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Lge« united the reigning 1/ousc of'uvay to in people, nor the benefits of an en lightened Administration under n wise Prince and under paternnl laws, nor the «ad perspective of evils to which the Country would lie exposed, were able to repress the designs of the perverse. " The plan of n general subversion tras drawn up.—In this combination a- gainst the repose ofnations the conspira tors of Piedmont had their part assign ed. They hastened to fulfil it. “ The Throne and the State were be trayed, oaths violated, military honour despised, and the forgetfulness of all du ties soon produced the scourge of all dis orders. “ Every where the evil presented the game character,jevery where the same spirit directed these fatal revolutions. •' Not being able to find a plausible tpetive to justify them, nor national sup port to sustain them, it was in false doc trines that the authors of those revolu tions (boulevcrsemcnts) sought an apolo gy, it wa9 on criminal associations that they founded criminal hope. B ith them the solitary empire ot the laws was a yoke which it was necessary to break.— They renounced the sentiments which inspired'true love of country, and put in place of known duties the arbitrary &• indefinite pretexts of a universal change in the constituting principles of society— they prepared for the world endless cala mities. “ The Allied Sovereigs recognised the dangers of this conspiracy in all their ex tent, but they penetrated, at the same time, the real weakness of the conspira tors behind the veil of appearance and declamations. Experience has confirmed their presentiments. The resistance which Legitimate Authority met with was nothing, and crime disappeared be fore the sword of Justice. “ It is not by any means to accidental Causes—it is not to the men who behaved so badly on the day of conflict, that the facility of such success ought to be attri buted. It is referable to a principle more worthy of consideration. “ Providence struck with terror con sciences so culpable, and the disappro bation of the. people whose fate the arti ficers of troubles bad compromised,caus ed the arms to fall from their hands. “ Only destined to combat and to re press rebellion the Allied forces, far from sustaining any exclusive interest, came to the succour of a subjugated people, and the people have considered their con duct as a support in favour of their lib erty, and not as an attack against their in dependence. From thence war ceased ; from thence the states that revolt had, attacked, have only been states friendly to the Powers which never had any o- ther wish than their tranquility and their well being. “ In the midst of these grave conjec tures, and in sc* delicate a position, the Allied Sovereigns, iu accord with their Majesties the King of the Two Sicilies •nd the King of Sardinia, judged it indis pensable to take temporary measures of precaution, indicated by prudence and P rescribed by common safety, The al- ed troops, whose presence was neces sary to tha re-establishment of order, bave been stationed on suitable points, •olely with the view of protecting the exercise of legitimate authority, and of eidiDgthe preparation, under this &gis, of benefits, which wilt efface the traces of such great misfortunes. “ The justice and disinterestedness which have presided at the deliberations of the Allied Monarchs shall always regu late their policy. For the future, as for the past, its object shall always be the preservation of the independence and the rights of every State, such as they are recognized and defined bv existing Treaties. The result even ef a move ment so dangerous will still be under the auspices of Providence, the confirming (ratfennissement) of the Peace, which the enemies of the people endeavoured to destroy, and the consolation of an or der of things which will ensure to nations tbeir repose and their prosperity. “ Penetrated with these sentiments, the Allied Sovereigns, in putting a ter mination to the conferences at Laybach, wish to announce to the world the prin ciples which have guided them. They are determined never to depart from them ; and all the friends of worth will see and constantly find in their union a tenure guarantee against the attempts of disturbers. “ is with this object that their Im perial and Royal Majesties have ordered their Plenipotentiaries to sign and to publish the present Declaration. “ Laybach, May 12, 1821. METTERNICIf, RECORDER. MILLEDUEYIEI.E, TUESDAY, JULY 24. “Avstru Prussia ‘•Russia Baron De VINCENT, KRUoE.MARCK NESSELRODE, CVP0DISTRIA9, t’OZZO 1)1 BORliO." Washington, City, July It. HORIUD MURDER. On Sunday morning was found, in the bushes by the side of the road leading from the Potomac Bridge to Alexandria, and not far from Sebastian Spring, the body of Mr. William Seaver,n respectable merchant and grocer of this city. He was shot through the head, and had his throat cut! His pock ets were empty—and were doubtless rifled. He had been