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SOUTHERN O RECORDER. -> '. *■;, JSu’W> VDL. II. MILLEDGEVILLE* TUESDAY, AUGUST 14, 1821. PUBLISHED WEEKLY, (OH TUESDAY*) JBY \ anA.YTLAJVD tf R. M. ORME' AT THEE DOLLARS, IN ADVANCE, OR FOUR DoSpARB AT TUB EXFIRATION OF THE *4* (EPhdvertiiements conspicuously inserted at Idle citomary rates. GENERAL LA FAYETTE linre allotted a considerable por- »f our paper to-day to a speech of ral La Fayette, delirered last month he French Chamber of Deputies— anl n doing so, we shall gratify, as we hot), that deep feeling of interest with svfci h every act of that “ soldier of A- meica,” as he proudly calls himself, is looted upon by bis fellow-citizens of the Unjed States. It will be seen, that, trulto his early principles, this veteran fri/nd of freedom still maintains the doc trines to which this country owes its ex igence and glory, and which, shackled aid fettered indeed, but still prevailing lit has the high honor of having trans planted, sheltered, and under all chan- J s adhered to, in France. It has in- ed been truly and beautifully said of La Fayette, that he was, among those who toojc an active part in the French revolution, perhaps the only one “ who had nothing to ask of Oblivion.” Pure and disinterested in his views and in his conduct, the public good has ever been his object and his sole aim ; and the blessings of this great nation, in whose favor he early drew his noble sword, and the respect of every lover of liberty in every clime, bear testimony to the con sistency of a life which, amidst every va riety of changes and perils, has never been sullied by meanness, nor dishonor ed by a crime.—.V. Y. Amer. [trasslated for tbf. Americas] During the discussions on the budget, On the 4th June, which, in making ap propriations for the expenditures of the country, laid open to remark all the va rious interests of France, M. La Fayette having been culled on to speak, present ed himself at the tribune, and, after the lively expression of interest which his presence there excited in the chamber had subsided, spoke aS follows : “ The general discussion of the bud get gives us the right of making some sum mary remarks upon each of its provi sions. The public debt, however con tracted, is sacred. I regret, in common with others, its recent increase ; but without recriminations here as to the •errors of the first restoration which pro- -duced the 20th March, or as to the Fatal landing which came to mingle itself wjth the progress of a more salutary and less turbulent resistance, or as to the condi tions of the last treaty of peace stipulated exclusively between the powers at war with France and the august ally of those powers; 1 will confine myself to drawing from the past an important lesson for the future, which is, that it would have cost, as I said at the time, much less to expel the coalition of foreigners than to treat with it: and that, if ever such a state of things should recur, and. following the example of Napoleon and the provision al government, the rulers of France should'hesitate to call out the people en masse, it would be alike the duty and the safety of that people themselves to leap to their arms—(murmurs on the right.) and combining with one accord the million arms of her warlike generation and devoted youth, to bury beneath them, as she might do, the violaters of her in dependence. (Bravos on the left.) The civil list has been voted for the whole duration of this reign ; but when, in consequeuce of encroachments and dila pidations, forty million francs of personal revenue, for the monarch and his family, begin to be considered as insufficient, it is allowable to look at, (1 will not say that country of ten millions of inhabitants, where the salary of the chief magistrate is not equal to that of a French minister,) but at the monarchal, aristocratic, & ex pensive government of England ; where, nevertheless, the provision for the prin ces is smaller than in France ; and where more than half the civil list is employed in paying the diplomatic corps, ministers anil judges ; where the sum for which the kins is not bound to account does not exceed a million fiia half of francs.****** Whatever may have been the losses and the pressure caused by a just defence a- eainst the aggressions of European cabi nets and which the ambition of a con- nueror provoked, it must be owned, by more than one act of perfidy on the part ofthose courts has since immeasurably increased, the enormous amount ot the tension list arising from other causes. These are to be found in the rapid suc cession of the different governments in France, each anxious to create vacancies in favor of its friends, and, above all, in the recent irruption of a crowd of pre tenders, all claiming rewards for having either in will or in deed, in foreign pay or in domestic insurrections, on the hiehNay* or in obscure idleness, and e- ven beneath the imperial liveries, mani fested, or dissembled their opposition to those governments, which each flattered jn )ts tuiPi are now all called illegitimirte It is thus that, by deviations