Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, July 18, 1820, Image 1
SOUTHERN
RECORDER.
VOX.. I.
MILLEDGEVILLE, TUESDAY, JULY 18, 1820.
No. 23.
PUBLISHED WEEKLY,
(ON TUESDAYS)
BY S. GRANTIJIM'D Sf R. M. ORME,
AT THREE DOLI.ARH, IN ADVANCE, OR FOUR
DOLLARS AT THE EXPIRATION OF THE
YEAR.
Hjt- Advertisements conspicuously inserted at
the customary rates. ,
We had omitted the publication of Mr. Sim-
kins' Speech (a member from South-Carolina)
in reply to Mr. Cobb upon bis proposed amend
ment to the Constitution, from a belie.' that the
citizens of this State did not feel any peculiar
interest in tho sentiments of that gentleman; but
nt the particular request of a subscriber it is now
inserted.—editors Recorder.
MR. S1MKIN9S SPEECH.
The amendment to the constitution
proposed by Mr. Cobb, and passed in
committee of the whole, was in the fol-
lowing words, viz:
“No Senator or Representative in the
Congress of the United States shall, du
ring the time for which he was elected,
or within one year thereafter, be ap
pointed to any civil office under the au
thority of the United States.”
The proposition being in the House,
and the Speaker rising to put the ques
tion without debate, Mr. Simkins, of S.
Carolina, said :—
Notwithstanding, Mr. Speaker, the a-
version of the House to see its precious
time consumed in speeches, yet an im
perious sense of duty constrains me to
call its attention to a measure extraordi
nary in its nature and consequences.—
Sir, the proposed amendments is bottom
ed upon an improper unfounded distrust
of the members of Congress : a distrust
not warranted by any thing past or pre
sent in our legislative history. The
proper selection of all officers in the Ex
ecutive of the United States depends on
a correct and perfect knowledge of the
persons to be appointed. This knowl
edge, in a country so extensive and di
versified as ours, is hard to be obtaiued.
How can it be most accurately obtained ?
is the true question now to be discussed
and decided. My opinion most unequi
vocally is, that it can be had with more
precision and more certainty from the
legislative hall of the nation than from
any other quarter whatever. Here eve
ry member,is in the eye of the nation, &
on its most interesting theatre. Here it
is that a man becomes, not only better
known, but more perfectly identified
with the history, measures, and success
of the national government, instituted to
secure the prosperity, and promote.the
happiness of the whole nation. Here it
is that a man’s political principles, ho
nesty, and talents, are more thoroughly
tested and tried than in any other situa
tion ; and here it is that knowledge to
see, and experience to enquire the pub
lic good, caa be most certainly, usefully,
and easily obtained.
If the President, in making choice of
important officers, not only for his cabi
net, but for foreign missions, and a great
many other important objects, is cut oft
from members of Congress, as the pre
sent amendment contemplates, where is
he to look, or from what sources can he
collect information to direct him ? Can
he look to the different State Legisla
tures ? If he does, how few' qan he find
there who have so pre-eminently distin
guished themselves as to be sufficiently
known to the President or the nation ?
Is he then to rely on the representations
". •• • ? or, i f
of factious & partizan newspapers
not, on the representations of men equal
ly factious & partial, endeavoring to pro
mote the views ofsome connexion or per
sonal favorite, who may or may not have
merit ? Sir, the information obtained
in this way would be not only vague and
uncertain, but would come often through
a stream, so polluted and muddy as to be
of a most dangerous character.
