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coyouEfts. __ house OF REPRESENTATIVES. FUIDAYi ai rn. 20. DUTIES on imports. Th.noa.M»»k”P Ik* k.l"« 'kS"- U.‘ Ike .lulic* on in'l'nrls n ni1 llu ,i:™,lu.e»t. icvoncl Ih.^. Jj J ...into ol ll.o » i" k ( " li ' |1 1 j eflu i U .|j, .•iition. iiml delivered, in n (lit motion to postpone being under coufidi Mr. Hardin rose speech of nearly t»° b» u "•‘Tf h ’ senUment. in opposition to the bill Mr. M'Lant of Del. lollmved o other aide, and spoke too hours... sup- ^Mr*! L^mK'ncxt rose and addressed t h e house about three hours... oppos.- lion to the bill* , , , r , Mr. Hal dr in spoke about half an hour iu reply to Mr. Lowndes and others. Mi ’ SilUbee, of Mass, made a few re marks in reply to Mr. Baldwin ; when Mr. Simpkins moved that the hill and amendments be postponed until the first day of the next session ; in favor ot which motion Mr. Hardin withdrew hit motion for indefinite postponement. Mr. Parker, ofVa. then demanded the previous question, but the call was not sustained by a majority of the House. The question was then, about six o’clock, taken on the motion to postpone the bill until the first day of the next session, and was decided in the negative bv the following vote. Yeas;—Messrs. Abbot, Alexander, Allen, Ten. Anderson, Archer Aid. Archer Va. Ball, Barbour, Baylv, Brevard, Bryan. Buf- ‘ " ” tier N. H Butler, fum, Burton, Burwell, Butl Lou. Cannon, Claggett, Cobb, Cofkc,Crafts, Crawford, Crowell, Culpepper, Cushman, Cuthbert, Davidson, Earle, Edwards, N. C. Fisher, Floyd, Foot, Fuhler, Garnett, Hall, N. C. Hardin, Hill, Holmes, Hooks, John son, Jones, Va. Jones, Ten. Kent, Livermore, Lon iides,McCoy, McCreary, Mallary, .Mer cer, Neale, Nelson, Mass. Nelson, Va. Over- direct, Parker, Va. Pinckney, Plumer, JSan- t kin, Reed, Rhea, Richards, Ringgold, Ro bertson, Settle, Silsbee, Simkins, Slocunib, B. Smith, Va. Smith, N. C Strong, Vt. Swearingen, Terrell, Tucker, V a. Tucker S. C.Tyler, Unham, Walker, Whitman. Wil liams, Va. Williams, N. C.—711. ^ « Nvvs.—Messrs. Adams, Allen, N Y. Ba ker, Baldwin, Bateman, Bcccher.Rloom field, Roden, Brown, Brush, Campbell, Case, Clark, Cook, Culbreth, Darlington, Denni son, Dewitt, Dowse, Eddy, Edwards, Con. Edwards, Pen. Ervin,Folger, Ford, Forrest, Fullerton, Gross, N. Y. Gross, Pa. Guyon, H.iekley, Hall, N. Y. Hall, Del. Hazard, lfemphill Hendricks, Herrick, Hibshman, Hiester, Hostetter, Kendall, Kinsey, Kinsley, Little, Linn, Lyman, Maclay, MeLane, Del. McLean, Ken. Marchand, Mason, Meigs, Metcalf, R. Moore, S. Moore, Monell, Mor ton, Moseley, Murray, Newton, l'arker, Mass. Patterson, Phelps, Pliilson, Pitcher, Rich, Richmond, Rogers, Ross, Russ, Samp son, Sawyer, Sergeant, Shaw, Sloan, Smith, N. J. Smith, Md. Southard, Stevens, Stores, Street, Strong, N. Y. Tarr, Taylor, Tom linson, Tompkins, Tracy, Trimble, Van Rensselaer, Wallace, Wcndovcr, Wood.—93 The amendments agreed to in com mittee of the whole were then concur red in by the House. Air. Nelson, of Alass. moved to insert the following proviso, at the end of the first section : Provided, That no goods, wares, or merchandise, w hich shall be imported into the United States on or before the 30th day of April, 1821, if from places beyond the Cape of Good Hope, or on or before the 31st day of October next, if from places not situated beyond the Cape of Good Hope, in vessels that sail ed from the United States before the passage nf this act, shall be subjected to any higher duty than is required by laws now in force. This motion was negatived, without a count. Mr. Silsbee moved to change the time at which the bill shall go into operation, from the 30th of June to the 30th of September next; which motion was also negatived. Mr. Edwards, of'S. C. moved to reduce the duty on imported salt from 25 cents to 20 cents a bushel. The yeas and nays being ordered on this question, Mr. Metcalf moved for the previous question (the effect of which would be to decide forthwith the main question, viz. the engrossment of the bill for a third reading ;) but the call was negatived, 71 to DO, The question was then taken on re ducing the salt duty, and decided in the affirmative, by yeas and nays, as follows: For the amendment, G3 Against it, 71 Mr. Hill of Alassachusctts moved to amend the bill by reducing the duty on imported molasses from ten to five cents a gallon ; on which motion the yeas and nays were ordered Mr. Parker perceiving that all the amendments which had been discussed and rejected in committee of the whole would probably be again offered, and the time of the House occupied in the tedi ous process of deciding them again, by yeas and nays, moved again for tliejire- vious question. The call fur the previous question was sustained by a vote of 86 to G3 ; and, '1 lie previous question, “ shall the main question be now put?” Was stat ed accordingly, and was decided, bv yeas and nays, in the affirmative—ayes 92 noe« 71. The question was then at length ta ken on ordering the bill to be engrossed and read a third time, and decided in the affirmative, by yeas ar.d nays, as follows . Yeas.