and uposta- cies from a revolution of liberty and e- quality, we have finished by seeing Eu* rope during some years, inundated by two complete assortments of dynasties, nobility, and privileged classes. (Vehe ment exclamations and interruptionirom the right.) M. La Fayette, resuming with calm ness—But if, on the score of these pen sions, and the consolidated rentes, there is no relief to be had, but in their gradu al extinction by the sinking fund, is it not lamentable to see the whole scheme of the ecclesiastical pensions overturned, not with a view to console and relieve the inferior ministers, or to fulfil towards decayed priests and ancient nuns the in tentions of the Constituent Assembly, but to multiply bishopricks, to provide, in the re-establishment of the right of sub stitution, for some young nobles of the court, and to carry into effect, as has been always intended, the ultra-montane and anti-revolutionary concordat, which the public indignation has heretofore re jected ? 1 come now, gentlemen, to the second part of our expenses, the contingent part of the budget; but, before remarking upon its items separately, I would ask, how we can conscientiously support, by voting the ways and means, a government so scandalously expensive, and of which the system is hostile to the rights and to the wishes of almost all those who con tribute to its support; and who, doubt less, only pay these contributions with a view to be honestly served, and by those who will study the national interest.— (Fresh murmurs on the right.) It is to be hoped that this year the special ap plication of every sum to the object for which it was voted will be closely scru tinized, as is the case in other countries. * * # # * * The greatest desideratum, however, is, to be enabled to subject to fixed rules, and to actual personal responsibility, the numberless hierarchies of the agents of government, whom theiv chiefs have lat terly endeavored to convince that, accor ding to the scheme of a representative government, they were exempted from ail restraints of law or conscience—and that too, when our criminal code, despo tic as it is, has placed boundaries even on the obedieuce of a gen d’arms. It is necessary that the citizen should be taught what demands may be lawfully made of him, and what he may lawfully resist; for in countries new to liber ty, that sympathy”which considers the wrong of an individual as a public wrong is not sufficiently felt. In such countries, too often, the friends of order confound with the movements of sedition, that vi gorous display of the public feeling, with out which the national feelings and peace would always be at the mercy of the lowest faction, particularly at those cri tical periods when the audacity of those factions can only be checked by the intre pid & active resistance of good citizens (Clamour and interruption on the right.) The honorable speaker paused for a moment,.and then continued with the same dignity. In wishing, with your committee, that sound organization of the judiciary should elevate the character of the ma gistracy, and improve the condition of those subject to their jurisdiction, a re suit; be it cursorily remarked, that the re-establishment of parliaments would not pro'luce, I will only mention the civil code here, to remark how precious that emanation of the new social order has be come to those nations where victory has bore with it our arms. As to the article relative to the council of£t;Ue, doubtless it will not be passed over wihout defin ing and limiting its nature and powers.— But it is the criminal justice which it is necessary to denounce ; its system, per fected by the most sagacious despotism, has rendered the “lettres de cachet’ mere luxury ; the excessive rigor of its provisions, as acknowledged by those e- ven who, notwhitstanding the fallacy ef human opinions, and after the number of judicial murders—[Fresh clamor and interruption from the right, with cries of order, order l] The President.—The speaker’s re mark refers to the past— [The clamor on the right continues.] General Foy. Certainly, the speaker does not allude to the future. The President.—I enquired of M. de la Fayette if his remarks were applicable to the existing judiciary, and he answer ed me, that it referred to that pretended judicial system under which he lost a portion of his family. [Deep silence]— The speaker resumed : And afier the number of judicial assassinations which we personally have had to deplore, do not coincide in any wish to see the pen alty of death abolished. The name of a jury, given to our assizes, is a cruel abuse of words. If the constituent as sembly rejected the motion for the es tablishment of the American and English jury in all its purity, it was in the hope of improving on its provisions, while its spirit should be preserved, notwith standing all that, w ith a rare ignorance of facts, men, and opinions, has been said to the contrary from this tribune ; but all the modifications that have since been proposed have arisen from hatred of the institution itself * * * My unwillingness to vote for the ex