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RECORDER. MILLEDGEV1LLE, TuesdaT, Seftembkr li. 05 s * The resignation of Maj. Freeman vWalker, as Senator from this State in the Congress of the United States, has, we are informed, been received by the Executive. Steam-Boats, of the kind mentioned below, we should suppose would answer Well for navigating the Altamaha, Oconee and Ocmulgee rivers. Should the Steam- Boat Company continue to neglect these ri vers, we hope to See the business commenc ed by others—the cost of fitting out a boat, If not underrated in the estimate here made, will be no seriouB obstacle. It has been proposed, in Camden, (S. C.) if sufficient support can be obtained, to have a Steam-Boat built, at Baltimore, to ply between Camden and this city.— The boat to be 90 feet on deck, 23 feet beam, and 4 1 -2 or 5 feet in (he hold ; a- bout 70 tons burthen, and to draw from 24 to 30 inches water. The cost of which, including an engine of 40 horse power, outlie principle of Messrs. Da vis, Owen and Brown’s patent vibratory engine, it is estimated will not exceed J 10,000.—Charleston Courier, FOR TIIE SOUTHERN RECORDER. TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA. No. IV. Liberal as “ the Trio” have been in the dispensation of their censures on most of the distinguished mer.Sers of the republican party, they seem to have aimed their hea viest denuneiations at the President and Se cretary at War. As to the President, his reputation and character have been the growth of too long a course of public ser vice—they have stood the test of loo many trying periods, and become identified with too many eventful scenes of our history, to be aflVcted by the calumnies of the factious, or the arts of the designing. The unani mous voice of a grateful country, speaks his vindication. The ungenerous, unprovoked, and unfounded attack which “ the Trio” have made upon him, has already excited the indignation of the people. There are peculiar circumstances in the situation of Mr. Monroe, calculated to inspire us with the warmest and kindest feelings of attachment towards him. The fire ofhis youth, the vigor of his manhood, and the matured experience of his ago, have all been devoted to the service of his country. A- midst the dismal and bloody scenes of the Revolution, he stood firm by the side of Washington—in the subsequent, agitations of party, he has been the associate Si fiiend of Jefferson—in the most portentous and alarming crisis of the late war, to rescue his country from her embarrassment, he, with a noble disinterestedness, descended from a sta tion of safety and honor, to one covered with the warning wrecks of his predecessors; and when elevated to the executive chair, bis national, erect, and independent course of policy, secured the.approhation of all par ties, and the voice of faction was heard no more. He has recently been re-elected President by the unanimous voice-'of a grateful people. The period is fast approach ing w hen he will retire from his exalted sta tion—when the last venerable monument of revolutionary virtue, that we shall probably ever behold in the executive chair, will leave it vacant for another generation. This is surely not an occasion for the rancorous feel ings of calumny and detraction. Under these circumstances, one would suppose no virtuous man would charge Mr. Monroe with corruption, or ascribe the independent expression ofhis sentiments to the tact, that he had no further favor to ask of the people. Rather let us say, that when all the tempta tions of power have passed away, and the venerable patriot is about to leave a theatre Jn which he has so long acted for the good ofhis country ; we should impress his senti ments on our memories, as we have already done the valedictory admonitions of the fa ther of his country ! Rut against the Secretary at War, 11 the Trio” have shewn the greatest hostility. Though they admit his talents to lie of a su perior order, they directly implicate his mo tives and political character. They ascribe his independent, manly, and fearless conduct in relation to the reduction of tile army, to a corrupt desire to preserve the patronage ofhis office, and assert, that though lie wa once “a red hot democrat,” lie lias at pre sent no political character. Attacks from the same quarter, upon this amiable man and distinguished statesman, have not been rare for the two last years. They have, in deed, been so systematic and persevering, that the.v would seem to result from some powerful motive. Perhaps envy of his high mid rising reputation, and jealousy of his ex tended popularity, may have something to do with it. I know he cannot be ambitious of newspaper eulogy, nor solicitous of its de fence. IBs political march has been too lof ty—liis fame rests upon too broad a basis and is perpetuated by too many monuments to need such equivocal testimony. And I must apologize to him for this notice, by stat- must apologize l - ing that I consider it the duty of every ho nest citizen to repel unjust and unfounded slanders uttered against a faithful and devot