—Messrs. Adams, Allen of N. Y . Ihkev, Baldwin, Bateman, Beecher, Bloom fJBHpulen, Brown, Brush, Campbell, Case Lit™, f "nk, Darlington, Dennison, Dewitt Dowse, Eddy, Edwards of Con. Edwards o. Pa. Ervin, fay,Folger, Ford, Forrest, Gross of N. Y. Gross nf Penn. Guyon, Hackley .Hall of N. Y. Hall Of Del. Hazard, Hemphill ,TI-ndrie’« .Herrick, Hibshman, Hit stcr.Hos- tjjter, Kendall, Kinsey, Kinsley, Little, Linn X-v:r.an, M'u'lay. MeLane of Del. MeLei R. Moure, ft. ATinire.Alonell, Morton, AIusc- lf \, Murray, New ton, l'arker, of Mass. Pat terson, Pllelps, l’hilMin, Pitcher, Rich, Rich mond, Rogers, Ross, Ross, Snmpsi n, Saw yer, Sergeant, Shaw. Sloan, Smilii of .V J. Southard, Stevens, Storrs, Street, Strong of N. Y. Turr, Taylor, Tomlinson, Tompkins, Tracy, Trindile, Van Rensselaer, Wallace, Weinlover, Wood.— 9(1. Navs.—Messrs. Alexander, Allen of Ten. Anderson, Archer of Md. Archer of Va. Hall, Barbour, Rayly, Brynn, Bnlfutn, Bur ton, Burwell, Butler of N. II. Butler ofLou. * . mon, Cbiggctt, Cobh, Cocke, Crafts, i lawfnrd, Crowell, Colliretli, Culpepper, Cosh man, I’ulhbirl, Davidson, Earle, Ed wards of N. C. Fisher, Floyd, Foot, Fuller- ion, Hall of N. C. Hardin, Hill. Holmes, Hooks, Johnson, Jones of Ten. Kent, Liver more, Lowndes, McCoy, McCreary, Malla ry, Mereer, Neale, Nelson of Mass. Over- street, l’arker of Va. Plumer, Rankin, Re* d, Rhea, Robertson, Settle, Silsbee, Simkins, Slocunib, B. Smith of Va. Smith of N. C. Swearingen, Terrell, Tucker ofVa. Tucker of S. O. Tyler, Whitman, Williams of Va. Williams ofN. C.—69. The House then (having rejected ten or twelve previous motions to adjourn, at various stages ot’the evening proceed ings) adjourned between 7 and 8 o'clock, after a sitting of more than nine hours. SATUnilAV, AI’ML 29. THE NAVY. Mr. Williams of N. C. rose, and said, he should take the liberty to submit to the house several propositions growing out of the vote last evening, on the Ta- iff bill. If that hill passed into a law , of which he thought there was little doubt, since the vote had been take.i, a ldicul, a total change would be effected the system of policy heretofore pur sued. It appears to me, sir, that we have been happy, that we have nourish ed, in a pre-eminent degree, under the operations of the system so much repro- ited by the friends of the new tariff.— n lieu of a tax on consumptions, we must seems, now resort to a system of inter- d taxation. The gentleman from l’enn- Ivania, (.Mr. Baldwin,) under whose mspices this bill was ushered into the house, and carried through with a trium phant majority, had always been favora ble. if he was not misV.iken, to a system of internal taxation. That gentleman vo- d against the repeal of the internal du ties, when a longer continuance of them is manifestly unnecessary, and when the President had recommended their a- bolition. But, without the former votes of the gentleman, the whole of his pre sent project is evidence unequivocal to my mind, that he wishes to re-establish a system of internal taxation. The gentleman had distinctly said, that the system of revenue which was now in peration, had been tried ; that it had tiled ; and that we must change it. Mr. . said, he was not disposed to think or act with the gentleman from Pennsyl- iniu ; that he denied to the gentleman the force of the argument, founded upoti the inadequacy of our present system. But, admitting it to be inadequate, Air. . denied the propriety or policy of such a remedy as that gentleman propo sed. Sir, said he, what is the real cause of the deficit in the revenue ? Is the de ficiency owing to any fault in the system itself, or does it proceed from the enor mous expenditures of money ? 