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«“•* tha suspension of the writ of i " **■**"«<».unity rea.™ or justice,but bythe .nthers Le mealq-mouthfd if they Ao» a .i._. vidonre, an rpii-s and the iin prison men! of Hit n of a drum. A^arn, “ I sue no diller- p or mysolf I aWrt that if conduct liko this vnirr il.o vi o issued it, by a military officer ns was 44 en.-e between pr/uian, mid alien mid sedition ;« , ’conduct mu‘. tins voice the \i 1 1 .1 New Orleans nn “Inn i„ ■ ... ,., /r , . ■* not rfoif nrtght fraud, it is shameful ei'.iM- may, nor si: Oeu Jackson, at New-or earis, can law ., in piincqU*, toi. to—(Construction „„ i i,®-. a ,'„i„. ?’ eu clple, ItabcHS corpus, Judge who ‘ done by C,_ , neither be justified or excused, aud scarcely pardoned. (70) Mr. Jefferson's first message. (71) Hi. (72) lb. (73) /». (74) Mr .letfarsons second message. (75) Sevbert’s Statistical Kiiuals, p. 727. (76) That we may not bo suspected by our readers of a wish to misrepresent, we shall first give the following entrant from the ** Construc tion Construed," of John Taylor of Caroline, p. 179. “ The federal expenditure in the time •* of Washington, amounted to about #3,000,noo u annually, Sun that of Mr. Jefferson to about ji.r o At the first epoch, the U State* were pay- 41 ing the interest of their debt at the second, 41 both th* interest and a portion of the priiici- »i pal. Now the expenditure of the federal go- 14 vernment exceeds twenty-five millions.' — Mr. Taylor wrote the above before the last ses- sion of Congress, and was correct as to the ex- penditure when he urate. We are induced to tn.lipvo he v\ as under some mistake as to the expenditures of Washington s and Jeffers.,n s administrations, and this will account ior the difference between our statements an, his- Ours are founded upon the following ralctllati- ons made on data there referred to. We have selected'one year of Gen. Washington s adim- nistriitiori, another ot Mr. Adams, and two of Mr. Jefferson’s, and the present year lo 1792, the expenditures of the sovernment upon off objects a- mounted to (see Seybert, p. 745) # 8,902,920 In that year there was paid of the nrincipalund interest ofthe pub- lie debt, (see Seybert,p. 756) 7,203,685 Leaving for all other objects than the public debt -(C Construed, pages 153-4-3, where will lie found n d"-sei tarloii upon this suliject, which wc think will he forcible to all minds, uiulis cuaclusive to our own.7 (1? Wc comply with a request made by BPveral subscribers, to republish the Essays of Snrrates—(he first is now given, and the second will ho printed next wepk. We do not, by the bye, like, this mode of occupying our cnlums with what has already been seen by a great portion of our readers, however good the composition—it is too much like publishing stalk news.—Editors Recorder. # 1,699,255 In 1800, (Mr. A’s) the expenditure w as according to Seybert # 11,932,534 Paid in that year of principal and interest of public debt, (Seybert, p 756.) 4,578,369 Which deducted, leaves for all o- tlier object* #“>374,165 # 13,270,487 9.539,004 In 1802, (Mr. J’s) the expenditure wus In that year there was paid of prin cipal and interest of debt, (see Seybert, 766) Leaving for all other objects, In 1803, the expenditure was Applied in that year to the public debt, Expended ou all other objects, By the report of the Secretary of the Treasury of the 21 -t Dec’r, 1820, there was required for the service of the year 1821, (exclu sive of the deficiency of 1820, hi unavailable’money, tic ) # 17,504,019 Out of this, no more is wanting for the public debt in 1821, (a* per same report,) than $ 3.731,483 # 11,258,983 7,203,444 # 4,055 539 5,477,776 Leaving to he applied to what Mr. Monroe calls 44 purposes of high national importance f" the enor mous sum of #12,026,242 Being #8,000,000 morn than Mr. Jefferson ex pended in the years 1802—3 upon the same 41 purposes of national importance." In our text we have stated that the sum required for 1821 was # 22,000,000. It was near # 24,000,000 us will be seen from the Treasury report refer red to—for example, Add to what is required for cur rent expenses and public debt, # 17,504,018 The deficiency of 1820 4,204,464 And the amount of unavailable •funds, 1,200,000 And the sum required to be al ways in the Treasury, 1,000,000 It will make # 23908,482 (77) A* in duty bound, we fervently ask Mr J. Q Adams’ pardon for thus placing him in the company of democratic republicans Of their principles, lieu not, never has been, and we confidently venture to say, never will be. He has been a uniform federalist from his youth to the present day We think we can safely fi ver, that do evidence can be produced of his having ever abjured one tittle of the politics of his Father’s administration. It is true, some of hisoWeroales did charge him with desertion, about the close of Mr. Jefferson's administrati on—and it is true, that about that period, as Captain Clodpo'.e says, “ hemadt pretence like,' hn had put on a new political coat. But