But it may be said that members of
Congress may be appealed to for a his
tory of the character and qualifications
of those fit to be appointed. Admitted:
but this introduces a mischief infinitely
more alarming than your amendment can
remedy. You compel the President to
receive their information, which must
often be personal, partial, and some
times, of course, unfounded, instead of
giving him an opportunity of judging for
himself of men immediately in his view,
and upon his own responsibility. When
a member serves in this body for years,
if he has talent and industry, ho must
become useful, prominent, and distin
guished. He is not only tried in talent
but in political honesty and consistency
He becomes national property, and the
President is driven to no second hand,
to no uncertain or doubtful channel, lor
character or information. He is enabled
to iudge for himself. _
But this is not the only inconvenience
in being compelled to receive recom
mendations through members of Con
gress. You thereby make members par
tizans and intriguers for offices for thei
personal friends. You increase the ve
ry evil your amendment purports to re
medy. You contaminate and debase the
very source which you affect to pre
serve pure. You set the artful and am
bitious among the people, to electioneer
for members of Congress.to enable them
members of Congress to intriguing for
offices, that they may promote & ensure
their elections.
The member from Georgia who pro
posed this amendment said, that, in turn
ing his attention for a few years back, he
found that the Presidents had taken ten
or twelve members from the Senate, and
perhaps double that number from the
House of Representatives, to fill oflices
within his gift. Agreed, Sir : and what
does the gentleman prove by this ? Has
he shewn us that these offices have been
disgraced, or theNational Legislature in
jured by this course ? Can he say that
these offices have not been well filled
and their duties faithfully performed't 1
aver that in general this has been the
case ; and if he wishes to draw any in
ference favorable to this amendment, he
ought to have shewn this. It was his du
ty to have proved to this body the dan
gerous consequences arising from the
facts he states. Sir, we have seen no
such consequences; nor do 1 believe
we ever shall. Intrigues and designs be
long more to ambitious men out of Con
gress than in it, and many instances could
be mentioned to prove this assertion.—
Members of Congress are upon their
good behavior.beforc the whole nation.
They obtain a political standing and cha
racter in the eyes of the country, which
become sanctioned and consecrated, and
this character and standing can only be
retained by a steady, honest, and consis
tent, political course, and let me tell the
house, that the President would lessen,
and eventually destroy, his own charac
ter, if he did not appoint men of tried pa
triotism, unquestionable experience, and
distinguished talents. His own reputa
tion is identified with that of the officers
of his own creation.
But, suppose you adopt the amend
ment, where will he go for his distin
guished officers ? We have already seen
that there are very few men whose ta
lents are so .exalted, or whose career is
so bright as to introduce them to the
view of the President, whilst they act in
the comparatively narrow compass of a
state. He must then resort principally
to fiis diplomatic corps in foreign coun
tries for his appointments ; and can those
who have resided abroad for years, re
moved from the habits, political institu
tion? and government of their own coun
try and who may imperceptibly to them
selves have imbibed a slight tinge of fo
reign habits and notions, if not princi
ples—say is it safe* to confine the Presi
dent to those principally, to fill his high
est offices ?
Sir, I am not disposed to degrade Con
gress in the manner this amendment con
templates. I have seen often much rea
son for admiration of the conduct of ve
ry many members ; and so far from this
illiberal distrust, I have confidence in the
body of which . I have the honor to be a
member—I deem the members honora
ble and fit for any trust, and th:3 is the
theatre on which to try their integrity
and usefulness; and permit me to say
they will, in proportion to their services
here, be more and more fitted for the
higher and more honorable ollices, if
there are any such.
Sir, it may be said that members should
fuel a delicacy, in opposing this amend
ment, because it goes to destroy their
chance for offices. I, for one, feel no
such delicacy—1 seek not, nor do 1 ex
pect promotion—but, for the good of the
nation, I would not coniine the Presi
dent in his choices, and, least of all,
would 1 cut him off from a body, from
its very nature, better calculated to aft
ford good officers, than any other. I th^*
see no reason for thus disfranchisin
members of Congress, and stigmatizing
them in the eyes of the nation ; and, Mr.
Speaker, permit me to say, that, ifl
were compelled either to exclude mem
bers altogether, or to choose from among
them alone, I would prefer the latter al
ternative.
It is therefore, I think, evident, that
it would be unwise to exclude the Exe
cutive from his choice among members
of Congress, because they are, from
their very situation, better known to the
President and the nation.