1 say it boldly, and without fear of contradiction, that the beggared condition of the Trea sury arises from the improper expendi tures of money, and not from any fault in the revenue system. The friends of the present revenue system have not been disappointed. It has produced all the good they expected would result from it the tiui’e it was adopted. But sir, ma ny heavy expenditures have since been authorized, and which were not contem plated at the period the system was adop ted. This is the real cause of the insuf ficiency of funds in the Treasury No doubt a portion, and perhaps a se rious portion too, of the failure arises from the present deranged state of the circulating medium ; but this is no fault of the system ; and notwithstanding all these embarrassments, it would have an swered every purpose, provided the ex penditurcs had not been unreasonable md improper. The gentleman from ’ennsylvania, however, had uniformly opposed, Air. W. said, every effort to re trench, to economize and to save the public money. So far, then, as the gen tleman from Pennsylvania was concern ed, the deficiency of revenue had been owing more to the course of policy pur sued by him in this house than to any lefect in the system. The system. Air. YV. repeated, had not failed ; it had an swered every purpose contemplated by its friends at the period of its adoption. But the Congress of the United States had failed, ifthere was failure any where. They had authorized excessive expendi tures, not contemplated. Had the army been reduced, us often proposed in this house, there would not now he a defi ciency of money in the treasury. But the gentleman from Pennsylvania had op posed, at all times, any reduction of the military establishment. Not only so, but the gentleman had opposed every at tempt to reduce the expenditures upper tabling to the army. Even the Y'eilow Stone Expedition, condemned by the de liberate judgment of this house, as not only useless and expensive, but dange rous, the gentleman supported by his vote. Air. YV. said, it was a source of some little consolation at least, that if the Ta riff bill went into operation, the army would he reduced as a matter of cf-urse. It would, in that state of things, be less necessary that it had been, and its most determined advocates in this house would not any longer be able to sustain it. 1 any difficulties wc might calculate on w ith Spain, there appeared to he no oc casion for the army in its present size But thinking the reduction of the array would ensue, as n matter of course, up not now say any thing more on the sub ject ; nor had lie provided any resolution specifically for that subject. Thu next branch ol public, expenditure rendered wholly unnecessary, if the lull should pass, whs the appropriation for the gra dual increase of the navy. Sir, it is proposed that wc adopt a Chi nese policy ; that we should always stay at home, and ne\ergo abroad. Of what use, then, cau be your navy ? The na vy was created to defend your maritime and commercial right*. If you have no commerce of what use can he your navy, to defend the very lights which you have declared you will not exercise ! Mr. \V. said he would never agree to tax his constituents, in the first place, to support manufacturing establishments ; and then to support an army and a navy, rendered wholly useless and unnecessary by the policy proposed to be pursued. Air. VV. said, further, that, when the commercial interest sutlers ; when their rights are invaded, petitions llow in up on us ; are referred to the committee on commerce, and by that committee, are duly considered. If any law is necessa ry to provide for the commercial intcr- Jsts, the committee report a bill, and it is passed into a law. Thus, the commer cial interest is guarded and defended.— At this session we have, also, a distinct committee on manufactures. The ma«s of petitions and documents laid on our tables ; and, above all, the lulls report ed by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, tend to shew the great vigilance with which the manufacturing interest is gnar led. Gentlemen say that there are, in this country, three interests, the agricul tural, commercial, and manufacturing.