ed public servant. The character of a pub lic man is public property, in the preserv ati on of which, we are all interested. And il in the performance of this duty, what 1 may nay. may have the appearance of eulogy, it must be remembered that it is impossible to defend n public man against the assaults of calumny, without doiog justice to his c ha racter, and bestowing the praise winch ran- not be separated from the necessary investi gation of facts. Under »uch circumstances, eulogy can be offensive to no one—but on the contrary, indignation will be turned against those whose slander has made it necessary. A minute examination of Mr. Calhoun’s political course, which, from the decision and active ton« ofhis character, is full of ma terials, would constitute Ins best defence— Rut as the occasion will not admit of such a detail, I must be confined to general results I have been a pretty (attentive observer of tiiq conduct of public men sjncf thq com mencement of (he Lie wiir—and from the promiii* nt and conspicuous figure which Mr. Calhoun has made in that interesting portion of our history*, Ids career, striking and impressive to the a hole country, could not of course escape me. As the result then of a careful and cautious examination ami comparison, I assert without the four of con tradiction from any one, who will make him self acquainted with the facts, that no pub lic man has appeared in the councils of the country during the period referred to, whose course from first to last, has been more uni form, candid and virtuous. The bold and indignant energy with which he urged his country to vindicate her rights, and avenge her wrongs, in the various discussions which arose relative to the late war; the^agaeily he Iia3 evinced in pointing nut the permanent policy of tho country, and his open,candid, fc independent conduct in sustaining that policy; give him a standing deservedly high in thn af fections and confidence of the American peo ple. The whole country can hear testimo ny of the wisdom and energy with which ho has acted in every situation. Zealously and devotedly attached to tho principles of our republican system, he seems to look forward to the most splendid national destinies, and like the patriots of ancient Rome, in the dark est moments of adversity, he never despairs of the republic! He is not one of those statesmen whg maintains his popularity by floating with tile tide, or regulates his course by a wary and cautious anticipation of the “ shiftings of the popular gale." His course has been positive, direct, and self-contrnled. On all the great measures involved in the po licy of the country, his principles are fixed and kndwn to the nation ; and with those principles lie seems to have made up liis mind to stand or fall. In fact, if he is charge able with any fault in this respect, it is the inflexible firmness with which he. adheres, regardless of present popularity, to the sys tem of politics, with which his public life commenced. When the good of the coun try has required it, like Mr. Monroe, “ he lias never feared, nor ever shunned, making appeals to the virtue and patriotism of the people,” Disdaining to inquire whether the blessings of a free government are worth the expence of preserving tlie.m, he has firmly and with confidence called upon the people tii make sacrifices, when sacrifices were ne cessary. Not forgetting that the U. States is the only established republic on earth, and that the great powers of Europe are avow edly hostile to republican principles, lie has on all occasion^ acted upon the principle, that it is tlie solemn duty of the government to call forth its undoubted power, and stea dily prepare to meet those exigencies, to which it is the inevitable lot of every nation to be exposed. Though separated from Eu rope by a wide ocean, he knows that from the improved state of navigation, the dis tance may be overcome in a short time, and at a small expence: so that notwithstanding this groat barrier of nature, the (into may- come when all our power 8* allour patriot ism must be called forth to preserve all that can-he dear to freemen. With theseimpres- sions, deeply impressed hy the incidents of the late war, il is not surprising that the mea sures of national policy which he. deems ex-i pedient, should not entirely correspond with those of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, hut more nearly resemble those of Gen. Wash ington and Mr. Monroe. That there is no contradiction between a wise and energetic course of policy, and the most devoted at tachment to freedom, I need only appenl to the example of the two venerable patriots, whose names I have just mentioned. Sup ported by such high authority, Mr. Calhoun may well contemn the calumnies of the en vious and designing. I will conclude with some general remarks by which “ the Trio” may profit, if they are wise enough to im prove them. Although their numbers bear unequivocal marks of a deliberate choice of the position they have assumed—yet I cannot believe that the Secretary of the Trea sury has determined to rest his