tion of the treaty, altogether unadvisable. There w as a further view of the Buhjcct en tirely concurrent with that which had been stated. Whatever might he the value of Florida, could it not he obtained on terms, better than the e which had been stipulated? There was certainly no indisposition on the part of Spain, to yield it to us. This was manifest, from the character of the instruc tions which were known to have been given to Don Onis: from flic fact ofhis signature of the treaty; from the fact of the dispatch of the new mission, which was every day ex pected on our shores ; and finally, from the evidence disclosed by the publication of the late ii< gociation at Madrid, which shewed that the difficulties which had obstructed tin ratification of the treaty', did not relate to any reluctance indulged by the government of Spain, to make a cession of tne country. Spain hud no interest in the retention of tliis province. It w as of no value, but rather a source of expense, and a burthen as a terri torial dependency. It could lie of no value from her peculiar condition, in a military or commercial view. Superadried to this con sideration, she, had strong motives to make the cession. If the motives of her determi nation to do so, as heretofore evinced, had reference to the posture of her affairs in S. America, these motives not only retained an undiminished, but had acquired an en- creased force from recent occurrences. If the object of her policy hitherto had been to prevent our interference in any mode in the contest with the Patriots, and she still re tained the hope of being enabled to prose cute that contest, the cncreasing difficulties of her situation, and the knowledge of the peculiar and growing state of public senti ment in this country, both towards herself, and towards the Patriots, furnished derided inducements to her, to continue to act in the same line of policy, and to secure our further forbearance, at the price which she. had al ready determined to regard as a considera tion not too high for it. But, if she had lost all luqie of being enabled to prosecute the contest with the colonies, then her induce ments to tiie same course, became still more unequivocal. AVhy ? Because she knew that in the event of the success oT the Patriots, Florida must fall into their hands, who may be presume,d to form the objects of her pe culiar animosity, or must come by the ope ration of domestic revolution into ours, with out her obtaining any compensation for it, even the liquidation of our claims on her for spoliation. In every view, then, interest, and in one view a moral feeling, more powerful inits operation than interest, prompted Spain to the pursuit of the same policy, which was that of cession of the Territory we were de-! sirous to obtain. There was no opposing interest, or motive of any sort. Under these circumstances, left as we were, ac liberty by the delay of Spain in ratifying the treaty; and even authorized to rise !n our demands, would it not he a policy preferable to the ra tification of the treaty, to trust ourselves to the results of a new negoeiaHon ? In the worst event of such a resort, vve might ex pect, considering the advantages of our situ ation, to procure Florida for money, (more alluring to Spain in her present circumstan ces, than Territory) in place of tiie riispro- nortioneil Territorial equivalent, which we had stipulated to give for it. Might we not he justified too, in indulging a glance at the very possible contingency of procuring tliis country, without the payment of any price, by the effect of domestic revo lution? In any event, our claims on Spain would remain the same. They might be considered as having derived the ad', milage of recognition from the Treaty. Spain was in no condition to satisfy them in any other way, than by a cession of Florida. If she declined lo satisfy them, in tliis, the only mode which was in her power, we would be at liberty to adopt a remedy for ourselves.- The fund could not escape us. It was at all times liable lo our control. Could there in such circumstances he excuse for impru dence, or occasion for precipitation, in our endeavours to obtain possession of Florida, however desirable ii might be to do so ? Upon the whole Mr. A. said, lie consider ed the propositions affirmed by the second resolution as sustained—that there was a want of proportion, in the relative concessi ons of tiie treaty ; that the Territory which it purported to cede on our part, ought not to be made the subject of transfer to any fo reign power, and that, the ratification of the treaty was in every view inexpedient. En tertaining these views, tie had no hesitation in expressing them, ami he hoped that the resolutions would meet tiie approbation of the committee. YOYV£IG2S\ Charleston, April 24. LATEST FROM EUROPE. By the French ship L’Eole, capt. Hoiry, arrived on Sunday afternoon, in 3G days from Rochefort, w e have been polite ly favored with Paris paper to the 12th March, containing London dates to the 8th. The accounts of the progress of the Spanish Revolution are particularly interesting and important. The cause of the Constitutionalists pre mils, &: must ultimately be successful. We have en deavored below, to condense the sub stance of tiie information contained in tiie papers. SUMMARY. The elections bad commenced in va rious parts of England. Mr. Wailhman and Aldermen Wood and Thorp, were put in nomination as the candidates for the City of London. Sir Robert Wilson and Mr. Calvert for Westminster were nominated—a third person who was a candidate had demanded a scrutiny. Thistlewood