to Alexandria to purchase goods, and was on his return—and, it is sup posed, was shot on Friday evening, about sunset, as a report of a gun or pistol is said to have been heard about that time. May swift justice overtake the foul murderers! The bloody deed was committed in the county of Alexandria, and it is earnestly hoped the people there will be able to trace the miscreants. AVe have not heard all the circumstances—but suspicions are abroad as to tiie perpetrators of this deed, it being sup posed theie were more than one. VVeare »oi-ry to say that Mr. S. has left a wife and several children, to bear most heavily the shock of this attrocious crime, which a just rrovideuce „ill not permit to paw unpunish- it/* The following article (copied from a London paper of the 81st May, sent us by a friend at the North,) will be pleasing to <mr readers, as it shews the veneration which his countrymen still entertain for that ardent friend of America and of liberty, Gen. dt La Fayette. It is known to the citizens of Geor gia, tint perhaps not generally in other states, that as a small tribute of gratitude for the services rendered the United States by this distinguished Frenchman, one of our new counties has linen honored with his name. Paris, May 24. If the Government was not blind to what is going on, it would be easy to see the real sentiments of the people in what took place at Camille Jordan’s funeral. The Reboots of Law and of Medicine had ‘proceeded in a body to the burial, at which M. Lafayette also attended. After the funeral rites were finished, lie modestly descended from the hill without any retinue, and sat -himself down upon a stone to wait for his carriage, which his servant had gone to fetch. Tie was recognized by some of the young peo ple, who immediately assembled about him ; his name flew from mouth to month, an im mense crowd was formed around him, and he was lifted up in llieir arms and borne in triumph -to his carriage, without any cries having been made use cf. This triumph is most flattering for him, at a moment when the Ministry are trying to compromise him in the conspiracy which has been hatched by thp Police. 'Tlie Censors would not al low the Journalists to publish the above fact. In our next paper will be concluded the able and interesting numbers of the “ Prospect before Us." The research and a- bility displayed in these writings, not less than their sound political principles, entitle tliem to much consideration. They deserve to lie, and we hope will be, presented to the public in a form more compact and 'durable than the columns of a newspaper. In a pam phlet, where the continuity of the subjects treated of could be preserved unbroken, they would be read to much greater advantage. In one of the Augusta papers, “ The Pros pect" has been vehemently attacked by a writer, who exhibits as little regard for truth as for decency. Cunning as the old fox thinks himself, he has missed the mark in guessing at the Author. But this to him is of no consequence, as the slander of better men than himself was his sole object. The servile tool of Ilis Excellency, this “ veteran paragrapliist,” under the plausible signature of (Jneoffhe People, is ever ready to assail whoever is obnoxious to the Governor, or to defend any Executive measure,however un wise or improper. Thefirst part of his pre sent vocation, has been his time out of minil; from the labour of the latter, we trust he will ’ere long be relieved. Too unpopular, from his known Aristocratic principles, to appear before the public in his proper character, this old offender has taken shelter behind a mask ed battery, from whence he fires, as his supe rior sees proper to order, langrage or grape shot, Congreve rockets or shrapnel shells. That the principles contained in 41 The Prospect before Us," should be palatable to this writer and his employer, was not to be expected, because they are the same which in ’98 and ’90 threw their party in the back ground. Both of them the admirers and sup porters of Adams’s administration, and in deadly hostility to the pure rupublicanism of Jefferson’s—Federalists in profession, in prin ciple Aristocrats—it would be strange indeed if they were not opposed to the politics of “ The Trio,” ao different from their own. It?