— And how happens it, sir, that the agri cultural, the great leading and substan tial interest in this country, has no dis tinct committee ; no organized tribunal in this House, to hear and determine on their grievances ? If the commer cial or manufacturing interests are af fected, the cry resounds throughout the country ; remonstrances How in upon us ; they are referred to committe.es appoint ed for the purpose of guarding them, and adequate remedies are provided. But, sir, when agriculture is oppressed and makes compl,lint, what tribunal is iu this House, to hear and determine on the grievance ? Now, I suppose agricultural petitions could not be referred to the. committee on manufactures ! The policy pursued by the gentleman from Pennsylvania, who is at the head of that committee, shews you that agriculture can get no thing from manufactures. Let us then have a distinct and separate committee on agriculture, to hear and determine on the grievances of which that interest may complain. Sir, 1 wish to hear the agricultural voice of the country ; let the farmers and planters speak. They constitute an interest which to all other interests is as ten to one, twenty to one, or one hundred to one. They are pa tient and long suffering, they will bear » great deal without murmur or com plaint. But there is a point beyond which they cannot bear. Beyond that point 1 fear we are about to go. For the purpose therefore of having some tribunal before whom the agricultural interest may appear, I shall submit a re solution to establish a committee on that subject. They are the majority, they have a right not only to he heard, hut to control. Oppress them only a little longer, and they will rise in the majesty of their strength; they must and will demand suitable relief. Air. VV. conclud ed by ofleiing the following resolutions, which were read. Resolved, That the committee of Ways and Aleans be instructed to report a hill, repealing any law or laws, making ap propriations for the increase of the Na vy of the United States. Resolved, That the committee of Ways and Aleans be instructed to report a bill calling home the squadron, in the Medi terranean sea. Air. Williams submitted, nbo, the fol lowing resolution to amend the rules which lies on the table one day of course : Resolved, That an additional standing committee he appointed, to be denom inated “ The committee on agriculture." THE ARMY Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, rose and said he was glad to see the course taken by his friend from North Carolina. 11 is in tention was to otl'er another resolution, pressing the same object still farther.— Air. F. had no hesitation in saying, that if the present tariff passed, from the ef fects lie believed it would produce upon the country, that it would cause a radical change in all his opinions, as it regarded the army and navy of the United States. He felt it due to himself to say, that heretofore he had been friendly to the army and navy ; but would rather dis pense with both than oppress the country with a system of excise &. taxes, lie knew there was, some time ago, a political party in the United States, who thought that method most wise and be*t, of sup porting the government, which looked to direct taxes ; but he was not one of that number ; his antipathy to that system was still the same. The motion, there fore, which he was about to submit, pro ceeded from a strong conviction, that, unless we reduced our expenditures in this way. this oppressive and ruinous system, which we are threatened with, must very shortly be brought into ope ration, which will require at least eight or ten millions annually of direct tax—a sum which the community, in times of greater prosperity, could not bear, and, in these timos of difficulty .and distress, cannot be paid unless by a sacrifice of property, perhaps at less than a fifth of its i value. Air. F. believed the revenues of the of Keu. Marchand, Mason, Meigs, Metcalf, I on the parsagn ofthe'! arifl bill, he should country would, for scveralyears, be !e and less; that each vear would Mi >w a iII greater delicit. until the trade ol '.lie world settled down to the proper point, which the wants >V situation ol all would ultimately determine. VV hi 1st a navy could beol’no use to us, having no com merce to protect ; as we were about to uecnme a nation of weavers, he could not think it necessary to retain that which formed so large apart of our expendi tures. A few small vessels, to protect our coasting trade, whilst they took their manufactures to the south, and returned with cargoes of cotton, might be useful; more was unnecessary and hurthensotne, and must in a short tune decay, and, with the tonnage of the country, disappear. The army, Air. F. said, which like wise formed so large a poilion of our expenses, could with micli propriety be dispensed with. A few, very few, were necessary to take care of the fortifi cations which might lie now finished, or which, by existing contracts or appro