hopes of fu ture advancement upon the grounds which “ the Trio” have selected for him. I cer tainly do not entertain a very exalted opt rtion, either of the genius or the judgment of the Secretary—hut I cannot suppose him to be 60 utterly destitute of both, as to place his claims to’ public favor upon a ground for him so utterly untenable. And I will here remark, that “ the Trio,” by associat ing the name of Mr. Crawford with the stan dard of democratic principles, so different from any tiling that we have seen in hispid lie life—have excited, already, suspicions in the minds of many, that his partizans are cn deavoring to connect bis name with different principles in different places, accordingly a the one or the other will best suit Hie pre vailing taste. I cannot believe that Mr, Crawford would, by putting forth his claims for the Presidency, have challenged at this early period, a rigid scrutiny into bis qualifi cations. Not to insist on liis being a mem her of the administration thus unjustly Hi lacked, and I hereby exposed to the imputa tiuu already made by some, of secret liosti lity and opposition to the President, it is ob vions that lie cannotoccupy the position iin prudently pointed out to him, without com ing in conflict, not only with the administra lion and the republican parly qenernlly, but what is worse, with himself. Without strong proof, therefore, I cannot believe be will at tempt to occupy grounds so injudiciously selected. _ _ . By the zeal of imppivident friends, I pre sume it is, that he. lias been thus nukwardly introduced to the polls of the Union, as candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people. Public men thus exposed to the officimisness of indiscreet friends, are rather to be pitied than censured. Under this impression, I will not enter into a scru tiny of Mr.Crawford’s qualifications to guide the high destinies of this country—yet as an admonition to “the Trio,” I will inform them,that I have examined the subject with some care, and am ready to maintain w hen necessary, that no candidate since the com mencement of our government lias been brought forward for that high office, whose qualifications, if judged by the only certain test, liis arts, so little entitled him to success. I am ready to follow Him from the com mencement of his career in this state, to the present hour, and shew hy the unequivocal evidence of facts, the truth of tny assertion. But it is very remote from my desire to em bark insucli a discussion, and I will only do so, if driven, as in the pieseot instance, to act on tho defensive. There is time enough FOR THE nfiCOROER. THE " TRIO" TO THE PUBLIC. We feel ourselves most lehietantly com pelled to make our reappearance before the public. We make It not for the purpose of eoinmeneing a new series—but for explana tion on ono or two points. We have felt ourselves both pleased and surprised at the notice whieli has been taken of our “ Pros pect.” We have been pleased, because we are flattered with the hope that we have suc ceeded in awakening public attention to, (what was already much wanting in the U. States) a re-examination of the fundamental principles of the government—those prin ciples which are the pillars of the splendid fabric of the constitution of these confede rated states ; “ the principles of the revoluti on.Yes—*We repeat it; “ the principles of tho revolution.” We will not relinquish these words, because of the sneers of the ca- iller. These principles we are anxious to praservo from the hands of tho spoiler, be the consequence what it may. As thought Mr. Jefferson in 1801, so we still think, that “these principles form the bright cnnstella- “ tion which has gone before us, and guided “ our steps through an age of revolution and " reformation. The wisdom of our sages, and blood of our heroes have been devot ed to their attainment. They should be the treed of our political faith—the text of civic instruction—the touchstone by which to try the services of those wt trust.” And with liim, as we have once before said, we think that “should we wander from them in moments of error,” (mark, error—and w hat have We done but pointed to these er rors?) “or alarm, let us hasten to retrace onr steps, and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty and safety.” Whatever may have been our success in the publication of*ur essays, it was at least our intention to snew what those principles were—not for the purpose of defending them; we hoped this was as yet unnecessa ry—but to pave the way for their re-adopti- on, hy re-calling their beauties to view. In doing so, we haveappsaled to every undoubt edly authentic document upon which we could lay our hands, either by the aid of me mory or research. What those documents are, the public already know. It will not be denied, that for more than twenty-five years last, two political parties have existed in the United Slates, under the denominations of Republicans and Federalists, or according to the vocabulary of some, of Democrats and Aristocrats—and we presume it is equally undeniable, that these