penses of foreign affairs arises from the conviction that our diplomacy ot present is an absurdity. In truth, gentlemen, the system, the agents, the language, all appear to me foreign to regenerated France; she is again subjected to doc trines she had branded, to powers she basso often conquered, to habits contract ed among her enemies, to obligations for which, on her own account at least, she has no cause to blush. In the mean while, Europe, aroused by us thirty years ago to liberty, checked indeed since, ns it must be confessed by the view of our excesses and the abuse of our victories, has resumed, and will pre serve, notwithstanding recent misfor tunes, that great march of civilization, at the head of which our French place is marked—a place in which the eyes ot all people who are free, or aspiring to become so, should nut seek us in vain. Great sensation in the assembly.] Well, gentlemen, in this division of Europe, betweeu two banners, on the one side despotism and aristocracy, on the other liberty and equality, [by many voices, from the right, “ or death,”] that liberty and equality which we first pro claimed there, where do we find the soi- disant organs of France '! Exempt, it is true, and I am happy to acknowledge it, from a hostile co-operation in the aggres sion of the satellites of Troppau and Laybach, whom a success of little dura tion, as I hope will only render more o- dious ; they are also entitled to our thanks for not having insulted France by any positive participation in those recent declarations of the three powers, which, in order not to offend the majority in this house, 1 will only characterize by repeat ing my ardent Wishes, the wishes of my life, for the emancipation of the people, the independence of nations, and the mo rality and dignity of the true social order. We have, nevertheless, seen the agents of the French government, in their sub altern participation in the first delibera tions of these Congresses, not even able to raise themselves to the level, so easi ly attained, of liberality evinced bv the British diplomatists * * * Such are not the doctrines of France. I speak not now of my personal incredu lity of the doctrine of the divine right of kings ; but I will recal to you that.ulrea- dy, long before ’89, the era of the Eu ropean revolution, when we Soldiers of America felt honored by the names of rebels and insurgents, then lavished upon us, all in virtue of social order, by the English government, Louis the 16lh k his ministers had expressly recognized the sovereignty' of the United States, found ed, as it was, upon the principles oftheir immortal Declaration oiTmlependence— [murmurs ou the right, bravos on the left.] The principles, since received into the bosom of the constituent assembly, pro claimed io a de.cree sworn to by the King and his august brother, amidst the great est of our patriotic solemnities, have been since acknowledged, even in the usurpations of the imperial despotism— they were since repeated from this tri bune, as a protecting truth, by the friends of the charter and the rnyal throne, cn the 19th March, 1816; for then it was not said that the charter was the counter revolution—[bravo from Gen. Foy] and, indeed, in order to ascertain tho share due to the revolution of the rights recog' nized by the charter, that share which hut so often been denied, it would suffice to read again an august proclamation, dated from Verona, in July, 1796.— These principles professed at this day among that people, who are our natural diies, outweigh all the exploded preten sions which we have seen renewed the moment that a noble effort of the nations subjected by our arms had forced their old governments, in spite ot themselves, to recover the independence which they had so completely* so servilely, so affec tionately alienated, for the benefit of their conqueror ; to whom, in a recent note from Troppau, they have preserved the noblest title he ever bore, in calling him the soldier of the revolution. [Bravos on tlie left.] In truth gentlemen, the crimes and misfortunes which «e deplore, are no more the revolution than the St. Bartho lomew was religion, or those who would call monarchical the 18,000 judicial mur ders ofthe Duke of Alba—* * * * * * Nor will ive consent to insult n free &. friendly people, by imputing their nation al organization exclusively to the inter position of the bayonet. It is not indeed remarkable, that those who only saw dis cipline’and attachment to public order in the revolt of some Spauish regiments, when, they seconded the attack by Fer- dinand|7th upon the Cortes and the so cial cotipact, cannot now understand how citizeni soldiers, refusing longer to be the instruments’of despotism add aris tocracy, should have ranged themselves, with thte whole nation, under the consti tutional and fundamental laws of their country ? Is it not more remarkable that t^ig reproach of military interventioa should Be made by a party, who, fqr a long time in the pay of the enemies of 1‘ ranee, and scorning to owe any thiog to the national will, have taken a strange pride in owing every thing to the force of foreign bayonets ? In surveying ra pidly tho ministry of the interior, and leaving to my honorable friends the dis cussion of this enormous and perpetual administrative lie, (royal or imperial, it is indifferent to me)—(explosion on the right)—yes, it is indifferent to me, re sumed the speaker—in virtue of which, the wishes, the,wants, the offices, the expenses, the local police even, if the citizens are committed in their name to mayors, municipal and departmental counsellors, of whom not one is of their choosing, and all holding their appoint ments at pleasure.