Because their political and moral in
tegrity will be more thoroughly tried ;
Because they will acquire gicater ex
perience and knowledge on a theatre at
which almost all men of promise aim ;
and
Because, by a probation on tins thea
tre, men become more national, more
attached to, and identified with the con
stitution and measures of their govern
ment ; and because they become,
truth, more truly American.
Nashville, June 14.
Called legislative session.-— From the
best information which can be derived
from the expression of public sentiment,
the people will probably take efficient
measures, during the ensuing session, to
lay before the honorable the legislature
of Tennessee, the sum of their public
and private grievances—with the san-,
guine hope of witnessing the administra
tion of Justice on a liberal and enlight
ened scale, not only as relates to private
•« «■* in®! claims north .of l!»e recently «.„b
fished boundary between Kentucky and
this state, but, more particularly, as has
relation to those general and individual
pecuniary embarrassments, which, with
fatal rnpidity, arc unsettling and destroy
ing the fortunes of thousand of our best
and most useful citizens.
With respect to the measures which
the legislature may think expedient to
adopt, touching the late adjustment of
boundary, and the relief they may con
sider it hquitable to extend, to those who
conceive themselves unrighteously in
jured by that adjustment, we have little
to remark. The probability however
is, that they will view these subjects, as
connected together, in a strong and ex
tensive light, and, as having au intimate
relation as well to the interests of the
whole state, as to those less important
ones, which are connected with the
claims of individuals. It is highly pro
bable also, that they may take into con
sideration, the danger of incurring such
expenses as must eventually result from
the abolition of this boundary, as fixed ;
especially, if the question of right shall
ever be submitted for decision, to the
Supreme Court of the United States.—
And, they may also, deem it politically
expedient to keep in view, the possibility
of our having obtained by the late ad
justment, at least as much territory us
would be awarded to us by a fiat of the
judiciary of the United States—and, that
if we should chance to have more( our
northern counties, as well as our whole
state, would, by a decision unfavorable
to us, be thrown, in despite of our best
exertions, into something like an irre
deemable dilemma, from which all future
legislative exertions might be incompe
tent to deliver us.
But, among the objects which will pro
bably engage the best attention of the
legislature, it is to be presumed, that pro
visions having relation to the pecuniary
embarassments of the country, will be
among the roost interesting to the com
munity ; for, it is a truth, neither to be
distorted by misrepresentation, nor lost
sight of by indifference, that the derang'
ed state of our circulating medium, re
quires a most powerful and decisive in
terposition,af the hands aftlie legislature.
In to the causes of our pecuniary dis
tresses, it would be superfluous at pre
sent to enquire—it is sullicidiit for us to
know, that those distresses exist, and
that nothing can alleviate them', hut the
exercise of legislative wisdom, and the
influence of legislative power. We are
industrious people—and we have no
thing to do. Wc are an enterpricing
people. ; and arc spell-bound, as if by
magick, to the threshholds of the jails•
In lands, in improvements, and in redun
dant productions of the soil, we are&mong
the most opulent people on the globe-*-
and, we can neither pay ike debts wc owe
to each other, nor acquire the means of
rendering those taxes which arc essential
to the support of government. And, will
not the legislature, by any expedient
which may be constitutionally within
its arbitrium, endeavor to dissolve those
next to invisible bonds which fetter our
industry enterprize and real wealth—
and put to flight this incubus vvhicn op
presses the vitals of our country.