priations, may soon lie so. The defence of every country, Air. F. said, depended upon the security of a few important points, leaving the int imediate parts to lie protected by movements from these points ; though now, lie believed, there would be still less cause to apprehend any thing from contact with other nations, as we were about to become manufacturers. Mr. F. said, he did not see the neces sity of an excise and direct taxes at the present time, particularly as the friends ofthe present measure seemed disposed to adopt the Chinese policy ; an army ami navy, under such circumstances, could only serve ti remind us of w hat we once were. If there was war, or my necessity of the country, not result ing from a measure of our own, at this time, knowing it to lead directly to a sys tem of internal taxation, he would vote for a tax as high as any gentleman would le«irc ; but, when no necessity, in his opinion did exist, he was averse to any thing of the sort. The particular dis tresses ofthe country, instead of prompt- to impositions upon the people, re quired, in his opi .ion, great care and e- conomy in the management of affairs, to avoid the necessity for any new demands. He could not see the wonderful benefits which were to result to tbe people, from this government, when they vverp made to feel heavy burthens to support an army and navy, which could have no other employment than protecting the weavers. This country, said Air. F. is unlike any other ; all local expenditures ire made by the states; the general go vernment can have no subject of expense but such as is truly national; an army, a navy, the civil list; the commerce ofthe country in time of peace, ought, if possi ble to pay that expense, and not harass the citizen with two systems of taxation. If things were permitted to remain, the revenue of the country, with proper e- conomy, would be, us it ought to he, e- qual to all the demands upon the treasu ry. Air. F. repeated, that in offering this resolution, he had no feeling hostile to the army, or navy, but was actuated by a desire alone to reduce the expendi tures of tbe nation, that if possible tbe heavy taxes with which we were threat ened, by (be friends ofthe tariff, might be avoided. He said, he had still a hope, that tliis bill fraught with evil, as he conceived it to be, which he saw would inevitably pass this house, would he ar rested elsewhere. Air. F. then sub mitted the following resolution, which w as, on his motion, laid on the table. Resolved, That the committee on mi litary affairs be instructed to report a bill, reducing the army of the United States six - thousand men, to consist of a due proportion of infantry, artillery and ri demon. THE TARIFF. The engrossed bill to regulate the du ties on imports and tonnage, was read the third time. Air. Baldwin remarked, that it wouh be recollected the bounty on pickled fish exported had been increased in commit tee of the whole, in consequence ol’an increase ot the duly on imported salt— the duty oil salt had subsequently been reduced, but it had been omitted at the same time to make a corresponding change in the bounty on pickled fish.— lie presumed there could be no objec tion now to make this amendment, and moved that the House agree thereto by general consent, (by which only an a- mendineut can be made to a bill in the Mouse, on the third reading.) The motion was objected to, and of course failed. Air. Rhea then rose and spoke about an hour against the passage of the bill. Mr. Slocunib of North-Carolina, moved to recommit the bill, with instructions to reduce the duty on imported iron in bars, &lc. from 125 cents to 75 cents. This motion produced a debate of con siderable duration, touching occasionally on the general merits ofthe bill, as weil as on the expediency of committing the hill for the purpose proposed. The motion to recommit the bill was advocated by Messrs. Slocumb. Pinck ney. Silsbee, Mercer, Nelson, of Alass. Morton, Smith, of N. C. Livermore, Floyd, Holmes, and Foot, and was opposed by Alessrs. Kinsey, Smith of Aid. Baldwin, Storrs, Sergeant, Gross, of New-York. The debate continued until about four o’clock, when it was negatived by yeas and nays as follows : For the recommitment, 70 Against it, 90 Air. Foot, of Connecticut, then moved, that the bill be postponed until the first day ofthe next session, and followed his motion by some gener.d remarks against the hill. The question on postponing the bill was decided in tbe negative, bv yeas and