some how or other, he succeeded in obtaining w hat he sought, a foreign mission, without having e- ver subscribed the republican articles of Faith, and he would be a simpleton now to do it, when they have been voluntarily rejected by their oldest professors. Mr. Adams is Within one step of the grentest desires of his soul, the Executive Chair. Should this nation be cursed with another lederal ad- ministraiion, (if indeed it is not already so) up on Mr. Monroe the responsibility must rest — Kur ourselves we enter, thus early, our earnest protest against it. If Mr. Adams is indeed u federalist, we protest against it, on that acrount. If he has changed his politics, (which wc cer tainly think is no crime,) we want to see the c- vidence of it—and even it could he produced, we would be no better satisfied. A late change of opinion upon political principles long pro fessed and practised, is in our minds, a circum stance of conclusive proof of incapacity to fill an office of the importance oi the presidency. It argues a want of honesty, or what perhaps is e- nually bail for such nn office, a want oj under standing. To think right, after haying long thought Wrong, can never lie the evidence ot mental greatness. A great man would have thought right at first. We might he disposed to think charitably of n change of sentiment on one or even two points—hut when it roines to n’totnl change of a system of principles, our charity is taxed too severely. It is against such a chniige as the latter, that we are directing our feeble efforts in these remarks. (78) Jefferson’s second message to Congress. (79) IVe do not stand alone in this opinion. AVe have to aid us, the support of that great a- dent in constitutional law, John Taylor of Ca roline “Admitting," says he, “the state le- .< gislatnres to possess a sovereignty over pro- 4 > perty, and the right to bestow the public mo- 44 ney upon objects of benevolence, it is a sub- 44 iect (avdntemal and fora!legislation, not com- ... prised within the powers of the federal go 44 vernment. II is true, that the federal con- solution invests Congress with a (united and 44 special power in relation to persons, but it «, act upon persons beyond the power ,< bestowed. By referring to the constitution, 44 it wTbe found, that all the power, over per- « sons give 1 to congress are intended \o effect !. some^n^l federal end, end not to confer 44 any light to legislate over persons except for 44 *uch a purpose. A. for instance^ powe, 44 over persons in the Imposition of taxes isgiv- 44 an for the purpose of providing a revenue.— „ No power to ^” ish tht reMnu . e tbu3 ° b «" nfd ' .. in Sanations to individuals, ts btstowed-oo „ the contrary it is limited to the use of the U. „ State , If this reasoning be correct, the do- 44 nation to the remnant of the revolutionary or- ii to remnant more numerous than the ar- 44 Tv’itself™ th" end of the war, after an inter- «< vsd of above thirty years,) teas uncon dilution- «> at. Whetherthls donation was constitution- 41 at not it is a monument of what is to »>* 44 expected! from the principle of a legislative 44 sovereignty over the national property, and 44 the effectsofa casual humorsomeenthusiasm, a which bftd fief 1 for new fort J ytK> ‘ *“ d FROM THE JOURNAL. To the Moral and Religious part of the co»»- minity, in the Shite of Georgia. No. I. Fellow-Citizens.—It is an idea but too commonly current in this state, that men who are moral and religious in their habits and intercourse, with others in society, have nothing, and should have nothing to do with politics. This idea seems founded in another which is undeniable, provided the one stated has an existence, to wit—That politics have bt come too foul for the moral and religious to intermeddle with, without partak- ing of their filth. There is something so horridly disgusting in both, that for myself, l will have nothing to do with either. Men who are depraved in principle, may preach this doctrine. An honest man scorns it.— My opinions are of a quite different charac ter. To you, fellow-citizens, to whom this communication is addressed, l look as the props and securities ofour blessed form of government, in its purity. I view you as the depositories of the morals and the virtue of the country, k the keepers of the sacred charter of the constitulion. If when cor ruption and depravity walk bare faced thro’ the land, you retreat from the great respon sibilities which your professions have impos ed upon you, and hide yourselves from the poisonous visage of those horrid monsters, then indeed it may be said, O tempera ! U mores! Your conduct will give the lie to your religion, which will he looked on but as a table, and your morality will appear hut as the veil of a wicked min'd, intent only upon adding treasure to treasure. The enemies ofour free institutions, will assume the lan guage, as of old, did those of Jerusalem, when her prophets had not “ seen her iniqui ty, to turn away her captivity.” All that pass by. will clap their hands—they will hiss and wag their heads, saying, “ Is this the ci ty that men call the perfcctiitfi of beauty—the joy of the whole earth .