Various theories have been devised
and various expedients resorted- to, by
several of the legislatures of our sister
states, for obtaining relief from embar
rassinents similar to our own ; hut they
appear, from what we can understand
of their effects, to be greatly inefficient
Some of them have resorted to what are
generally called stop law9, &o. See.—
and others of them have adopted various
other expedients to title purpose ; for, it
cannot be disguised, that slop laws par
ticularly can have no other final effect
than that of merely procrastinating the
evil day : and that during the interval of
their operation, public and private con
fidence, must be wholy destroyed. In
deed, there are, we think, many objec
tions to such laws. A state law, which
would chain up suits, could only have
an influence on oiirttate, courts—it could
not have a bearing at all, on the Uni
ted States Judicary—consequently those
merchants and others who are indebted
in large sums abroad, for property which
has been purchased on credit and con
sumed by our citizens, could be procec
ded against in the United States courts
while they themselves would be preclud
ed entirely from recovering against their
domestic debtors. If, then, the above
statement be correct as to facts, and the
inferences as drawn be warranted, would
not the enactment of such laws as we call
stop-laws, be productive of no more
than the administration of a kind of left-
handed justice.
But, what would be the probable ef
fect, in the present.dilemma, of a law
that would authorize the issuo of three
millions of paper from the Treasury, re
deemable in four years, bearing an inte
rest of 4 per centum per annum ? Sup
pose, also, that the unsold lands of the
state were pledged as a security -for the
validity of such paper, am), that this pa
per were loaned oat on landed security
for the term of four years, in such por
tions as the legislature might think pro
general circulation. Would not such
measures enable the people to pay their
debts to each other, both foreign und do
mestic—and also to pay their taxes ?—
Would it not also enable the banks to re
deem their paper—and gradually to pro
ceed to the resumption of specie pay
ments? Would not soch an issue put
down the shaviug department, by redu
cing at once the rate of interest ? But,
would not the interest of three millions
of dollars, at 4 per centum per annum,
give to the Treasury of the state annual
ly $ 120,000 : and, of how much utility
might this 9um be annually made, in the
opening of the navigation of our rivers,
constructing public roads and bridges :
ind, being instrumental in raising our se
minaries of learning above the frozen le
vel of private patronage ?
This sum might, also, afford the legis-
ature the means of doing something for
the encouragement and permanent sup
port of our manufacturing institutions :
especially, as the present peace is not
very likely to continue: and, more es
pecially, as another war would place us
in a more deplorable predicament if pos
sible than we were left in by the last
one : for, the present stock of foreign
goods would soon he exhausted in a com
petition between the general govern
ment nnd individuals, and the old system
ofsiniiggling, piracy, and even running
goods, would soon be again resorted td.
Whereas, if our manufactories could be
suitably encouraged, and protected in
time of peace, they would of course be
more efficient for the supply of our ne
cessary wants in time of war. But, it is
'impossible to enumerate any considera
ble portion of the benetits which would
arise to the community from the adoption
and execution of such a plan as the one
above proposed : and, we have no doubt,
the legislature will give this subject a
depth ofinvestigationcommensurate with
its importance to the interests of the
community, and the hopes which are en
tertained by the people, of its efficiency
to do much in redeeming them from their
present condition.
The Constitution of the United States,
indeed, says, in the 10th see. of the 1st
article, that “ no state shall coin money
—emit bills of credit—or make any thing
but gold and silver coin a tender in pay
ment of debts”—but, after obtaining all
the information possible, and from the
highest authority within our reach, as to
the tiue meaning of the words “ bi{ls of
credit,” we are induced to believe them
very different from the paper proposed
to be issued from the State Treasury as
previously mentioned-. We believe, that
the bills of credit intended in the Consti
tution of the United States, were pre
cisely such as are known by English
Treasury or Exchequer bills—and, that
they differ from the paper proposed to
be issued by our Treasury in this—that
the English bill had nothing for it» sup
port or validity, other than the plighted
faith of the. government—whereas, our
Treasury paper could have lands pledg
ed for its redemption—and, in addition,
those who would throw it iuto circulaii
on, would pledge real property to the
Treasury, or the government, which is
the same thing here, for llie ultimate
payment of the principle and 4 per cen
tum interest. 1 bus, the actual holders
of the paper, at the expiration of four
years, would look to the government for
payment—and the government to those
who had originally borrowed on inert*
gage.