* \ writer in the Delaware Watch man, on the revival of the Cotton Manufa ture in that State says, 41 The effect of this improvement in the cotton manufacture i visible in the employment of a number of persons, who have long heen destitute of the means of labour and subsistence—the demand for cotton spinners am! weavers is becoming extremely urgent, and many persons of that description would find foil employment in this neighborhood. The cotton-planters to the South will snon be gin to reap the benefit of this state of things. The loss of an uncertain market abroad, will he amply repaid by a steady and certain one at home. There are now about 2000 bales of cotton manufactured annually, in this county, within a few miles of Wilming ton, and taking this as a data, I have no doubt that the consumption of the country is now upwards of 100,000 hales annually. The amount estimated by a congressional com mittee in 1815 was 90,000ba|ps, but I am per suaded from the increase in this vicinity, that the quantity now manufactured in t lie United States is much greater. This quantity will rapidly increase, and vvo may look forward, with confidence to the period, and that not a very distant one, when the home market will consume all the cotton of the South. It is now becoming fashionable to wear domestic fabrics in this neighbourhood. There is a twilled cotton fabric manufactured by Mr. John Brinckle,called the Wilmington Stripe, which is admired for the neatness and durability efits texture. It resembles a blue seersucker, and improves very much in ap pearance by use, so that in the second year it looks better than in the first. Mr Brinckle has a great number of looms employed in the manufacture of this article, hut finds it impossible with all his exertions to supply the demand for it. This beautiful fabric furnishes clothing much handsomer and more durable than any that can be procured from abroad for the same price. And it is a source of felicitation to find, that such is the general use of this article forsirmmerclotliing, that very little nankeen or other foreign sum mer clothing is now brought into this town.” ton the rEcnnrta- ■ THE PROSPECT BEFORE U3," At seen through the ''Signs oj the Times." By the Trio. No. VI. “ It will be remembered that a frequent re currence to fundamental principles, is solemnly enjoined by most ot the Stole Const ilutions, * * * * * as a necessary safeguard against the dangers ot degeneracy to which republics ore liable,as well ai other governments, though in « less degree than others.” Madison, in the Virginia Report of 1799. In no public documents which are left us, as explanatory of the history and true inten tion of the federal constitution, arc the sove reignty, co-equality, ami liberty of the peo ple, and tile states, asserted and maintained with more independence and clearness than in the ratifications ofthat instrument by the states. They adopt the constitution tu be sure—but it is done umlcr expressions ot so many apprehensions and fears of the abuse of the powers conferred, hs to make them the true, genuine 41 keys of construction.”— They contain the 41 principles of the Revolu tion.” They were the work of men. select ed for tbeir wisdom and deeply read in the science of good government, for they had experieneed the evils of oppression, and bad tasted file sweets of liberty. They therefore knew the necessity of strictly confining all governments to the exercise of the powers onferred, to tire, evident purposes’ fur which they were conferred. A subordination of one state or one citizen to another—the right of the federal government forcibly to take from one, the hard earnings of Iiis labor, gra tuitously t<> bestow upon another, or to use the power of taxing commerce for any oilier purpose than that of revenue, w ere thoughts that never entered their imaginations. The sovereignly of the people, the co-ordinate and co-equal, sovereignty of the stales, the equali ty of individuals, and their light to be secure in person and property, arid the impolicy anti dangeTof monopolies, and privileged classes, are every where asserted and maintained in these invaluable instruments. In all of them, containing aught hut the simple act of ratifi cation, are the ideas of a consolidated go vernment, and the abolition of any of the rights of the people or the stales not clearly surrendered, most scrupulously discounte nanced. Here too, we see announced the now ridiculed Idea of the danger of armies, and that upon the militia alone should flic country rely for its defence. We would a- gaiu enquire, is it possible that these solemn declarations, annexed to, and forming a pait of, the ratifications of the constitution, are to he considered as mere blanks—as inconsis tent with the terms of that instrument, and therefore void? Whatever the agents of the federal government thought, by advert ing to the history of subsequent events, we shall soon see that the people thought dif ferently .(05) No sooner was Air. Adams firmly fixed in the Executive chair in 1797, than a prepara tion for destructive inroads upon the princi ples of the constitution thus declared, was made. A system of internal taxation wases- tablished,intended to be permanent, k follow ed by its expected patronage in the appoint ment of a host of excise officers, assessors, superihtendants and tax gatherers, who im pertinently penetrated into the recesses of every man’s mansion and family. Then fol lowed an increase of the army and navy, with their long train of foplings, trimmed out in read coats, epaulets k cocked hats,in truding themselves, (because they had noth ing else to do) into places from whence a year before, they would have been kicked fur the want of character. Then too, the