parties were divided hv a radical and essential difference in prin ciples. We have none of that mock modes ty which would lead us to deny what we shall always be proud to acknowledge, that we have ever belonged to the former. So did most of those to whom the legislation and the execution of the laws of the country are yet entrusted. We believe seriously that there had been a departure from the “ creed of political faith” professed by the republicans in 1801, and which departure we also believed to lie as dangerous to “ peace, liberty and safety” now, as it would have been then. In expressing this depar ture, and pointing to its inevitable conse quences, in the “ Prospect before Us;” con sequences equally near at hand now, a* in 1798-0 ; it became necessary first to show whatthnt “creed” teas, and what were its dis tinguishedcharacteristics from that professed hy the Federalists, the aristocratic tendency of which no Republican once attempted to deny. Now we would solemnly enquire, if these principles were not such as we have de fined them, and, (provided any credit is to be given to it), such as the evidence we have produced represents them to have been, what were they, and to what must we. appeal, to come at a knowledge of them ? And we as solemnly invoke those who have perse vered in this faith, to tell us whether we have misrepresented them, and wherein P— Let it be recollected, that the period of 1301 -2 is that to which wc have always advert ed, as being the one in which they flourished in most luxuriance, and in which their salu tary effects were most visible. From that time to the present day, scarcely a year has past, in which some robbery has not been committed upon their ripening fruits, or some destruction upon their spreading brandies, until their sturdy trunks alone are left as naked, hut durablu monuments of their former grandeur. To rake these holy principles from the rubbish in which they were hidden, was on ly a part of our oliject. We wished also to shew who had thus defaced and buried them benealh thetrash of modern policy ; to shew by whom they had been thus violated, or neglected, In the hope that they would ertim hie tn dust by their own oxyuation. Fool ishliope! Diamonds lose not thus readily their sparkling lustre! Though they may .lie sunk so deep, as that nought but a con vulsion in nature can heave them again to the surface, yet will they be precious—yet will their dazziin* splendors fascinate our delighted eyes. In this task, arduous arid respon«ible as we knot* it to be, it was utterly impossible to refrain from adverting to the several d partments of the government, and to the per sons who may have filled them since the year 1802. We felt the delicacy of our si tuation, and hud prepared to encounter tin shafts of the numerous hordes of adverse lies, (for we knew every man upon whom our censures were bestowed had his clans incn)that would at oticc be poured upon our feeble forces. But some have appeared that we did not expect. An idea seems to be in a course of indus trious circulation, that our principal aim is directed against the executive, admiuistrati on of the United Slates. Such at least i round assertion by those who have snatched their “ grey goose quills” in a puny War gainst us. To this charge we can only re ply by a flat denial. We utterly disclaim a ny such intention, and appeal to the who! dy of mu - essays to support us. On the nest, quite as republican, and bio errfcd’as seldom as cither of the others. vet to agitate the subject of tho next l’resi (initial election. No candidate ought to bo forced in, the public by the arts, either of puffing or of intrigue. It is not the candidate whose claims are most urged on the people but the one best qualified, that will be chosen. The people will come to a just conclusion, will suliic*. bv silent reflection on the political acts of] to charge th In contrary, we do aver that we have not with held the mirror from the faces of any, in any department, whether Legislative, Judicial, nr Executive, who had sinned, hut have faith fully exposed tile deformities of all, sn far as our evident limits, and the general design of our labors permitted. In the outset we said wo should do so. In every instance, we have endeavored to specify what department, nr wlmt individuals in that department erred ; and in ins instance arc we sensible of having labored to fix upon one department or indi vidual. the aberrations of another, where a participation by word or deed was not no- tol'ious. To our candid readers, (and we know it would be ns well to address the n inds as any others,) we hope this avowal will suffice. ’ It never entered our thoughts e executive with the errors of without producing unv sensible effect upon executive department, whether consider.,. the popular choice* A1USTIDES. 