nays, bv the following vote : For the postponement, 78 Against it, 90 The question was then taken on the passage ol’ the bill, and decided in the aliirumtive by yeas and nays as follows : For the passage, 91 Against it, 78 So Hie bill was passed, and sent to the Senate for concurrence. YVniVAViiW Lo.ndon, March 16. We rereived yesterday the I’arispapers of Sunday last. The Chamber of Peers as- semhled on Saturday to appoint a Grand Deputation to attend the funeral ceremony on Tuesday, at St. Dennis, and to receive a repo t from the committee of Petitions. A- mongst the Petitions was one signed hy an individual praying lor the prosecution ofthe Duke Deray.es, on w liteh the committee proposed to pass to the Older of the day.— This suggestion was agreed to after a few words from the Marquis de Lully, who observed .hat the Peers were judges, but never accusers. A petition from the and adjuncts of Beziers, suggesting ! matrimonial alliance for Monsieur, in ol keep up the direct line ofthe Bourbons,was ordered to lie deposited amongst tbe archives ofthe Chamber. In the chamber of deputies, the project re specting individual liberty, was again discus sed through the whole of Saturday's sitting. M. Courvoisier, at considerable length, argu ed in support of his amendment, for limiting the operation ofthe project to conspiracies a- gainst the king and the royal family. This amendment, involv ing the omission of con spiracies against the safety of the State, was Warmly opposed by the minister of the In terior, and after some further discussion it was negatived without a division; as were also the amendments in the first urticle; it was then put to the vote and agreed to without a division, in the same terms as originally proposed by the government, with only one amendment directing a copy to be granted of any order of arrest. In the second article an amendment of some importance was propos ed by AI. Lacroix Frainvilic, for the purpo ses of allowing the accused, after Ins first interrogatory, the privilege of employing an advocate. On this amendment after some discussion the chamber divided, when there appeared in'fnvor of it 114, against it 135; majority against it 19. The King on Saturday transacted busi ness with the Ministers of the Interior and War. The. Dukcdc Richelieu was with his Majesty for three hours. Tlie Journal de Paris and the Gazette dr France mention the arrest of AL V incent, forincly an Agent of Police, whom they assert to have been connected with Louvef; but the Journal dcs Debats states, that AL Vincent never was an agent of police, nor ever was connected with Lmivcl; and that his innocence being established, he was set at liberty three hours after his arrest. Gen. Guiilet has also been apprehended by virtue of a mandate of arrest issued from tile office of the court of the chamber of peers, The Gazette de France contains the fol lowing curious paragraph :— “ A Alarechal de Camp, a spy of M de C. revived 130,000 francs on the eve of his Ex- ccllenecy’s departure.” mount to more than live, sixorten thousand. (Murmurs in the centre.) M r. De Connells from his place They went ns far as sixty thousand in lsis. J Mr. Demure,ty-La the Minister see to what such maxims as theirs lead. Cnsta glance beyond (lie Pyrenees. Madmen— y ou wish to bring us to that condition from which the Spaniards are now endeavouring to extricate themselves. Your intentions urc confessed; your councils would be those which will probably destroy Ferdinand VII. Mr. Puymaunn.—The law of imprison ment is essential for the preservation of the dynasty. The plots of the 10th of August brought about the subversion of the throne, and the deutli of Louis XVI. If this unfor tunate Monarch hud been Hide to employ preventive law, our annals would not be stained with his blood. Wc nre iu the same circumstances as in 1792. An open conspi racy was then carried on against Louis XVI. as at present against Louis XVIII. There, is a conspiracy against all the thrones of Eu rope, and it is at Paris that its governing committee is established. Gen. Sihastiani.—If I believed, gentlemen that arbitrary government would preserve the reigning dynasty from real danger I would not hesitate to vote for it. But I en tertain a very different opinion. I have resi ded in a country (Turkey ) where arbitrary rule is in all its beauty—in all its plenitude -1 Tliere newspapers do not pervert the public mind—justice is summary—the march ofthe government is not impeded hy constitutional clo^s ; a ml nevertheless, I have seen, in the course of two years, eleven ministers perish by popular convulsion—and, what is still more serious, two sovereigns. Air. Courrosicr.