press w as silenced, lest the folly and true designs of these measures should be exposed to pub lic view. Taxation, internal and external, when strained to the uttermost, could nut keep pace with the expences ofthese magni ficent establishments, which then, as note, were called “ useful and indispensible." Loans and the funding system were resort ed to, and the national debt was rapidly in creased in amount, which so far from heing reprobated, was called a “ public blessing.” Enquiry into these mighty preparations could not be suppressed. “ Oui bono ?” said the pirople. They were told of wars close at hand, or if not at hand, that they might possibly come—that therefore it was necessary to be ready—and that peace was the time to prepare for war by the accumu lation of treasure and the equipment of ar mies and navies. Sitrh were the means and arguments by which the “ reign of terror” was established. The object in view by all these measures, could not be concealed. Rome were found who were willing to “ cry aloud” and with hold not. Thank God, this prnress of inno vation was commenced before the “ princi ples of the revolution” had expired. Under the protecting influence of these, the alarm was given, and the usurpers were hurled headlong from tlleir places. The people i placed other men in power, (at the head of whom stood the venerable Jefferson, pre eminently learned in the philosophy of hu man rights), and again prescribed the rules of action by which they should he governed. To quote these in the language they were then delivered in, will not be without its be nefit, whether “ for instruction nr reproof.” They were, “that the great objects of the “ revolution could be no otherwise attained, “ than by a simple, pure, economical, and chaste administration of the federal go vernment—and by restricting tiie several “ departments under the new constitution, to the express letter of the powers assigned to them by that instrument.”(66) That “a wise and frugal government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, and shall lea\e them otherwise “free to regulate tlieir oion pursuits nfindus- “ try and improvement, and shall not take “ from, the mouth of labor, the bread it has “ earned," was the sum of good govern- menf.(G7) “ Economy in the public expence, that “ labor may be lightly burdened—the ho- “ nest payment of our debts, and the sacred “ preservation of the public faith. The sup- “ port of the state governments in all their “ rights as the most competent admiuistrali- “ ons for our domestic concerns, and the sur- “ cut bulwarks against anti-republican tenden- “ ci'c».”(88) “ A well disciplined militia our best reli- “ ance in peace, and for the first moments o “ war, until regulars may relieve them—and “ the supremacy of the civil over the military 44 authority.”(69) “ That offers and officers shall not be 44 multiplied unnecessarily,” by which the “ federal organization will heroine too com- “ plicated and expensive”— nnd more espe dally as the federal government “ is charg “ ed with the external and mutual relations “ only ofthese states—and the states them “ selvesliave the principal enreof our persons, “ our property, and our reputation, constitut “ ing the great field of human conccrns.”(70) That no more sources of revenue shall he retained than “ are sufficient to provide for the support of government,” after "a sensi hie. and salutary reduction shall have heen made in the national expenditures. ”(7 I) That the public agents should “ avail themselves of every occasion which pre sents Itself of taking off the surcharge of offices mid dependencies, in order that it may never he been here, that after leaving to labor (lie smallest portions iff its earn ings on which it can subsist, government itself shall consume the. residue of what it was instituted to gunrd."(7£) That “ agriculture, commerce, vranvfar- tures and navigation, the four pillars ot our prosperity, are most thriving when left free to individual enterprise,”(7.“t) and that the citizen* “ be left to manage their own affairs 44 in their own way, and for their own use, 41 unembarrassed by too much regulation, “ unoppressed by fiscal exactions.”(74) Buch is an abstract of the rules of political action prescribed and sanctioned by the peo ple themselves, and expressed through their new agents on Iheareessinn of Mr. Jefferson to the. Presidential sent. l’,y referring to our margin, it will la; seen from what quarter we now draw tin su principles. In a inorccx- tended shape, they are to he found in nume rous other documents. They will he found in the reports of the committees, mid the acts of Congress—nnd the speeches of the republican members, and the, writings of the day abound with them. If the pcculiurdoc- trines professed by the. republicans, other than those already discussed, are not to he found in these extracts, we knrnv net where to look for them. Since the period alluded lo, the administration of public affairs has continued in the hands of inen professedly