1 a: to :U iicids or its atjvuexs, is quite ua ho We said in the early part of the present remarks, that we had not only heen pleased, Uni surprised, at the notjee taken of our es says. This surprise proceeds from an alle gation made from more quarters than one, (or else we had not noticed it) that our es says point to the next Presidential election, and were intended lo promote the particular views of the Secretary of the Treasury, who is the great “ magician” by whom our movements nre directed. At this charge, our surprise is great ;—not because there is the least foundation in truth for it, for we do not hesitate in giving it a most peremptory contradictinn; but because we cannot per ceive from what portion of our numbers heretofore published, surh an opinion cntild have been formed, witlioutsucli a perversion of our evident meaning, as would have been plain to the eyes of folly itself. Surely it cannot, ha founded upon the fact, that we pointed him out ns a leader in legislative u- surpation, while in the Senate, in advocating the charter of the Bank of the United Stales? nor yet upon our censures, (not slightly made' we thiak) upon Mr. Monroe's “ republican cabinm,” of which he lias always been a member ? We are not sensible of having spared hint upon any subject upon which his opinions were known In differ from ourojvn. If we have not noticed every instance of a- berration in him, so neither have we in Mr. Monroe or Mr. Calhoun, or even Mr. Jeffer son or Mr. Madison. Had we noticed all the cases of political heresy which have sprung up within the last twenty yeurs, we could have swelled our numbers into a vo lume. Or can this charge proceed front our expressed belief that liis backslidings have been less numerous than those of other mem bers of the cabinet, by which we mean the hpads of executive departments, exclusive of thn President himself? We did think so —and we yet think so ; and cannot admit that such an opinion should prove us to lie his tools, or his especial friends. Can wc not think that one man is less vicious, or loss liable to error than another, without being tied to his interests ? Surely, surely—Of two scoundrels, we might think one had committed fewer atrocities than the othel*, hut we hope this would not lie accounted conclusive evidence of our friendship or de votion to either. We do think Mr. Craw ford a man of fine mind, honest intentions, and general correct conduct, and every body knows he has been frequently mentioned ns a candidate for the Presidential chair. But wealso think that he has notoriously departed from the republican principles of 1801 upon the subject of the Bank charter, Stas a mem ber of the cabinet, we suspect he liasconeur- red in other measures for which we have tak en the liberty to blame the President. We apprehend, however, that the remark of ours which is most offensive is, that we viewed him as the “ oaly prop of democra tic republican principles in the executive cabinet.” If the meaning which we give to the term “ Cabinet,” is taken into considera tion. we cannot discover how we are holding up the Secretary of the Treasury as being opposed to the President or liis administra tion. While Messrs. Jefferson and Hamil ton belonged to general Washington’s cabi net, waB not the first considered us the prop of republicanism, and the other of federal ism in that cabinet ? This every body knows. But was it therefore supposed that Mr. Jefferson was inimical to the President, or that the latter did not have complete con fidence in the former? How does it happen thAt this expression, then, is so criminal in us, when it would not he, and indeed teas not criminal to use it in relation to Mr. Jeffer son ? At the time we wrote, our idea was simply this, and nothing else, that the Secre tary of the Treasury approached hearer to the republican standard of corrret principles, than tile Secpetary of State or Secretary of War, and as the Lord is our witness, so we yet think. But when we uttered this opini on, we ourselves had no idea that wc were electioneering for a favorite. But we nre Very ready to acknowledge, that in the use of the expression quoted, we were guilty of an error. Wo make this ac knowledgement from no conviction of hav ing done any injustice to Mr. Adams nr Mr. Calhoun, (of whom our opinions remain un changed, notwithstanding the sickening eu logies lavished on them by their friends,) but because of the disrespect which might well he implied in us to another individual ofthe cabinet, who for aught that we ever heard ofhis opinions or conduct, eftnhot lie charg ed with having forsaken any principles he ever professed. We allude to Mr.Thomp son who presides over the Navy department with so much dignity and ability, and with sneti general satisfactinn.(l) To him then, we also look as another “ prop of democra tic republican principles in the cabinet,” as yit. It was wrong in us not to have except ed him in our original essays, arid we have made iliis candid acknowledgment as tin* only atonement in our power, for an omissi on which was*mnre the result of forgetful ness than irltentio'n.