—We arc told by minister* ofaeonspiracy. They speak of a vile conspira cy against the dynasty ofthe Bourbons. Gen tlemen, if such a conspiracy exists, it must bo confined to a small number of factious des peradoes. I do not deny that the fall of the last government has left much unsatisfied ambition, and that some persons cherish guilty hopes of its re-establishment. Tire fears that are suggested are altogether chi merical. How can we believe that this na tion will adopt projects looking to the return of Bonaparte. Do you believe that French men have forgotten, that, under iiis dominion no sansculotte was master of his own person, of his property, orofliis children, and that our blood wag every day squandered by am bition. What France has really to dread is the return of lit 15. (Cries from the right* of ah ! ah !) .4Member.— VVe were expecting that. Another Member.—France dreads theiOth of March. If France could dread a not her 20th ofMarrh,it w ould he because it was attempt ed to revive the crisis. SPAIN. Tbe history of this country for the last six years unfolds the causes of the late revoluti on, and while it presents the most extraor dinary picture ot past events, would furnish some grounds for the political enquirer to speculate upon the future. Six yea; - have, elapsed since Ferdinand VII. returned to Spain from his prison at Valancay. On the. ■4th of May, 1614, almost immediately after lie crossed the Pyrenees, and without wait ing a moment to consult the. wishes or feel- SERIOUS ASPECT. Extract from the Debates of the French House of Deputies. Paris, March 14,1820 Mr. La Fayette.—It is now thirty-three years since in the assembly ol the Notables I first culled for the abolition of Letters lie- Cuchet; 1 vote to-day against the re-estuh lishment of lliem. Minister of Foreign Affairs.—1 nrk for ar bitrary power; it is for a. great purpose,and from a striking necessity that it is asked. To call for the suspension of liberty, is a tes timony of respect for that liberty. The pre vailing opinions and maxims are the accom plices ofthe assassin Louvel. General Foy rushes to the tribune. Do you believe, gentlemen, that if France had not been under the yoke nf Foreign bayo nets, we Frenchmen could have endured thul a handful of miserable wretches, whom we saw prostrate in the dust for 30 years— (general rising on the right—the ministerial quarter of the Chamber.) Mr. Corday exclaimed to the orator—you are an insolent fellow—(movement of indig nation in the assembly.) The President called the member to or der. General Foy continued—Yes, gentlemen, this party has prevailed only by means of a foreign power. Such excess as they have committed, could only have taken place with the aid and protection of foreign bayonets. Mr. Hnijamin Constant, addressing the ministers—Gentlemen, you are going to wrest from us our personal liberty ; you are about to stifle the freedom of the Press; you are about to exclude from this hall, by privileged elections, the defenders of the people. Wc might say to you, what some captivessaid to Tiberius. “Those who ad dress you, are on the point of death. Let us 'peak freely.” Mr. Manuel.—The ministers present to us their present law of imprisonment, as one which we ought to adopt with blind con fidence. But are we to give our confidence to ministers belonging to a party, thristing for vengeance; a faction which they them selves have denounced heretofore as the ene mies of liberty. (Deep murmurs to the right. Many members start up ami gesticulate vio lently.) Mr. Castel-Baiac rushed to the tri bune and exclaimed furiously, let order pre vail. Mr. Manuel has been making personal attacks upon a great part of this assembly. Let the dignity ofthis assembly he maintain ed—(Cries continue to issue from the right. The tumult is at its height. The President speaker) rings his hell, and proclaims that Mr. Manuel is entitled to explain.) Mr. Manuel.—I repeat that the party in question wishes that which is contrary to li berty. (Several voices from the right)—VVe are, then, enemies to liberty—yes,yes, (from the left, confusion andtumult rc-commence) —Mr. Aluuucl proceeds—I re.tract nothing ; I repeat that the party is hostile to liberty.— (Bruvocs from the left, indignant cries from the right.) Mr. Castel-Baiac rushes forward —the President requests him to retire, &.c. Mr. Benjamin, Constant.