of the samo political creed. Before we pro ceed further, it will he well to enquire, are tiiesc principles defective, unwise, impolitic, or oppressive ? Have they hernme impro per in practice, nnd wherefore ? Are they injurious to liberty and human happiness, the security of'human rights, or any thing which makes tiie social state desirable, and in what respect ? Are those who admired them in 1801 tired of them, or convinced of their in- eflicacy ? We are sure that the people yet love them, hut as for our rulers——” the case is altered.” We shall proceed to shew that all of them have been violated. And first—we would notirc the public ex penditures. In the year 1792, anon after the present constitution went into operation, gen. Washington administered its affairs with an expenditure of less than $ 2,000,000 upon every object except the public debt. Allho’ the urgency of the newly funded debt then required a loan of about $ 5,000,000, yet it was not conceived necessary to impose any direettax. In 1800, under the federal admi nistration, Mr. Adams, exclusive of the sums applied to the public debt, expended more than $7,000,000. A direct tax of $■:,000,000 nnd internal duties to the amounted' one milli on more, in addition to the customs, were in sufficient in the eyes of this administration to discharge what was called the necessary expences of the useful establishjnents. An army, a navy, fortifications, a permanent and certain revenue, not subject to ^fluctuations, were deemed indispensible, and were legis lated into existence. We repeat, as might have been, nnd by wiser heads w as anticipat ed, ail the sources of revenue which had been created were insufficient to meet the expences thus incurred. Loans were resort ed to, and the public debt was increased to an amount tmknowrn before. The people were told of “ wars, arid rumors of wars’ — of the disturbed state of Europe, the necessi ty of preparation, and withal, that a public debt had nothing in it so alarming ; hut on the contrary, was a public blessing. These arguments failed to have any other effect than enquiry and consequent indignation, k as we have mentioned, the people chang ed their rulers. In the commencement of Mr. Jefferson’s administration, the army was reduced, the navy put upon a less expensive footing, the direct tax and internal duties repealed, and the government left to rely on the customs and the sale of the public lands. The whole expenses of the government, ex clusive of the sums applied to the public debt, did not exceed S 4,000,000, and yet the debt itself was so managevl as to be reduced with a rapidity beyond all conception cr exam ple.) 75) Such were the effects of republi can principles in practice. The people were satisfied and happy. Are the same priori pies now in practice ? Let ns see. It is a time of profound peace. The ad ministrators of tiie government have not even the pretext which Mr. Adams had, an expected war with France. We have now- no fear of war with France or England, or any other power on earth. Our revenue from the customs, and the public lands, and nthe.r sources is near$ 17,000,000, and some what more, according to the report of the committee of Ways and Means of the House of Representatives, of the last Congress.— This is near $ 5,000,000 more than Mr. A- dams had in 1800. with all his taxes and loans,(7G) and from 9 to $ 6,000,000 mure than Mr. Jefferson had in 1802 and 1803 vithout loans and taxes. So little of the pub lic debt is now due,k the price of the govern ment stoek being so high in the market as to put it out of the reach of the sinking fund, that no more is required for application to that object in 1821, titan $ 5,477,776. Not withstanding all these stubborn facts, we hear tiie Executive government railing for an a- mount of $ 22,000,000 for the service of the year 1821! We hear of one loan last year of g .4,000,000—another this year of five millions of dollars, and that “ appeals to the patriotism” of the people are to be made in the shape of taxes, for “ purposes of high national importance!" Here’;, 41 frugality” and “simplicity,” and “labor l ghtly bur dened," and a sensible end salutary reducti on of our habitual expenditures!!” In short here’s the republican principles of the pre sent administration !! Notwithstanding the payment of a part of the Louisiana stock within the two last years, the public debt has heen increased to about $ 94,000,000—and we are. told with great gravity, that “ under certain circumstances, loans may be resorted to with great advantage !” Ami by whom is this language now held ? By those very persons who aided largely in the destructi on of tlte federal administration—by ourt/c- mocratic President and his republican cabi net, and republican friends in Congress! 