—* * *—1 will make only one remark as to the public instructi on. The constitution of’91 said, “There shall be organized a system of poulic in struction open to all citizens, gratuitous with respect to the indispensable ports of education, & widely disseminated.” Your committee, on the contrary, exalting themselves to the height ofthe Emperor of Austria’s address to the professors at Laybach, looks upon gratuitous instruc tion as a Social disorder, and particularly is desirous to suppress the amount des tined for the encouragement of elemen tary instruction, principally because it serves to favour the Lancasterian system, which your committee does not think will harmonize with the actual spirit of our institutions. Now, gentlemen, the Lancasterian system is, since the inven tion of printing, the greatest step which has been made for the extension of prompt, easy, St popular instruction. * * * Although I find the accounts of the War Minister better arranged than last year, I regret that the laws I proposed two years ago were not passed. * * * Upon the whole, we cannot but have been edified at the civic indignation of our adversaries against the submission of the army to the arbitrary acts of late powers. This imputation was at once repelled with an eloquence which re called the motto of 1 * honor and country” —it may be said, that this same army, formed at first ofthe regiments of’89, & ofthe battalions of national volunteers, reinforced afterwards by crowds of pat riots persecuted by the anarchy of ’92 and ’93—became on the frontier the ren dezvous of true civism, as much as of glo ry, that we swv it refuse unanimously tp execute a decree of death against its pris oners, saving, whenever it could, the e- migrants out-lawed by their country, and abandoned to their fate by (he foreign ers—we may udd that the consulate for life and the empire had fewer military than civil votes in proportion—llmt since that time, the duty of resisting tyranny, holy and necessary as it is, was no where exercised—that French officers, in pas* sing to be Kings, as our soldiers used to say, in other countries showed Jess ob sequiousness and servility to their old commander than nw»s»r<;hs whose legiti macy was of older date, and, finally, that siuce our illustrious army of the Loire received the highest honour of war, that of beiug, declared reduced as it was, in compatible with the duration of foreign oppression, we find its soldiers by their firesides full of national feeling, and rea dy again to manilhst it—(strong sensation in the House.) * * * * Is there not room to apprehend that, by degrading & ruining officers, you may make them all think that the C’obienlz party will never accustom itself to the recollection of that glory, which it so much regfeted ; that it sighs for the times when regiments were formed by recruiting officers, claims to be employed were regulated by a ge nealogist, and when, some years earlier, the plans of campaign were matured in the chamber ofthe King’s mistress—(ap probation on the left.) ****** The expenses of the Navy Depart ment are enormous. The navy of tho United States has already been cited to you. That navy, whose flag, since its establishment, and during two spirited wars against the flag of Britain, has ne ver once failed with equal, and often with inferior force, to gain the advantage.— The provisions, the pay, every thing there, as has been observed to you, are higher than with us. Its cruisers amount ed lately to two ships of the line, nine fri gates, and fifteen smaller vessels, protec ting the commerce oftnore than 1,200,000 tons, without including the fisheries or the coasting trade. The expenses of their Navy Department were fixed last session at two aud one half millions of dollars, and half a million more to build new vessels, making 16 millions francs, calculated indeed for 12 vessels ofthe line aod twenty frigates, Sic.