and seven other conspi rators, after having undergone their last examination before the Privy Council, had been sent to the Tower of London on a charge oflligh Treason. The troubles continued in Ireland. There had been several skirmishes be tween tbe king’s troops and the Rib bon-men in the counties of Galway and Roscommon, and some lives lost. An individual named Arlot, calling him- selfa Pole, and pretending tu be an agent to Bonaparte, had voluntarily offered to make some important disclosures to the French government, relative to that per sonage, but on his way from Dijon to Paris, privately made his escape from his escurt, near Troyes, on the bill March, lie had not been apprehended on the 9th, although strict search had been made after him. A man had been arrested in Paris, who was circulating a bulletin containing the particulars of the death of the duke de lierri. A postscript to it announced the escape of Bonaparte, and his landing in France, kc. A provincial government for the Isle dc Leon had been organized. The constitution was proclaimed at Ferrol on the 13th of Feb. The constitutional government was proclaimed at Corunna on the 21st Feb. and a provincial Junta established. The royal captain general Venegas was offered the command of the revolutionary troops, bnt refused. St. Ander in the Asturias, declared for the constitution on the 23th Feb. The municipal authorities of the place took the oaths of attachment. The revolters were progressing in An- dalusia. Alge/.iras, Xeres, Tariffa, and Malaga were in their possession. The whole coast of Cautabria was in a state of insurrection. Valencia was considerably agitated. The constitution had been every where pro claimed—the royal provincial audience had fled. General Mina was in Navarre at the head of 2000 men. He had taken posses sion of the cannon foundery at Azzabal, and of the manufactories of arms at Ay- ver, and Orbazetta. At a council of ministers in Madrid, a majority of them maintained that the king ought to make no concession to tbe people —those advocates of strong measures contended that, under the treaty of holy alliance, Spain could ask for forty thou sand men from France—but a member in the minority expressed himselfso en ergetically against the deplorable system that had been pursued for so many years, and so violently deprecated the intro duction of foreign troops, that the idea of calling in aid from France was aban doned. Ferdinand, it was stated, had made overtures to the chief of the revolution ists, that he would grant them a charter, but that he would not accept the consti tution of the Cortes. The same report adds, that the chiefs had demanded to be put iu possession of strong places, as a guarantee, before they would treat. The presence ofthe troops in Madrid, was viewed with uneasiness ; the greater part ofthem having loudly expressed their intention to proclaim the constitution. Great alarm pervaded Madrid, and many of the ministers had implored the king to convoke the Cortes, as a measure which would alone restore tranquility. The infant don Francis was imprison ed at Madrid for 24 hours ; he having declared to the king, that he was a ruin ed man if he did not accept the constitu tion. Gen. Elina had been disgraced for ad vising the king to leave his capital. The army of Riego was directiug its march on Cordova ; it was presumed that it would march towards Madrid. The royal general Eguiu had abandon ed Granada carrying with him 200 state prisoners—col. 'Riego Leing advancing by forced marches. News was current in Paris, on the 11 th March, that the Contadura had fallen into the hands of the Insurgents. From this position, which commands the city, and from which it could he bombarded, Cadiz was placed at the mercy of the enemy. In addition it was also stated, that a report was circulating on the Ex change, that Cadiz had opened her gates to them. That Cadiz hadfaHen is rendered liigh- lyfprobable.from Bayonne accounts of the 2d of March, on the authority of letters from Brest, that, several vessels were off that port having on board a number of the inhabitants of Cadiz ; and from the following postscript to a letter from Nantz, dated 5th ult. received in the city, per L'Eolc : “ The Post from Brest, brings the new s of the arrival of the Spanish fleet it that port from Cadiz, by which it would appear that Cadiz was in posses sion ofthe Patriots. Ferdinand, I think, must have a flea in his car by this time.” News from Barcelona, under date of 21th Feb. mentions, that commerce was not affected by the progress ofthe revo lution. It was known that Ferdiaand had addressed himself to several foreign courts for assistance ; but that they all had too much of their own buisness t r * attend to, without involving themselves by new embarrassments, in which t’aey could gain neither glory nor profit. Paris, Marc’^ 3. There have been some arrest 1 ;, at Patn- peluna, but the governor has tso small a garrison, and it being feared that the name of Minn has great influence over them, that it is premise.,] that he has already allied himself with the insur gents. The insurrection extends and acquires consistency—if this movement succeeds, as is expected in Navarre, the first effect will ’oc to destroy the commu nication w ith France. It is to-day announced that an insur- rectiono’ movement has taken place at Corunna. In addressing the Chamber of Depu ties, on the security ofthe Royal Family and Throne of France, one of the Spea kers (Mons. Chabran he Solilhac) boasts of the effect of the Roman Dicta torship and the suspension ofthe Habeas