1(77) Ry those who, with Patrick Henry depre cated, a “ great," “ splendid," consolidated, national government /—by those who impre cated curses upon the politics of Mr. Adams and his friends—by those who joined in the public acclamations, when Mr. Jefferson said “ when merely by avoiding false objects of 44 expense, we are able, without a din ct tax, “ without internal taxes and without liorruw- “ ing, to make large and effectual payments “ towards the discharge of our public debt, “ and the emancipation of our posterity from “ that mortal canker, it is an encouragement, “ fellow-citizens, of the highest order, to “ proceed as we have begun, in substituting- “ economy fur taxation, and in pursuing uih.at “ is useful, for a nation placed as tee ore, ra- “ tktr than what is practised by others under “ different circumstances" “By payment “ offllic principal of otir debt,-we are liberal- “ ingttnnttally, portions oftlte vxtcliiul taxes, “ and forming from 4bcm, u growing fund, “ still further to lessen the necessity of rccur- 44 ring to extraordinary sources", to) Rueli then has been the increase, of the public expenditures generally, thut not even an attempt is made tu show a-conformity ot the present policy with that of 1802 k lUOiJ, upon this subject. The facts tu whit b We have referred, too plainly shew that the re venue at present derived from the ordinary sources, has heen greatly exceeded. The deficiency of means to meet the. ‘«*xpeticcs at the end of 1820, exceeded $ 4,000,000.— The current expences of government are now treble what they were when republi canism commenced its rule. Already tire federal.policy of annual loans has been re sorted to. ft is admitted, however, that a perseverance In these will not do. Taxes are to come next. Internal taxeB, another odious picture of federalism, are. next to lie adopted. It is true,‘that on his accession to office, Mr. Monroe recommended a re peal of all these which the late war had made necessary. But that was in theeoin- menrement of his career. Be it remember ed, that now, his election to a second Term of four years is secured—k that at its expirati on, he seeks the office nb more. How does it happen that the political measures deve loped in the extract vve are about to make from his inaugural speech, wete not recom mended at the opening of the last Congress? The situation of the national treasury was known to him (lien, equally well as on the 4th of March thereafter. \Ye leave to our renders to judge whether his re-election had any influence on his w ithholding the recom mendation at that time. From this extract, the. 41 prospect before us" is opened. “ Under the present depression of prices,” ays lie “affecting all the productions of the “ country, and every branch of industry, “ proceeding from causes explained on n for- “ nver occasion, the revenue has cpnsidera- “ bly diminished—the effect of which lias “ been to compel Congress, either to abandon “ these great measures of defence, or to re sort to loans or internal taxes, to supply the deficiency. On the presumption that this depression, and the deficiency in the reve nue arising from it, would he temporary, loans were authorised for the demands of the last Si the present year. Anxious to rc- “ lieve my fellow-citizens in 1817, from eve- “ ry burthen which could be dispensed with, “ and the state of the treasury permitting i', 1 recommended the repeal of the internal “ taxes, knowing that such relief was then pe culiarly necessary, in consequence oftlte “ great exertions made in the late war. I “ made that recommendation under a pledge, (erm within which it tvaa proposed to ac complish the objects. In truth, the amount saved hy this proceeding of Congress con stitutes hut a small item in the current ex pences of the year. The sum required for the cuvrent expences, exclusive of the pub lic debt, was somewhere about ?19,000.900 The amount saved by the reduction of the appropriations for the navy and fortificati ons was only # 1,000,000. This Rmount is not more than half enough to pay Mr, Mon- re’s revolutionary pensioners for one year It is to the expences uf these darling favor- ilts, this high minded, honorable body of men, of the revolutionary continental aimv of which there were only about 90,000 sut> viving in a state of pauperism, (exclusive of those whose circumstances were too good to admit of their applying for the pension) that ive arc to look fur a principal cause w hich “ compelled” Congress “either to abandoa Ihesu great defensive measures, or to resort to loans or tax**.” We presume we are not wide of the mark in saying that they have al ready cost the Treasury of the U. States S 7,000,000 since the law was passed upon the special recommendation of Mr. Monroe. We had thought that an extended pension list was the curse of the English government. Alas, we have, open eyed, brought the same evil npoTt ourselves, from a refined and false notion of national gratitude. The govern ment owed (hem nothing but tlmnks. As tu tlleir wages, they had heen paid in what they agreed to accept. They have received both thanks and pay. But it. Is a matter as tonishing to us, that neither the President or Congress ever thought of enquiting into the constitutional authority to pass this treasure- devourJnglaw. By w hat authority can Con gress impose and collect taxes from the peo ple to give away to any body ? We strenu ously and earnestly deny that such a power any where exists in that instrument, and if exercised, it will be usurped. Yes—we bold ly hazard the opinion, that every dollar which has been bestowed upon the revolutionary pensioners under tin law of 1818 has been bestowed by an usurped power, never dele gated by the people in the constitution. So much of the reader’s time has been already consumed in the discussion of constitutional questions, that we shall not now discuss this. But we throw the gauntlet,kare prepared to defend our opinions w henever required.