(J) But wc have another ground upon which lo repel this charge in relation to the Secre tary of the Treasury—and that is, its extreme absurdity. There is not before the world the slightest evidence of the want of cordi ality and perfect confidence between tlie Pre sident and that officer. Now can it ho sup posed that we could promote any views of the latter by attempting to destroy that con fidence, or that lie would thank us for any such attempt ? l ines lift not hold l.is office at the will of tlie President, and ran he gain any tiling hut dismission, by being represent ed as inimical to him ? Can any mati be lieve; that liis dismission would not tie the most serious obstacle that could be thrown in the way of bis success ? or that wc are so wanting in all judgment as to belieVe that it would not ? Indeed if we were acting in sorb humble subservience to his wishes, our course would have been precisely the re verse of (hat we have pursued, for a greater injury we could not do him, Ilian to place him in opposition to the chief of the admi nistration to whose council lie belongs.— This is n emieliision so obvious to any mnn who will bestow a moment’s reflection upon it, that vve a re confident it will acquit us from a charge which could only spring from a suspicious mind predisposed by a sense of guilt, to asriibe unworthy motives lo ail o- llicrs. To ourselves it was so plain, that vve never dreamed, that our remarks would af ford ground for such an accusation. We have spoken of the Secretary of the Treasu ry as vve have of other public characters, that is, delivered ouv sentiments without re serve. If indeed there are other departures from old and approved republican principles of which he lias heen guilty, and which we have not noticed, in the name of Heaven, pack them on him—ami if lie cannot bear himself up under their weight, let Inin sink ; and iike Armstrong, be forgotten. We con tend for the principles of 1801, and the man who approaches nearest to their standard, shall be tut man of our choice, bo tic who he may, Wefi^vono shield fnrnpostncy. To deny that ivc thought ofthe next Pre sidential election while preparing our essays, is not nur Intention. Wc did think of il— and with no little solicitude. But vve had no favorite whose claims we wished to urge, and a premature discussion upon this topic vve had no idea of forcing. The only evi dence we shall give of the honesty of this as sertion is a declaration, that others may dis cuss it if they choose—IVc shall not. It may be expected that we should reply to some of the numbers written against us, otherwise than wo have. Indeed we shall not. It would be a poor business in us to be answering arguments, every one. of which, vve had antiripated in our first essays, and there given them all the answer they de served. NOTH. (1) Mr. Thompson lias not been long engag ed in political llt«, and since lie commenced liis career, no event has happened to test his Intellectual sirength. Fame has ascribed to him talents of tlie most respectable order, and undoubted integrity mid capacity for the stati on lie now fills. He has been known as a re* publican from the days of the “ reign oftorror" to the present time. In the state of NewYork, of which we believe he is a native, he for ma ny ypars discharged the duties of a Judge of one of the highest courts, with unblemished re putation, anil uninfected by the ungovernable political innnia so generally characteristic of those fillihg official stations in that state.— We have never heard of his having forsaken kis early political principles ; certain it is we have hcnrdfroin him no childish whining on account of the late reduction of the annual appropriati on for the increase ofthe navy—but if our me mories do not deceive us, we think we have somewhere seen a letter of Ids published during thn ln«t session of Congress, from which vve wore induced to believe that tho reduction was made, if not ii|ion his recommendation, at least with his licnrty concurrence. So far his con duct has our uufeigned approbation, und we sincerely hope lie will persevere in the course in which ho has commenced, lint yet we fear. It seems to us that these high federal offices are attended with a curse. The individuals ap pointed tn them scent speedily to find, and gree dily to swallow somo I.cthcan draught, destruc tive to the memory of old principles (2) It might he expected that we should also notice Mr. Will, the Attorney Cencral. We believe that vve have already pointed to him as the most correct delcniator of the distinctions fur which the United States’ cnmmisstonrw were to Imvc paid Uiu Georgia claims in tl.n mime manner, arn! to the same amount, as irovided for in the present Treaty, and ti* iav» paid tS or g SO,000. This tract of country falls but little short in extent, and Is* said to he superior in fertility to the one ob tained. By its acquisition, the claims of our citizens would have been settled, the com munication between the Creeks and Chero- kees would have been cut off, and the wishes of the general government ns expressed in the instructions to Iter commissioners, accom plished for nlimit one half the sum to be paid for the cession obtained, and without the ex penditure of one cent by the State of Georgia Let any man take n map of the country and compare the two tracts of