- We ha» e swallowed her up—certainly this is the day that welook- cd for—we have found—we have seen it.”* This address to you has been suggested by reading in the Georgia Journal, the pro test of certain members of the Legislature, to a vote of thanks, carried by an immense majority in both houses, to Gov. Clark, ge nerals Adams, McIntosh, and Newnan, and to gen. Meriwether and major Forney, fir their exertions in procuring the late acquisi tion of territory for the state. With the E- ditors of the Journal,! make no objection to the acquisition. It was long since due to this state, and one greatly exceeding this in extent and value, could and should have been obtained at the making of the treaty of Fort Jackson, when the United Slates had it in their power to extinguish the Indian title 44 upon reasonable terms,” according to the contract made with this state. No—my ob jections are to the means confessedly used to obtain the late cession—means, at which e- very virtuous man must blush with shame and confusion of face—unless indeed, we have arrived to that point of iniquity as bold ly to justify all means however corrupt, be cause of the usefulness of the end. God tur bid ! God forbid! I will not yet believe that my native state is so lost lo all moral sense— to all regard for inoral character ! It would argue a degree of depravity at which my soul shudders ! I will believe that there is a “ redeeming spirit to he found in you, fel low-citizens, if no where else, that will yet snatch us from the infamy, so justly attend ant upon this odious transaction, as it has been revealed to the world! U’hat is the history of th is Trenly ? In 11102, in consideration of the cession by Georgia, of all the country now composing the state of Alabama and Mississippi, to (he United States, the latter engaged to exlin- gusli the Indian title to all the lands within the limits of Georgia “ so soon as the same could be done upon reasonable terms.’’ Tin- territory between the Oconee and Oakmul- gee rivers was the only purchase under this contract, until the treaty of Fort Jackson.— Then theopnrtunity presented of complying 'with the contract, and on reasonable terms too, to the full extent of all the Creek Indian lands in Georgia. They neglected, wilfully ne- glerted it. From that moment the United States had no right to reply to any applicati on of Georgia, forcotnplianco with their en gagements, that “ the lands could not he ob tained on reasonable terms.” For the pur pose of their own speed# realization of the benefits of the contract, the United Slates have pul it out of their own power ever to ob tain a cession on reasonable trims. ’I he In dians have been dnven by themselves upon the very lattd, the title to which they engag ed to extinguish. Upon these very lands, they are now using all their influence and means to teach the Indians the value of them. The Treasury of the United States is now annually expending in introducing among them the arts ofeivilized life, and ideas of the individuality and value of property, real and personal. This scheme, dignified with the names of Christianity, humanity, and philan- throphy, is not now a subject of discussion. I should have been the last to object to it, when practised m a different way. Had the United States in compliance with (lie con tract wil l this state, and when it was verfiect lq practicable to do so, removed the Indians from the limits of Georgia, upon the territo ry of the United States, and there rominenc- ed their philanthrophic plans of civilization, the citizens of Georgia, could have had do reasonable, at least no separate cause of com plaint. But, what is the course pursued by the general goveinmerit? They first compel the Indians, without paying them a cent, as consideration money,\ to remove from the territory purchased of Georgia, lo to the lands reserved by that state, in the contract, for herself. They then, by missionaries, schools, agents, sub-agents, mechanics, kc. be. teach them the superior advantages of civilized life, and the cultivation of the soil, and very gravely turning around lo the peo ple of Georgia, say : “ Do you not see what a price the Indians set upon their lands?”— We cannot comply with our engagements with you, because the Indian lands cannot be obtained “ upon reasonable terms! on. I am, however, straying from my point. At length compelled by the clamors of the public authorities of this state, to make the ittcinpt, a treaty is ordered, hut under very strict instructions. Their commissioners are directed very little to exceed the usual terms heretofore offered for Indian Lands. Gov. Clark, anxious to sustain his precarious po pularity, teases the General Assembly of the state, into the appointment of certain com missioners, (generals Adams, M’intosh and Newnan) and instructs them to attend the treaty for the purpose ; first, of urging the rlaims of the Mlizcns of this state, upon the Indians, for stolen property ; and secondly of treating for a cession of land.