it may be alledged, indeed, that pay
mem by the original borrowers, will be
as difficult at ilie expiration of 4 years
as at any previous period—out, here it
must be taken into consideration, that
our country would be enriched by four
successive crops from the soil, before
these paymfuts would have to be made
and indeed Uiat during the time, a very
material ulieraiion may take place, as
respects accession? to our specie circu
lation c and, indeed it will be, at any
time after the 4 years, within the power
of the Legislature to require payments
by light instalments, instead of the whole
sums at once. And, as respects tfie re
demption of its paper by the Treasury
there will be little difficulty—as there
will be, at its disposal, Bank bills of the
best Banks—gold, silver, and lands, the
latter of which must be considered as
one of the most sable pledges which can
be given, for the validity of a paper me
dium of currency.
We cannot avoid, however, remark'
ing in conclusion, that the foregoing ob
servations are made, with the greatest
deference to the opinions of those who
may be better informed on the subjects
than we possibly can be—and, that if the
preceding essay shall have n tendency
to excite due enquiry and public inter'
est, we shall rest satisfied, that the re
sult cannot be doubted.-Aas/iuihe Whig
little sixpenny account of his adventures ;
and many a time nnd oft, have we listened
with wonder and admiration to tales of the
superior prowess and desperate couragu dis
played by him, while scouring the const of
England and Scotjand, with his little arma
ment, during the American Revolution.—
But we have never been able to learn more
of his real life nnd character, than what is to
lie gleaned from tradition, or from the pages
of American history, where we believe his
name occasionally appears.
An opportunity is now presented to the A-
merienn public, to avail themselves of a full,
authentic, nnd probably excellent history of
the life andHransaclions of this brave and ex
traordinary man. At the last meeting of the
New-York Historical Society, the following
extract of a letter from a Lady, (a niece of
the hero of whom we are speaking,) dated
Edinburg, March 20, 1820, to her corres
pondent in this city, was communicated by
Mr. Pintard :
“ I have still another favor to beg of you.
It lias lung been to nie a matter of wonder
that America lias never shewn any disposi
tion to give to the world a history of those
brave men who were the first asserters of
her rights, and lo whom she owes that Inde
pendence, her sons seem so much disposed
to be proud of.—I have in my possession a
number of important papers, that belonged
to my late uncle, the Chevalier Paul Jones.
They consist of his correspondence with
Washington, JeO'erson, I)r. Franklin, Adams,
the Dyke de la Rochfoucault, La Fayette,
and, in fact, with all tho eminent characters
connected with the American Revolution.—
have either the originals, or else authentic
copies extracted fioin tho Records of con
gress. These, which a Memoir of his Life,
and an account of his Campaign in Russia,
will make three large octavo volumes. I
have been advised to publish them in Eng
land, and would have done so, had money
been my object: But they contain some hit
ler reflections against the. British Govern
ment, which, in that case, it would have
been thought necessary to suppress, and of
which 1 apprehend the suppression would
have essentially injured the work:—iny prin
cipal motive for giving them to the world,
being to exhibit my uncle’s character in a
just point of view. The favor I have to ask
of you, is, to let me know if there is any
Bookseller in New-York, who would under
take to publish them, and what 1 may expect
for them., There is one thing, however
must be insisted upon, which is, that they are
not to be garbled, but are to be plibliblicd
just as they are without either adding or
diminishing. You will perhaps think me v ry
unreasonable to expect you to inform n e,
iiat 1 am to get for a work which you have
not, to show to the publisher. But under
stand me right. 1 do not expect that you
will be able, to name a certain sum ; but only
that you may, perhaps, after inquiry, have it
in your power to give me a hint of what it is
probable I might receive. If you will have
the goodness to assist me in this affair, the
papers shall be sent to your address as you
shall direct, and to be disposed of as. you
think best, with only this one provision—
that they must be published as they arc.