—but what a difference between this sum and 50 mil lions of francs, which are said to be in sufficient for our navy t * * * * As to the Minister of Finances, I will not interfere with the observations ofsorne honorable friends, whose intelligence and experience appeared either inconsidera ble or superfluous to the majority which appointed your committees. But I shall not consider it as a departure from the question under discussion, ns to the gene ral administration ofth$ kingdom, if, by a rapid examination of the ancient re gime, I shull endeavour to furnish an an swer to the wishes and regrets of which it still seems ths object. It was from the destruction of this regime, that we saw disappear that corporation of clergy, which exercising all sorts of influences and refusing all share in the common bur- tiieon, increased continually, and never alienated its immense riches, but divided them among themselves—which, ren dering the, law an accomplice in vows, too frequently forced, covering France with monastic orders devoted to a fo reign head, collected contribution both in the garb of wealth and mendicity ; and which, in its secular organization, for med so considerable a portion of the idle and unproductive class, that the daily ministers ofthe altar were the most-in significant portion of what was called the first order of the state. We saw disappear that corporation of sovereign courts, where the privilege of judging was veqal of right, and in fact hereditary in the nobility ; when feudal judges, chosen and revocable by their Seignc urs presided ; when the diversity of codes, and the law of arrests, made you lose before one tribunal the cause you had gained before another. ***** We saw disappear that financial cor poration, oppressing France beyond en durance, and by leases, whose monstrous government exceeded in expense and profit the receipts ofthe Royal treasury, whose immense code, no where record ed, formed an occult science, which its agents alone had the right or the means of interpreting, and which, in rewarding perjury and informers, exercised over all unprotected men a boundless aud re morseless tyranny. We saw disappear those distinctions of provinces,French,conquered,foreign, Sic. Sic. each surrounded with a double row of custom-house officers and smugglers, from whoso intestine war the prisons, the galleys, and the gibbet, were recruited,' at tho will of the stipendiaries of him who fanned the revenue, and those other distinctions of noble or common proper ty, when the pnrks and gardens ofthe rich paid nothing, while the laud and the person of the poor man were taxed, in proportion to his industry, when the tax upon the peasant and upon his freehold recalled, to nineteen-twentieths ofthe citizens, that their degradation was not only territorial, but individual and per sonal. By its destruction that constitutional equality was consecrated which makes the general good the only foundation of distinctions acknowledged by law. The privileged class lost the right of distribu ting among themselves exclusive privi leges, and of treating with contempt all other classes of their fellow-citizen*.-— No Frenchman was now excluded from office because he might riot come of no ble blood, or degraded, if noble, by the exercise of an useful profession. * * * Wbat more is there to regret ? Is it (he scheme of taxation, regulated by the King, at ths will of a minister of finance, whom I myself have seen changed twelve times in fourteen years, and which taxa tion was distributed arbitrarily amon^ the provinces, and even among the contribu tors ?****** Is it the capitation tax, established in !702to achieve the peace, and never af terwards repealed ? the, two-twentieths diminished on the contributions ofthe powerful, and made heavier on those of the poor, the land tax, ofwhich the basis was in Auvergne 9 sous out Of 20 and a- rnounling sometimes to 14, on account of the vast increase of privileged persons, created by the traffic in places ? Final ly, is it the odious duties on consumption, more odious that the droits reum's of Na poleon ? Is it the criminal jurisprudence, when the accused could neither see his family, his friends, his counsel nor the documents by which he was to be tried ? # H A When the verdict, obscurely obtained, might be aggravated, at the pleasure of the judges, by torture—(Exclamations and interruption on the right)—for the torture preparatory to the examination had been alone abolished. * * * * Must we regret that state of religious intolerance which condemned a great portion of the population to a legal state of concubinage, bastardy, and disherison ; that mode of legislation, striking at all natural and moral rights, and duties, which Louis 14th established, and which an illustrious prelate characterized “as the worthiest of his reign, the molt as sured proof, and most glorious exercise of authority”—-which forbade, under the severest penalties, all individuals from receiving into their houses, under the pretext of charity, any sick person ofthe Protestant religion; that legislation which prevailed even to the time of Louis 16, at jxhose consecration, contrary to the advice of Turget and Malesberbes, the oath to exterminate heretict was still ad ministered ? * * * * Shall we regret the ecclesiaaticnl and seignorul tithes, the feudal duties, bur densome and humiliating, whether dis charged in kind, or commuted by a pay ment which recalled its origin ; the ma nor privileges, which forced the citizen lb* ofthe only to grind at (he mill of 1 game laws, and those districts t right, the harvest vial voracity ofthe game, the field subjected to the < extortions of gams-kteperrj ishments, amounting even tie condemnation io tee gaiiey warded by a tribunal named! roander ef the District, and wf ed upon the testimony alone ? Do we regret the cachet” distributed in blank tors, governor!, intendants, kc. < * * # Yes, Frenchmen, this was the regime which the revolution . the restoration of which was the «v _ object of the emigration to Coblente, i of the coalition of Pilnite, and the of which has met ceased to animate ' more or less hidden interest «t < comparison with which ministers are < thing, and which, as early as 1814, efr iaily proclaimed, ‘ ‘ let us enjoy tbs pres- ent—I answer for the future.’