—I ask whether ministers will have the right of keeping those whom they arrest in secret confinement?— This question is important, because the citi zen may emerge from this dreadful state entirely deprived of his reason. VVe have had a signal example of this. A general, who had rendered the greatest services to his country, and who might still render them, left his prison insane, lifter being 3 months se cretly immured, and is still in that condition Moreover, will ministers be obliged to bring to trial, at the end of three months, those whom they will have arrested ? The ex portation of such trial would diminish th number of arrests; then they might not a* ings of the Spanish people, he issued a pro clamation from Valencia declaring the disso lution of the Cortes and the Constitution they had established in 1812. In this decla ration, he sets up the most extraordinary Si imaginary accusations against the Cortes, w hose 14 first act,” he says, “ was to depose, him, and assume in the name of the nation the sovereignty; that all the forms ofthe an cient Constitution had been innovated upon by them ; that the Democratic principles of the French Constitution of 1701, had been copied into a Spanish one ; that the liberty of the press had been abused to make royal ty odious; and that all those who opposed this democratic order of things, had been persecuted, kc.” He then proceeds to de nounce the pains of death and treason a- gainst all who should contravene his sove reign decree. Eight days after this, he en tered Madrid, threw the members of the Cortes into prison, abolished the press and sent the editors to share the fate of the Cor tes. The Inquisition was restored to its func tions soon after, and the edifying spectacle of an auto de ft was exhibited to the populace of Spain iu the nineteenth century. While Ferdinand was at Valencia, the metropolitan church of that city implored him to support the Church, which, they said, had been per secuted by “ the philosophers of the day," to revive the Holy Inquisition, which they described as “ the crucible for maintaining pure religion." Ferdinand eagerly seized the occasion, and this infernal tribunal was revived in all its vigor. The decree for this purpose was issued from Madrid on the 21st of July, 1814, k is certainly one ofthe most curious state papers of the age. in which we. live, whether we regard the reasoning upon which it proceeds, or the monstrous and a- trocious ri •Sulb The society of Jesuits, which had been proscribed and abolished in every Catholic country in Europe, during the preceding century, and even by Pope Ganganclli him- self, was revived by Ferdinand in a decree dated the 29th May, 1815. In the meanw bile the most tyrannical per secution prevailed. Tlie patriots of Spain, the men who in the council and the field hud maintained her sinking cause against the. legions of Napoleon, became tlie peculiar objects of Ferdinand’s hostility. Many were sent to the scaffold, and in tlie latter end of 1815, it was supposed that more than 50,000 people were imprisoned on account of politi cal opinions. Partial and unconnected at tempts were made at different periods to ef fect a revolution, hut without success. The gallant and unfortunate General Porlier fail ed in Gallucin, September 1615, to rouse the spirit of freedom in his countrymen, and fell a victim to the sanguinary vengeance of Fer dinand. Gen. Lacy in 1818, made a similar attempt in Catalonia, and fell a victim to the' saniii insatiable tyranny. The preceding is tnit a slight sketch nftlio wrongs inflicted by Ferdinand upon the Spanish people; wrongs which would.seem to demand a much more ample atonement than a mere deprivation of some slig.it branches of his prerogative. VVe do not therefore conceive that the Spanish revolu tion is hy any means consummated. Ferdi nand is unworthy of power—as a man he is imbecile k. perfidious, as a king he lias been cruel and despotic—his entire career indi cates a confirmed and incurable depravity of heart, and his crimes against the liberty and happiness of his subjects render him justly amenable to their vengeance. B*y olutions, it has been said, never go back wan . and, certainly, from the elements ot "n K ‘ this is composed, it cannot be supposed 1 have subsided. Mina, Ballesteros and roga, are the men who have headed 1 “ revolution, and can repose no faith in the P ‘ mises of a tyrant, who has violated eve J promise he lias made, and whose f' ,r ,i,r