The letter was referred to a committee
consisting of Messrs. W. L. Stone, /. Pin-
tard, and Dr. J. W. Francis, to ascertain, if
possilne, whether it would be practicable to
publish the Memoirs of the Chevalier Paul
Jones in this country, to report the result.
We are sensible that the present is a peri
od of general pecuniary embarrassment
throuhout the country ; and we are sensible
also, that the country has been jo overrun
with subscriptions, thut many can hardly en
dure even the sight of a new proposal. But
it does appear to us, notwithstanding these
obstacles, that an enterprising Bookseller
might undertake tho publication of tins work
not only with jierfect safety, but with a fair
irospect of realizing a handsome profit.—
?Youi what we have heard of the talents and
character of the fair author of the foregoing
letter, [who we presume to be the writer of
the memoirs,] we have no doubt that, the
work will he found highly interesting and
valuable. The documents it will contain,
must of themselves possess great interest,
as containing many curious facts which have
probably never been developed, and also the
views und feelings of their distinguished au
thors, duripg those days of puri! and alarm.
It may well he said of Paul Jones, that lie
was the farther of our naval glory. And who
is there, that does not desire to become fa
miliar with the life of the. first American
Commander who dared to grapple ship to
ship with Albion—who in fact entered the
Thames, and assailed the Lion in his den ?—
We should suppose that all the officers of
our Navy, and in fact all the principal charac
ters in the United States, would eagerly pa
tronize a work like the one proposed.
FROM THE NEW-VORIt STATESMAN
It will be seen by an advertisinent in our
paper of to day, that Messrs. Fairniau,
Rand and Toppan, of Philadelphia, have
issued proposals for publishing a very elegant
and splendid edition of Washington's
LITERARY.
FIIOM THE NKW-YOHI, COM. ADVERTISER.
PAUL JONES.
It is a matter of some surprize, in this age
of hook making, that the world has never
been presented with an accurate and authen
tic account of the life and exploits of this
eccentric and chivalrous officer.—In the day3
- 1 per to prescribe, and in this way obtain of out boyhood, wc recollect to have read a
Farewell Address to tire people of the
United States. The prospectus of (he work
is of itself so full, that we feel ourselves
unable to add to the arguments in favor of
such a publication or to offer any new in
duceiueuts to the public to extend to it i
liberal patronage. We are highly grutilied
to witness an increasing veneration for every
thing connected with the American ltevolu
lion, and the plans which are from time to
time devised lor perpetuating the great e
vents, die military and civil achievements,
the patriotism and virtue, of what may be
styled our Heroic Age. The pen, the pencil
mid chissel have already been put in requisl
tion, to record the honors and consecrate
the deeds of our revolutionary patriots
statesmen, and heroes. It is a proud reflect
tion that we have artists, who arc capable of
executing these j;rcat historical devices in
style of elegance worthy of their subject.—
Some of the gentlemen engaged in this splen
did work have carried the graphic art to i
degree of perfection seldom if ever surpassed
in any country.—From the whole mass of
our historical and literary materials, they
could not have selected a more excellent
production, around which to throw, the eiv-
Fartxoell Address qf Washington.—The
GACY OF THE FATHER OF HIS COOIHIf
is in every point of view invaluable, and when
executed in tho manner proposed, it will pro*
Itahly from the most splendid and finished
work, that has ever been exhibited in the
United States. We hope and trust the pub
lishers, will be amply remunerated for the
labour and expense or such an undertaking
From the Irishman, printed at Btlfast.
SPF.ECH OF COUNSELLOR PHILIPS.
At Sligo on the Address to the King.