* They do attend. The treaty proceeds and is made, although it was publicly announced, that nn! fifty Indians attended during the whole time. And hoiv was it effected ? The protest before alluded to informs us, bybrib ing the few Indian chiefs who did attend, with Fifteen thousand dollars, paid by gov. Clark and hit commissioners, out of the treasury of Georgia ! Not by the pay ment of that sum to and for the use of the Indian nation, which would have taken from the transaction all charge of moral turpitude, and left it to he considered as a political piestion, merely when taken into consider ation with the contract between the United States and Georgia; hut by its payment privately, without notice in the treaty or any of the papers, to certain Indian chiefs and others,) to induce them to make a cession of and—or in plain English, to corrupt the In- lian chiefs, without a knowledge oftheir na tion, as whose agents they were acting, i aver that no other terms can be truly be stowed upon the transaction, but corrup tion and bribery. Whatever the un blushing supporters of this wicked bargain may say about its being used for the purpose “ of purchasing the friendship of the Indian chiefs,”! 1 repeat that it was nothing more nor less than a bribe given by the public functionaries of this state, privately to the Indian chiefs, without the knowledge of such an understanding, that it should be concealed from their nation, to induce, them corrupt ly to betray the trust reposed in them.— This is the sum total of the affair, and no sugared surface can make itj appear any bet ter. That it will be supported and defend ed by those of our public agents w ho parti cipated In tile deed, as well as by such of their friends as have hid conscience a “ long farewell,” there is no doubt. But so sure as there w ere immoral practices used in corrupt ing the Legislature of this state in effecting the Yazoo sale, just so sure the practices were equally immoral and corrupt in pro curing this treaty. it remains lor you, fel low citizens, to say whether you will givr.it your countenance and support, or whether, as did those who occupied your station in society, at the time of the Yazoo sale, you will with one spontaneous movement rise under ihe.lrdluence of virtuous indignation, and frown into contempt arid disgrace, the agents and friends of this nefarious business. Di-miss, I pray you, a 11 selfish motives. For a moment forbear lo look at the end which has been accomplished, while you conte,n- plate the consequences likely to result to the moral character of the state and its citizens from the use of means like these. V> hat will the people of our sister states think oi us ? You cannot be indifferent til their o- pinion. Will they not have too much cause to say that. “ Gcoagia stands equally in need of missionaries us their Indian neighbors, whose chiefs they have been corrupting Religion and morals must be at their lowest elih, when they can justify or excuse prac tices like these. Such will be their taunts, and must justly will they be bestowed, should you suffer your voices and your in fluence to be unexerted in this contest be tween vice and virtue. In what, I beseech you to consider, dues this transaction differ from that of the Yazoo sale, except that our public agents instead of receiving, have given a bribe ! Did you entertain any bette.ropin ion of the Yazoo speculators w ho bribed and corrupted the members of the Legislature, than you did of those members who thus suffered themselves to lie bribed and corrupt ed? Or is there any difference in point of moral principle, in bribing a white man and an Indian i In fact, is there not more tur pitude in the latter, than in the former?— The white man is supposed to have all the ad vantages of civilized habits, education, and I lie. religion of Jesus. The savage lias no thing hut that little twinkling of mural light which shines through his uncultivated rea son. Because you found him in inenla darkness, will you plunge him into crime? Even if you do not consider it your duty to enlighten bis path, you should not tempt him to lc.uk upon that as the white mail’s principles, which you cannot but abhor as morally base. But w hat will be the effects of toleratin; this dei d upon ourselves. Know you not that when an individual or a nation is prepar ed to gi’ce they are equally prepared tore crive a bribe? What will become, of that stern virtue and sense of justice, which are the pillars of the constitution? With tli edifice which they support, they will tumble to ruins. Silence and inactivity upon ai occasion ilki. this will lie but laughing to scorn, llie proud emblems!) of our slate Our children will see that our professions are but feeble words, and will deride the vir tue which we hypocritically teach them to respect, at the very moment lhat we are dis play ing an open violation of its injunction The open support which has been given to this measure by the vote of thanks of the Le gislature fills me with grief and astonishment, The legislature of a State thanking its Go vert,or and other agents for bribing an Indian chief to betray his nation ! My God, what a scene! What citizen of Georgia, beyond the limits of the state, will have tlie hardi hood to excuse it ? It is a task which would make the brazed visages of the chief actors u the farce, sink with shame and confusion.