(70) In this abandonment of great measures, it seems Congress alone acted. In no part of the speech is the approbation of the Execu tive to the course pursued by Congress, hint ed nt. Under similar viirumstances, Mr- Jefferson promptly recommended a “ salu- tarv reduction” of expences. Mr. Monroe only mourns over their reduction by Con- ) gross. And after all, what was ahandon- “ that should the public exigencies rerpiirt a I e( l ? The army, most unwisely had been “ recurrence to them at any lime while I re-1 retained on an establishment of 10,000 men, “ mained in this trust, I would, with equal “ promptitude, perforin the duty which “ would then he alike incumbent on me.— “ By the experiment now making, it will be “ sep n by the next session of Congress, vvlie- “ ther the revenue shall have been so aug- “ mented as to be adequate too// these neces- “ sary purposes. Should the deficiency still “ continue, k especially should it be proba- “ hie that it would he permanent, tin* course “ to be pursued appears to »jje to be obvious.— “ lam satisfied, that under certain circum- “ stances, loans may be resorted to with great "advantage. 1 am equally well satisfied, ns a general rule, that the demands of the cur rent year, especially in time of pence, should be provided for by the revenue of that year. I have never dreaded, nor have I ever shunned, in any situation in which I have heen placed, making appeals to the virtue nnd patriotism of niv fellow-citi zens, well knowing that they could never “be m.de in vain, especially in times of “ great emergency, or for purposes of high “ national importance. Independently of the 41 exigency of the case, many considerations “ °f great weight, urge a policy having in “ view a provision of revenue to meet to a “ certain extent the demands of the nation, 14 without relying altogether on the precari- “ oils resource of foreign commerce. I am “ satisfied that internal diliies and excises, “ with corresponding imposts on foreign ar- “ tides of the same kind, would without im- “ posing any serious burthens on the people “ enhance, the price of product, promote our “ maoufacturcs,and augment the revenue, at “ the same time, that they made it more “ sure and permanent.” We have chosen to insert this extract here for it variety of reasons. It enables us to re view the several subjects which have caused the increase of the expenditures of the pub lic money—it lets us directly into the opini ons and views of the Executive government; and as we have observed, lets in a glimmer ing of light to the “ prospect before ns.”— In our future progress, it will therefore serve as our text, on which we intend that our com ments shall be free. We think that a can did examination w ill prove the point upon w hich vve sat out, viz :—that every principle. of the administration of Mr. Jefferson has been violated during that ofMr. Monroe, by some or all of the departments of the feder; government. * It will he worthy of remark, that the whole speech is a defensive one. In every part of it, is to he found either justification nr excuse for measures, the policy of which had been attacked, or which were evidently inconsistent with principles formerly enter tained by the speaker. Notwithstanding thp goodly portion of generalities and oracu lar ambiguities* with wiiich it abounds, thus much of its design cannot he mistaken.— Hard pressed, kconscious of surrounding dif ficulties, must be such an officer, who finds it necessary to become his own personal de fender before the people. The acts of a President should defend themselves, or bave such an apparent propriety as readily to en list advocates. In the extract before ns, we are first in formed of the diminution of the revenue, from the general “ depression of prices.”