VVe have this moment laid down th«
Dublin Journal, in which we read thw
last speech of this celebrated Irish Bar
rister printed by his own authority ; and
though there are few men to whose su
perior talents, and to whose kind dispo
sitions, we were more willing to bear
our humble attestation, yet we should bd
guilty of a gross abandonment of public
duty if w e were to suffer our feelings for
the man to intefere between the politician
and our country ; or to suppress our in
dignation at the sentiments delivered by-
Mr. Philips at the late meeting at Sligo,
because we have more, than ouce had
reason to join in the praises lavishly nnd
so justly bestowed by his countrymen ou
his former efforts. We confess we did
not think it possible that such a mind as
that which we conceived Philips to pos
sess could have so (alien from the proud
and enviable, station in which it has hith
erto stood : we did not imagine that a
man so qualified to plead the catmc of his
country, could ever stoop to the humili
ating office of a Poet Lauret, gilding the
corruptions of Courts, nnd offering up
incense to the power thut despises his
homage. What ! to see Chas. Philips
reiterating the rhapsodies of Burke, and
tuu common place of the Courier! to
see Charles Philips flying to the throne
and to the altar from the fury of thu re
formers, and seeking refuge under the
wing of George the Fourth, from the
wild democracy of such men as BurJett,
and ilobhnuse, and Bcntham ? Surely !
surely ! this is an unworthy office for
such a mind ! nnd whence this vvondo-
rous transformation ? Unde derivala cla-
dei. Are the crimes so bad that the
wages of patriotism are no longer wor
thy of the lawyer’s ambition ? Have
the labors of the patriot been so unpro
fitable, that it is considered prudent to
turn upon the people, whose breath first
warmed him into life ; and to build up
on their ruin that solid and substantial
livelihood, which no storms < n shake,
nor reverie can diminish ? If any man
Ireland can point out to us a produc
tion more disgusting or more degrading
(with the exception of u speech, falsely
attributed to Baron Smith, said to be
lately delivered to the Mullingar Grand
Jury,) we shall feel much obliged to the
ingenious inquirer into the natural cu-
msitics of the present age. W e greatly
lament this sad and dismal falling off—
e lament more for the sake of Ireland
than of Mr. Philips. But Ireland is no
more ! She has ue inducements to hold
to her children! The genius she daily
brings forth abandons ber; for she no
loiiger enjoys the power of rewarding
its struggle in the cause—her most fa
vored offspring go out on a voyage of dis
covery, to find some testing place, no
matter where—whether in the bosom of
Sidinouth or Cusllcreagh—Grenville or
Gray I and we therefore should not won
der that Charles Philips is found among
the wanderers from his native shore—
casting about for seine safe retreat where
iu liis old age, be may shelter himself it
his children from the storms ufadversity.
What will the Irish Bar say to this
motley production—this splendid profu
sion of balderdash ? W hat will George
the Fourth say «o the man who has the
front to insult the memory of his father
with fulsomeness of panegyric which Al
fred or llenry the Fourth would blush
to hear ? It is one argument more, in
addition to the many we could state, to
demonstrate the havoc and desolation
which the Union is making on the finest
intellects and most brilliant talents our
country might boast of. We need not
conclude by saying, that if our tear*
could obliterate this disgraceful record
from the life of Charles Philips, we
should give them freely, not more for
the sake of an old friend, than for the
henor of our common country.
FROM THE NATIONAL GAZETTE.
SPAIN.
We have received a series of Spaish ga
zettes (the Constitutional Diary of-Barce
lona,) to the 6th of May. They furnish a
(Vast to one who takes a lively interest iu tho
Spanish revolution. Every thing in thenx
denotes national energy, elasticity and re
form. Patriotism, talent, knowledge, expe
rience, are Bhown to be-all iu full and salutary
motion. The system of ecclesiastical dis
cipline and administration is under revision,
and subjected to various beneficial changes.
Royal decrees abouqd, tending to the rege- -
Deration of every branch of government and
economy, particulary die finances. The
most remarkable of these decrees is One of
the 24th of April, which ordain^ that—for
the purpose of giving the people a knowledge
of tlieir rights and duties, and in order that
they may be enlightened on these from die
very source whence they had been so often
deceived—all the parochial curates of the
monarchy shall explain to their parishic
bellishiueuts of genius and taste, than tho at statedtiourson the Sundays and ho!