— But should the people, of Georgia again give them their confidence, 1 confess all hope o preserving the character of the state will he gone, and every honest man may exclaim “There is no halm in Gilead, there is no physician there !” When that foul blot was imprinted upon the character of nur public functionaries by the Yazoo sale, the people of Georgia, by nne mighty effort of hand and heart, covered them with disgrace, and wiped it off for ever. But thee they had a' Jackson, w hose energetic and honest soul feared no and before the thunders of whose 1 ile tools of corruption sunk in dis- iired to turn their hacks from the scourge of his tongue. We have no Jackson now ! In this “brilliant administration.” as the flatterers ofthe governor have railed his, such men as James Jackson would receive no encouragement. Eloquence is admired now only in defence of the prodigal waste of the public money, “ in purchasing the. friend ship of Indian Chiefsand as for justice and virtue, we may go look for their graves ! Thu constitution is admitted even ny the late thankful Legislature to he gone, (where the Lord only knows) for they hare required the people to say whether a convention shall not be called tn make another. The truth is, I suppose, they have discovered that from its late frequent violations, it was no longer sacred, and their fears operated upon them too powerfully to attempt the punishment of its violators. I have heard another reason nlledged why such an attempt was not made —too many of them had lately received ma ny little profitable appointments, to hope for any success in if. Thus a violation ofthe instrument is the greatest obstacle to its preservation. But hope yet remains. Twelve men* have boldly dared to denounce the sins of the times, and to tell the people the truth.— Their protest is a noble instrument, hold in facts, tho’ mndeat in language. Who knows hut that nirinng these, some Jackson may spring up ? But fcllinv citizens lie will want tile support of your inspiring voice, your cordial co-operation. Will you w ithhold it ? Or will you loo turn from the shameful scene exhibited in this protest, and say : We wan ted the Land. It is obtained. Thu means are justified by the end. It is true (}ov. Clark, since the November session of the Legisla ture, lias spent thirty or forty thousand dol lars out of .the contingent fund, and the peo ple are not informed wliat lias become of it; ml all attempts to get at a knowledge of it have been suppressed by the Legislature— yet we suspect it went about the treaty ; and bribing the Indian chiefs, is no greal matter, &c. fcc.” Fellnw citizens, I will not disgrace you by supposing the use of such words.— Let the vicious, the profligate, the cringing ycophants of those in office, speak thus.— From these it was expected. But from you —never. Principles like these are absolute ly incompatible with morality &, religion, and patriotism. These look to justice k virtue &. the constitution. These are your polar stars. Vice and immorality and ambition may fora time triumph over them ; but sooner or la ter they must prevail. You have “ set your faces unto the lord, hi you cannot go back.” Be not weary in well doing.” Remember that it i9 the first dut v of the Christian and the honest man lo declare the truth, aye, aud support it to. Remember that in the eye of Heaven, it is as sinful to bribe an Indian as a white man. SOCRATES. Let 44 Lamentations, c. 2, v 16, ,6 - 1 The reader i* invited to read the Trenty of Fort Jackson, where be will find that the ces sion of all the Alabama Lands was obtained by right of conquest and r.ot y- T heir names ought to be recorded on every possible occasion They are Holland M'Tyre, Jas. Morrison John Abercrombie, StehflO Up sue, George Cury, James Tail, Edward Brook ing, (sane Birdsong, John Mercer, JamesAlstou, Matthews Wells and John Townsend. COTTON. The immense quantity of this article grown in the United Stales, makes of •onsiderable interest every fact which can retard or promote its sale. The ICth Number of the Quarterly Review contains a very interesting article on the ” Freedom of Commerce.” This arti cle is entitled to the consideration of e- very man whose opinions can influence, or whose vote cun affect, thetaiifl'ol the United States. We contemplate the ublicalion of some extracts from hereafter. Our present object is to call public attention to a note, p. 290, in the last Quarterly Review, it is in these words : “It may be worth recording, that lit stock of East India cotton wool in this coun