* It has been said at this tribune, ths* Napoleon was “ the incarnate revel** (ion.” It is a mistake ; that was not er the revolution ef’80, when the lew* der of the state declared that a veil should be cast over the declaration of right** and concurred ih that frightful system of terror which, profaning toe most respeo table names, was itself excluded from •* very political denomination. It has been said, with more truth, that (he restoration is the counter revolu tion. * * VVe did hope, however, tw have succeeded in erecting barriers a- gainst the partisans of the old regime.— But this hope is now completely des troyed, k after having last session point ed out the progress of this counter revo* lution. which is invading nil our rights, and spoke of the new duties Which in «t opinion it imposes upon us i after having denied that omnipotence to Parliament, when claimed by former,governmenta, which the counter revolutionists new as sert, I have only here to proclaim aloud my fear that our institutions, as now con- conducted, are insufficient to the salve- don of the country. I rote against due budget. . The House, after a discussion on tb* subject, refused to print this speech t which was replied to by the Minister gf Foreign Affairs. FROM THE SALEM OAtlYfX. From the following Ironical letter of rtf* sideot Adams (which we And in the Boston k Patriot) it may be inferred that the feetingw of the father uiid son are congenial in regard to Great Britain. MoNTiZixxe, 16th Inly, IBM. Gerry Fairbanks, Esq. Sir—I thank you for an ingenious and pleasing oration, pronounced by you on thw fourth of July. The spirit of moderation and impartiality, which runt through it, it very amiable, and keeps pace with the Spi rit of liberty and patriotism which adorns it. It is not in my power to point out particu larly the beauties or the faults in this compo sition—but I beg leave to suggest a.query, whether it is tearth while Jar ue, to take much, notice of the British daime <f superiority eve* us f We must candidly ackowlsdge,' mat they greatly exceed us in many respects.— First, in antiquity—We are but two hundred years old—They are two tliousand—end if the bards ami ballads of the Welsh, and thw ‘ monuments of literature and science of the Druids, had not been unfortunately lost, they might, but for what we know, boasted of two thousand more, nearly as respectable aw any. Secondly, their gentlemen’s seats in the Country are much mors elegant than ours. Our Lymans and Quincy*sour Per kins’and Derbys; oulr WeTls’ and Parsons’; our Gores and Prebles.-pn exhibit nothing comparable to Hagley, Mount Edgcomb or Stowe. We have no pleasure grounds op gravel walks, winding round a compass of half a dozen miles, in Hogarth’s waving lino of beauty, ornamented with flowers and ro ses with forest trees £c shrubberies, collected from all parts of the world, to be compared with theirs. We have no country houses presenting a front of thirteen hundred ani fifty feet, with proticoes, supported by pil- lurs of marble and of composition, of splen dor and magnificence, to be compared to theirs. We have no temples to Bacchus, or to Vcnu3, or to Victory. We have not a Corinthian gate, which would cost the priew of a county, with us through which you en ter, to behold with surprise (ha astonishing front of the palace. Indeed we have nwt ms ornamental farm to be compared with that at Woburn, Payn’s hill, or even Shenstohe’w Leaaowes. Thirdly, they excel us in a na tional debt, that inexhaustible source of na tional and individual wealth, by a eapciouw speculation in which, a man may mske a. hundred thousand pounds sterling in a night. Such a debt is a fertilizing source of litera ture and science. It enables thousands aid tens of thousands to purchase books aid ' - libraries, to the great encouragement of au thors ; to employ their leisure and exert tboif genius in illuminating the world. Fourthly, we have not as yet been blessed with gen ' and admirals whose bravery and patrii have conquered sixty or a hundred mil of people, abounding in all tho richest ductions of the earth, or who have swept from the ocean, all the commerce of the world. There ere many other article* ia whkh they outstrip us in the race of com petition : but I have not timo to enumerate more, and must conclude abruptly by —R- scribing myself your obliged friend and huaff- ble Servant, JOHN ADAMA [Mr. A. has heretofore, without saraasm. altewed the English another blessing—a corn stitutiou, “ the most stupendous fobric of hm o;an wisdom.”}—Salem Gea^ >