— Be it so. The “ effect,” of which lie would make this the cause, is one (hat we are not so readily disposed lo admit. This effect is ♦o 44 compel Congress lo abandon these great measures of defence, or to resort to loans and internal taxes, kc.” Now we would ask, if tbe current expences bad been no greater than they were during the administration of Mr. J« flersnn, would Congress have heen “ compelled" to abandon a part ol'the objects of expence, or to resort to extraordinary means of revenue ? Certainly not. The increase of expence is then the cause, more than the diminution of the revenue. Thi- will he more evident if we advert to the ob jects abandoned. They were the redurlion of the army, the reduction of the. expences m the navy, and the reduction of the sum to he applied in the course of the year to forti fications. These were the “ great measure? of defence” abandoned hy Congress, but which it seems, the President whs so nnxiou to preserve. Now it i? plain, that with the exception of the reduction of the aimi/, Coi - grass have not abandoned them, hut only rt duced the ntimnl expence, hv extending the exclusive of officers of all kinds, and at an expence somewhat more than 5 3,000,000 per annum, one y ear with another. Con gress reduced it to six thousand. Over this reduction, the Executive agents have not yet ceased “ their mournful lay.” It is one of the n necessary establishments," one of the “ defensive measures” which has bee.n given up—and yet where was the impolicy of the reduction ? Was this ai my more necessary than that of Mr. Adams’? W'asit more pa triotic? Was the country threatened with more danger ? Was the prospect of war nearrr ? Had an army become less dange rous to liberty ? Had it become less expen sive ? To all these questions a negative an swer only can he given. Yet, some how it happens, that the republicans thought Mr. Adams’ army ought to be reduced, while some of them are uttering their groans over that of Mr. Monroe. Here is a glaring liif stance of departure from the principles of 1809. Thera are some circumstances attending this reduction of the military establishment, with n view to lessening the expences of go vernment, that will deserve n notice. It is spoken of by some, as an Executive recom mendation. Nothing is more untrue. The resistance to it from that quarter was as great as it dared he. The plan of reduction re ported hy the War Department was a forc ed one, and was dragged out sorely against the will of the President, and more sorely a- gainet that of the Secretary at War, by a re solution of the House of Representatives at a previous session of Congress. And w hen at last it did come, what was it ? A reduction of privates merely. Every officer in com mission was to be retained—and wherefore ? Because, “ however remote our situation “ from the great powers of the world, and “ however pacific our policy,”(it would not do to deny tliis vet,) 41 wcarenotwithstand- 44 ing, liable to be involved in tear, and to re- “ sist with success its calamities and dangers, “ a standing army in peace, in the present “improved slate of military seienee, is an “ indlspensible preparation,’’ “ whose or- “ ganization should he such as to enable “ government, at the commencement ofhos- “ tilitiea to obtain a regular force, adequate “ to the emergencies of the country, prouer- “ Iy organized and prepared for actual ser- “ vice.” Intermediate these quotations, is a long tirade to prove the inefficacy of militia for national defence, interlarded with flatter ing encomiums upon their bravery. The quotations are made fi om the report ol'the War Department. We ask, is not this the anguage precisely, that was used hy the fe deral administration ? We appeal to the re cords ef the day on the subject. We could make various other extracts from this docu ment. This is enough to prove the adopti on by republicans of federal principles, and their defence hy federal arguments. The latter part of the quotation, in englisli, means this, “ you may take the men provided you let ns retain our patronage hy retaining the officers." It is also an evident cut at Mr. Jef ferson's principle, that the militia are “ our best reliance in peace, and for the first mo ments of war, until regulars can relieve them.”—[To be continued.] NOTES. <V>* r >) At one time we thought of making Ion® extracts trom the ratifications of the constituti on hy the states. But they would be too copi ous, it vve commenced the task. They will be found annexe/ 1 , to the Journal of the federal convention I'ately published, and are well wor thy of licit',g read. We are sure w» bave not misrepresented them. (dt>) Wirt's Henry, n. 382. OF) Jefferson's inaugural speech, in March,. isn't (68) lb. (69) lb.—In his first message he says, while recommending the disbanding of a part of the army, nnd r taming only so many as weie ne cessary to garrison such posts and stations where 44 garrisons were expedient.” “forth* surplus no particular use enn lie pointed ouf. “ For defence against invasion, tlieir number is “ as nothing—nor is it considered needful »r safe “ that» standing army should be kepi Mp in timei “ of peace. Uncertain as we must ever be of I ha “ particular point in our circ imference where “ «n enemy may nhoose to invade us, the only “ force which can be ready at every point, and “ competent to oppose them, is the body of “ neighbor!) g citizens, as formed into a milit'a, “ bee. kc.” if the latter part of the sentem w 1 we have quoted in the text, be correct in pric-