try, during the last two years, accumulated by the mere course of trade, has been from two to three hundred thousand bales, aud the price Six pence per lb. while in Ben it is Twelve pence.” We pass over the important fact the immense accumulation of tire East India Cotton, although it is of much mo rnent to us, as proving that, whateve may be the wish of the British govern ment, the East India Company, or Mer chants, or the losing low price at wind it may be offered for sale—the Cotton Manufacturers of Great Britain will not consume it. For this rejection they have many and substantial reasons : all which reasons tend to secure the pre ference which is given to American Cot ton. Our present object is to note, and ask the public lo note, the very exlntordina ry fact slated by the Reviewers, th.i East India Cotton at Bengal is twelve pence sterling per pound. This price was so unexpected to us, and so much higher than we had been led to expect that we apprehended the American re publishers of the Review had not been sufficiently attentive to correcting the press, and that the figures were wrong To satisfy ourselves on this point, we havo compared our American copy with a London copy, and we find the note precisely the same in both copies. Much has been written and more has been said about the cheapness of Cotton in the East Indies : indeed so much has been said, and plausibly said, that peo ple here did not scruple to say, that it would not only drive our cotton out of the European market, but that it cnuld, profitably, be imported into this country. This delusion Inust now vanish forever, fbe freight, charges, kc. from the East Indies to Great Britain, must be at least equal to the freight, charges. Sic. from the United States to that kingdom. So long as the price of Cotton “ at Bengal” shall he twenty two cents per lb. or any thing near it, that country cannot com pete with us in the Cotton Market of •Europe.—Dem. Press. my gnveiumrtit must then not hnvfc hero s» absurd and bud as they say. Maxim 37.—There are many people, who imagine they have the talent of governing, merely because they do govern. Maxim 39.—The surest way of remaining pour, is lo lie an honest man. Maxim 101.—If a prince has been stained by one crime, the world impute to him all others—falsehoods accumulate, which the anecdote makers lay hold of—the literary ravens rush upon the corpse—malignity de vours—the improbable and scandalous im putations are repeated by a thousand voices; believed in time, received by posterity. It is Bari'c’s cslumnv—it runs like wild (ire. Maxim 114.—Ney’s mid Murat’s fate, did not surprise me—they have died, sttelt as they have lived, hemes—such men do not want funeral sermons. Maxim 140.—I have Ireen eompafed to many celebrated men of ancient and modern times—but in reality I have resembled no one. Maxitn 113.—It is generally thought to he best, that young men should study war from hooks—it is a fair means of getting had ge nerals. Maxiin 14.9.—I always thought that it would be Talleyrand, that would hang Fouehe—perhaps they will go to the gallows gether. The Bishop is a fox, the Orator is a tyger. Maxim 181.—Ney was a man of courage. His death is not less remarkable than bis life. 1 am sure that those who condemned him, did not dare to look in his face. Maxim 217.—If Augustus had not Ireen fortunate, posterity would have ranked his name among those of the greatest scoun drels. Maxim 228.—The Jews had provided for my armies in Poland; I intended to give them again a political existence, as a Nation and citizens—but fodfid them unable to ro- ceive it—I was obliged to keep up the laws a- gaiust usury—tile Alsaciad peasants thanked me for it. Maxim 233.—T ,,ere are thieves ofa cer tain class, whom the law does not lay hold f, and who steal that which is most preci ous to man—time. Maxim 234.—Madame de. Stael, has writ ten about the passions, like a woman who lias been familiarized with' her subject.— Frequently she mistakes declamation for the sublime—and she is never so empty as when she thinks she is profound. • Maxim 340—When I landed at Cannes, they wrote in the Paris imwspapeis, Rebelli on of Bonaparte—five (lays after, Gen. Bona parte lias entered Urenofile—eleven days af ter, jYupoteon has made his entry into Ly ons— twenty days after, the Emperor is ar rived at the Thuillcries. After litis look for public opinion in the newspapers. Maxim 590.—God hath ordained work as a guardian to virtue.