Corpus, and that the death of the Duke de Berri, imposes the necessity of sus pending individual liberty—that jif tint Clumber did not adopt some measure oi' this kind, the blood of any Prince who might in future be assassinated would rest upon their heads. M. Simi on ob served, that h ranee also had her radi cals, and they had awful proofs of great agitation prevailing in various parts of the kingdom. The Minister announced that even in Paris a certain number of individuals had passed resolutions ap* proving of the assassination ofthe Duke de Berri ; and that n prisoner at La Fo- ree, named Lucet, hail written to one ol* the chiefs of the Police, that he had learn ed with great pleasure the assassination of a Bourbon—that it was desirable that the whole of the family should meet the same fate—that he regards the mur derer as a great man, and is anxious to imitate his courageous conduct. That in the Departments, an execrable joy prevailed on the occasion—that at one time, the return of Bonaparte, or his arrival in the United States, and the combination of the Northern Powers against the present dynasty, were assi duously circulated. The signs and em blems ofthe former government had been renewed. Seditious verses w'ere open ly sung ; and an attempt made to corrupt the troops. That the existing laws were inadequate for public security ; and he called for strong measures on the part of the Chambers, to avert further evil con sequences. M. Chibrillant moved that this speech should be printed : this was rejected. Mr. Bastarriches, one of the Deputies of the Departments, defended their loyalty and complained of minis ters, for censuring a nation for the crime of an individual. He hoped that the l 1 rench would never submit to tjie arbi trary shackles which were designed for them. M. Constant, at the conclusion of a long speech, reminded the Chamber, that the National Convention, the Directory and Buonaparte had adopted such mea sures as he protested against. Where is the Convention? Where is the Directory? Where is Buonaparte? No decision took place on he project of the Ministers. REVOLUTION IN SPAIN. By the ship Adriana, and brig Perse verance, arrived yesterday in 6 days from Havana, we have official news of the adoption, by King Ferdinand, of the CONSTITUTION OF THE CORTES, of the year 1812. Finding any further resis tance to the will of the people unavai- ling, he has made a virtue of necessity, and at last done that which he should have done immediately on his return to Spain. The following brought by a Span ish merchant vessel, called the Mont- serat, from Corunna, was published at Havana on the 15th inst : Extraordinary Diario, of the Government of the Havana, Saturday. loth April, 1820. r The Government, which has given proofs of the reliance it has placed on the great fidelity of this capital, and the whole island, publishes the copy ofthe Gazette brought by the vessel which has just arrived from Corrunna, in 31 days,- and it is in the following terras:— Supplement to the Constitutional Patriotic Di ario, of Monday, 13th .March, 1820. The supreme Junta of Gallicia, ha» just received, by an extraordinary mail, official letters from lieut. col. Don Jose deJLiaserna, military commander in Luga, the council of the same citv, a printed copy of the Gazette Extraordinary of Madrid, of Wednesday, the 8< t h ofthe present month of March, whir.fi contains the followiug official letter ; “ The king our lord has Leen pleased to send to his Secretaries o'f dispatch, the following Royal Decree \ ’ “ In order to avoid tffie delays which might take place on account ofthe doubts which might occur to 'the council of state in the execution of my decree of yester day, for the immediate convocation ofthe cortes, and it being tl, e general wish of the people, lhave determined to szvear to observe (lie Constitution, promulgated by the General and Extaordinary Cortes in the year 1812. V ou will understand it in this manner, and ord.er its speedy publi- catien.—Signed bjr the Royal Hand.— ialace, March 7'ih, 1820.” Which agreeable news the Junta has tens to have published, for the satisfac- tion ol the ii’iustrious and generous people of Cornim.ia, and for that of all Gallicians: ann orders that a solemn Te Deum be ia the Church of Collegiata, at 12 o’clock t that thr.re be a general illumination, and every other demonstration be given of the general joy.—Corunna, March 13th,- ICiO. TEDRO DF. AGAR, President. PEDRO BOADO SANCHEZ, See'ry. The Chief of this Island knows no other path than that pointed out by the King ; and when he shall receive the official news of the above mentioned de cree, it shall be duly complied with and the king's orders shall be strictly obeyed. These are the sentiments of the Govern or, .and the faithful people over whom he rules entertain the same. Long live the King, and let his orders be obeyed ! CAGIGAL. The intimation given by the governor, at the close of the publication, that he should await the orders of the King, be fore he proceeded to adopt the Constitu tion, gave much offence to the patriotic inhabitants of Havana ; and on Sunday, the day after its publication, a very large portion of the citizens assembled in the principal square ofthe city, and insisted upouits immediate adoption. The regi ments of Malaga and Catalonia were deci dedly with them ; the officers ofthe regi ment of Turagonia were inclined to side with the Governor ; but such was the enthusiasm of the populace and the mili tary, that the Governor dared not to op pose their wishes, and their adhesion to the cwtsiiTi'TtoN and the cubxes, was