territory—let him consider the price to be given (pr each, and the advantages to be derived from sepa rating the two nations of Indians from each other, and f do not hesitate to pronounce, that-he will say with the twelve members of' the Legislature who signed the Protest, that the expenditure was an unnecessary and usee less waste of the public money. I pledge myself to the public, thatif any person cornea forwsrd openly and denies these facts, and calls on me for the proof, I am prepared anA willing to prove them. IIONESTUS. The Editors ofthe Augusta Chroni cle, who huve published by “ request,” from a Savannah paper, an ill-written pifee signed Draper, will do an act of justice, (If justice* he their object,) by republishing from ano ther paper of that city, n much better pro duction in reply, over the signature of Junius# ITT* The communication from “ A Cottom Planter of Jasper," will be cheerfully published when the name of the writer is furnished. Thes propriety of this course must, we think, be ob vious to our correspondent. between republican and federal principles — Mr. Wirt cun scarcely be considered “ a mem ber *'f Ibe cabinet," though nominally so in vir tue of bis office, inasmuch us we hnve learned from a satisfactory sourre, he seldom ventures into their discussions, unless upon a point in which the aid of one “ learned in the law" is required. This conduct we presume has been customary with all his predecessors. Mr. Wirt is not a great man, and vve believe ho puls too jmt an estimate upon his own ca pacity to aspire to that character. In tlie in vestigation of a subject of any intricacy^, such a man as Mr. Jefferson would he lastinglhesweets of its kernel, while Mr. Wirt Would yet he nib bling at its rind. He is very respectable as a po lite scholar, Venn write a good speech, abetter biographical sketch, and a still better literary essay, but above these he ought never to nt- teinpttosonr In the latter branch ofcotnpo- sttion, he distinguished himself as long ago as I8u2—3, iu the publication of his letters of the “ British Spy.” In the following fortunate guess, (wc would if with truth we could call it prophecy) an envious beiug might be tempted to found Mr. Wirt's present official elevation- hut such an insinuation would be doing equal injustice to Mr. Monroe end Mr. Wirt, both of vviium vve believe too honest (men tnny be ho nest and not great) either to give or accept of* lice on account of any such youthful adventure of opiuioo. In drawing the character of Mr. Monroe, then Governor of Virginia, he ohserv. cd, “ As the elevuted ground he already holds, has been gained merely by the dint of applicati on; as every new step which he mounts becomes a mean of increasing bis powers still farther hy opening a wider horizon to his view, audthus stimulating his enterprise afresh, reinvigoraling his habits, multiplying the materials, and ex tending the range of his knowledge, it would be no matter of surprise to me, iff before his dentil, tlie world should see him at the head ofthe American administration.” The whole charac ter is well drawn, and afford) evidence that the writer observes human nature to advantage. A general opinion seems to be entertained that Air. Wirt is eloquent in liis professional speeches. This is u mistake He who goes icto Court to hear Mr. Wirt under the hope of being delighted by bis eloquence, will bo most egregiously disappointed, lie may be occasi anally pleased, sometimes entertained, mid up oiv some important subject, it inay be, interest id', but he will never be charmed. Mr. Wirt bus noun of Hint admirable Combination of manner ami voice, and look, and style of dc livery 90 necessary to enchain the attention of tlie bearer, spell bound in rapturous crstacy. lie is called a republican—Mr. Jefferson thought him such, and we ure disposed to be lieve him so. In his rule uf construing the constitution, however, wo fear him. His pre sent office lie has filled in a manner to defy cen cure, if not to ultract very great applause. O’ We arc authorized to announce Malcosc G. Wilkinson, a candidate for tlie Senatorial branch of i lie Legislature at the ensuing elections for Baldwin County. September 11 31—2t Attention Governor’s Guards ! IL/’ THE committee of arrangements will at tend at (be Counting-room of Messis. Crenshaw nnd Barrow, or Friday evening next, at 3 o' clock, U at the Court bouse on Saturdny, at lO o'clock, a. m. for the purpose of receiving uni forms. The election for officers will take place at the Court-bouso at 3 o'clock,) - m.oii Saturday the 16th instant. N. B. A sufficient quantity of Leopard skia for Hie whole company having heen purchased in New-York, members of the company will b* received without that article. September 10. J UST received by the Boat Mercury froa Darien, 1 Trunk first quality Irish Linnens, 1 do. halt pieces do do 1 Case do Irish Sheeting), 1 do fine Silk Umbrellas, 14 Boxes Port Wine, 1 do containing 9 dos. Proof Glasses, 2 do do 20 doc. Pint do. 0 Ton Sweedt Iron, 10 Bbl. Muscovado Sugar, 10do Mackerel. ON HAND. 180 Bbl Rye Whiskey, 30 do N. Gin, 6 Boxes first quality Madeira Wine, 2 Bales Oznaburght, 6 Kegs Virginia Tobacco. For sale by Bept. 4 31—31. A. ROSSETER. Received from New-York, 400 gallons Linseed Oil; 100 do Spermaceti do. ; 73 kegs London ground White Lead; £6 do Spanish Brown; 6UI) lbs. Whiting; 300 lbs. Glue ; 20 boxes Window Glass; lo do Spermaceti dandles ; 2 casks Lampblack; 6 gallons Copal Varnish ; 4 packs Gold Leaf; 2 do. Cilver do. 10 lbs. best Spanish Indigo ; A general assortment of DRY PAINTS and Paint Brushes. On Consignment, 2 cases DOMESTIC GOODS. The whole may be bought low for cash. A. ROSSI. TER. September 10. 