—JVat. Gazette. Baltimore, July 7. Extract of a letter from the American Consul at Trieste, dated May Ulh. “By a vessel arrived to day, in 16 days from Constantinople., we hear that the Greek Patriarch and four Bispoks iiad been hung, by order of the Government; and that sub sequently, almost a general massacre of the Greeks had commenced which was still go ing forward when this vessel sailed. The English Ambassador bad several shots fired at him, and only escaped assassination by running. The Greek insurrection in the Murca is going on favorably. A descendant ofthe Old Greek Emperors is arrived hero from Russia—it is supposed with the view of proceeding to the Morca, to join his coun trymen in their endeavors to throw off the Turkish Yoke.” The MilJertgevffte papers twitaii* I ment received the 29th ult. purport j u Proclamation, executed by Gau nt Pensacola, on the 251h ult. annuidl the possession of West Florida. That Recorder is correct in intimating fhat its ap^ pearance is premature, we have a strong evi* ilcnce. in the fact, that it could not havo reach- d Milledgeville in four days; it iaetjnalljr evident that the editors are under a mistake in the opinion that the transfer was made on (lie 25th, Gen. Jackson having been loft at Emanuel’s, fifteen miles this side of PenttCO* la, subsequent to that date. [Alabama Republican, July 14.] At a public celebration of the 4th of Jul^ in Philadelphia, the Declaration of Indepen'* dence was read by the venerable Timothy Matlock, nearly 60 years of age. # He wrot* the first commission for Gen. Washington, |k was no early and persevering assertor of th* principles of liberty, both in the cabiuet and in tlie field.—A*, i. American. (£/» Governor’s Guards!—Under thif name, we find by a notice in the newspaperm volunteer company is proposed te be organ* izrd in Mijlcdgevil'le. Governor's Guards! f What does this mean? We have often heard of the King's Guards and the Empe ror’s Gtmi ds—of the Oi teen's Guards aud thfc Prince Regent’s Guams—but never before* xcept while wc were under the monar- rhal rule of mother Britain, and her host of" Royal Governors, “ sent from the footstool of a Throne bevond the seasj” did we hear off Governor's Guards ! A stranger seeing this notice might suppose the Governor of tho state to be in sucli apprehension of personal danger, ns to require a body guard, or that the people, forgetting they are Republicans t had appointed him a Guard qf Honor! ftT* In several of the newspapers wc re^ reive, We find the late Anniversary of our Independence called the fortq-sixth—It was, we think, only the 45th. This error, ns wo conceive it to be, would not be worth notic ing, if it were not so general a one, A Tew Vases of Yellow Fever have oc curred in Bullimore. W E are authorised to announce Doct’r David Kendall, a candidate to repre sent Hancock county, in the Representative branch ofthe Legislature, at the ensuing e- leclinn. July 23. 24—tf PROPOSALS For publishing u paper in the town of Mila ledgevilte, to be entitled, WE, THE PEOPLE. Tisnot in mortals to command success, Rut we’ll do more, Senijironius, We'll deserve it.” Cato. * Absurd a* thismny appear, it is true, as any one may convince himself, by turning to the instructions not long since published iu the newspapers. t Ituinor says, and no doubt truljfc that Peter Donaldson, the Tavern Keeper at the Springs, gota part of it, aud quarrelled much because be did not get mord. t This is their impudent language, as will bt seen from (he protest. § Tiio great seal of the state, represents the Constitution as no arch supported on three pil lars, inscribed Wisdom, Justice, Moderation. Maxims and observations of Napoleon Bo naparte, said lo be taken fi-om a Manu script, found in the Port Folio of Las Ca sas. Maxim 4.—! care very little about the o- pinions of the Parisians; they are like drones, which are always humming—they judge as gravely as a monkey about metaphysics. Maxim 23.—In Europe they copy my laws, imitate my institutions, finish my works, ape my policy even to the ton of my court j Extract of a letter from Havana, June 20. “The lust account we have from Vera Cruz is that the Insurgents are in sight of that place, with a strong army, and that all communications between Vera Cruz and Mexico are cut oil’by the Insurgents, and that the Captain General of Vera Cruz was ap prehensive the inhabitants of that place would rise in favour of a the-Insurgents, so that he was obliged to have a strung party of troops in the street to keep them under. “ A convoy of Spanish vessels will sail in the morning for Tampico; the only way left to get from this place to Mexico.” COUNTERFEIT notes and the liability of Banks under certain circumstances, to pay them becomes daily a question of more importance to the public.—At this time, ow ing to peculiar and most unexpected events and discoveries, of which we hope to be at liberty to speak hereafter, the subject presses painfully upon the public mind. Counterfeit Notes have been so well and so accurately executed as to deceive the Tellers of Banks and even of the very bank from which they purported lo have been is sued. This is surely hardship enough upon the public aud subjects them sufficiently to imposition, yet this is nut the worst. Counterfeit Notes from the genuine plate have circulated largely. For such notes we cannot doubt but the Bank that permitted its plate to be instrumental in the imposition would be made liable. This, however hard and oppressive as it is, is not yet the heaviest imposition to which the people are subjected. We havo even heard of Counterfeit Notes which were not only from the Genuine plale hut were actually signed by the President of the Bank. Cau'there be any doubt but the bank would be liable for all such counter- frits ) To many persons it will seem incredible, yet it is strictly true, that a man being arrest ed, under most suspicious circumstances, for passing counterfeit bank notes and held to bail, in a very large amount, tile President of the Bank, whose notes were counterfeited, be came Ins security !!!