31 tf Notice is hereby given, T HAT three notes, one for five hundred dol lars, ono for sixteeu dollars, dated in Sep tember 1817, due sixty days after date, and another dated some time afterwards, for eight dollars, all made by the subscriber to Samuel Beaty, of Laurens county, are fully settled.— Persons wishing to cscajie bad bargains, will not fur Tttr. southern nf.coRDF.il. purchase said notes, as 1 never will pay them TO THE CITIZENS OF GEORGIA. again, unless I am unjustly compelled by law I have always believed there is no people to do so. They are now in the hands of Lott in the Union better qualified to form correct opinions on all political subjects, than the people of Georgia, provided ihey are in pos session of all the information connected with the subjects to be considered. But unhap pily, such has been the excitement of party li-clings among us fyr some years past, that w hnnever a subject of much importance has occurred, the facts connected with it, have been either entirely suppressed, or if laid before the people, a false and improper colouring have been given to them, in order to answer some party purposes. This re mark is peculiarly true in relation to the ex penditure hy the Georgia commissioners in the late Treaty with the Creek Indians, a- botif Which so much has been said and writ ten. It seems to be admitted on all hands, that in obtaining this Treaty, the tltm uf thir- Uui thousand eight hundred dollars has been drawn from the Treasury of the State. It has been said on one side, that this draft on the Treasury was unconstitutional', illegal, and unnecessary. On the other side, it has heen contended, that it was not unconstituti onal—that it was authorized by a resolution of the Legislature, and that it was not unne cessary Imcuuse the lands could not have been obtained without il. I shall not enter into a discussion ofthe two first uf these questions, because the people have the constitution and the resolutiouof the Legislature before them; they are both written in plain English Ian guage—they can read and judge for them selves. But with regard to the last questi on, to wit, whether there was any necessity for this expenditure, 1 beg leave to submit to the public a plain statement of facts, by which it will appear, that n large cession of land might,hake been obtained,'and the claims of our citizens adjusted without the. appropriation of a single cent from the Trea sury of the Ntate. The facts are these—the Indian Chiefs did propose to cede the tract of country lying between the Cherokee boun dary U the following line, viz—beginning at the mouth of tlicTaualiga creek, up thatcreek to where McIntosh's road crosses it, alspg that road to the Chataboochie, thence a doe west course, or nearly to, to thcCoosqrivty^ Warren, esq. attorney ut law, for collection, in the name of Eleanor Beaty. R. \V. W. WYNNE. Fnlnski county, Aug. 30, 1821. 31—3t. NOTICE. A LL persons indebted to the estate of James Hardin, late of Twiggs county, are here by required to come forward and make imme diate settlement, and those having demands a- guin)t the said estate, will present them proper ly attested for payment. JOSEPH AtOflGAN, Ex'or. September 1. 31 3t. NOTICE. jVTJNE months afterdate, applicRtipnwill be i. 1 made to the honorable Inferior court of Laurens county, when silling for ordinary pur poses, for leave to sell the real and personal estate of Benjamin Smith, of said county dec'll - for the benefit of the creditors, heirs uud dis tributees of said Smith. HARDY GRIFFIN, Qualified Ex'or1 September 11, 1821. ra9m. G EORGIA, Baldwin county. Wiiakkas David H Hill sad Elizabeth Hill apply for letters of administration on tbo estate of Hubert H. Hill, late of this county de ceased—and Whereas Samuel Brown applies for letters of ndminilration on the estate of Geo. R. Moore a late of this county dec'd ; These ure therefore to cite and admonish all and singular the kindred and creditors of saiA dec'd, to be and appear ut my office within thw time prescribed by law, and shew cause(lf any) why said letters should not he granted. Given under my band at omoe. this fith da* of September, 1821. THOMAS H. KENAN, Clfc. September 11. u aiAdVBIOJf HO\58T&, SSONTGOMaar, ALABAMA. T HE above establishment, situated at th* corner of Montgomery and. Commerce) streets, on Court-bouse square, being nearly completed inn handsome style, know opep' for the reception and accommodation of TRA>' VELLERS and BOARDERS. Montjrf>|nA*w. July2Sf