—Phil. Press. Savannah, July 17. ANOTHER MURDER I* A few days since we had occasion to record a horrid murder, committed a- bout U< miles from this city, on the Au gusta road, by a negro fellow who calls himself Essex. We understand that this monster in human shape has again been guilty of the foul crime of murder. It seems, that on Friday morning last he entered the house of a Mr. Dove, (who was absent from home at the time,) in Burke County, and abused his wife and family in a most brutal manner. Mrs. D. immediately dispatched a servant for her husband, who repaired towards his residence. Essex suffered Dove to ap proach within ten or fifteen paces of the house, when he levelled his gun at him and shot him dead. The ball went through Dove’s mouth and came out at the back part of his head. Every exer tion is making we learn to apprehend the murderer, and we trust ’ere this, he is secured.—Republican, T HE Press has been truly and classical* ly called the Palladium of Liberty.-^ In tliu dissemination of useful knowledge—in the correction of political abuses, it stand* proudly pre-eminent above every other in stitution—it is the baud i .ade- to the Art* and Sciences—the conservator of Genius* and tlie Pioneer to the march of Liberty and Virtue. However corrupt a Press may be ; however ably and skilfully conducted, it can not lung retain an undue influence upon tha minds of the People ;—the glare of publio observation through which it moves, like the unsullied Mirror of Confucius, immediately reflects its defermity, and exposes its venali ty. Some one has aptly observed, that o- pinion is the Queen of the If’orld ! She i* emphatically so in a government like ours. The aristocratic*l maxim, “thepeople ares their own worst enemies,’’ under whatever semblance it may appear, will still retain an impress of its original features; and the kens uf an enlightened community will soon peoe- trate the gossamer muntle, and drag the mon ster to light. We tiie People, will be particularly de voted to an impartial examination of the po lities of the State of Georgia—The policy of its present administration is one which fully accords with our feelings and principles— and so long as it adheres to that honest and independent course wliich uas invariably marked its progress, so long will the Editors be devoted to its support. All other subjects of Slate or National concern, will receive that portion of attention which they merit $ and every exertion will be used lo render tha paper a medium of useful intelligence. Such are the sentiments of tlie Editors-- 4 and thus feeling k thinking, will they launch their little barque Upon the political ocean. With'Truth their chart, and Independent their compass, they hope hi attempting to avoid Scyila, they will nut founder on Ch?- ryhdis; but ride in triumph on the Sea of Principle into the Port of Public Safety. Wk the people, will be published forth with, under the management of one of tho Editors of the Augusta Cnronicle. The terms of subscription will be threw dollars par annum, payable on the delivery of the first number, or four dollars at tha expiration of the year. (£/» Advertisements and Job work ah the customary prices. BACON. 1000 Yfos. \iYiuvfe Bacon, (principally HA>1S,) for sale by E. k H. A. WOOD. July 20. g4—<jt. Notice thia\ THE CAMP-MEETING in the neigh borhood of Milledgevillu, which has been postponed until the last week in September, is still postponed, until the following week, which will be. on Thursday the 4th October —this alteration is made in consequence of its interfering with the General Election. July 24, 1821. WiU ijc &o\d, O N the first Tuesday in November, 1821, at the house of Jecamiah Moore, in the coun- ty of Green, ALL THE PROPERTY belonging to the estate of William L. Fielder, dec'd.—for the benefit of the heirs and creditors. Terms of sale made known on the day. JECAMIAH MOORE, Exo’r. July 16 24—3m Stats of Alabama, Dallas county. Jesse Beene, Assignee) of D. It. Burks, I FEBRUARY TERM— vs. f CIRCUIT COURT. Joseph Wilson. j I N this cause the plaintiff issued an attach ment, which was levied on the property of' the defendant Wilson, and the defendant being a resident of the state of North-Carelina, all proceedings in said cause ere stayed by order ofthe Court, until the next term, which is the fourth Monday of August next; at which time the defendant is notified to attend and defend said cause agreeably to law, or judgment will go a- gainst hint by default. JOHN RADCLIFFE, CUr Jaly V, iistl. - ,