Newspaper Page Text
V.
SOUTHERN RECORDER.
B Y GRANTLAND & ORME.
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, SATURDAY, JANUARY 16, 1830*,
irv The Recordir is published weekly, oni Han-1 Emily stopped, and all was again silent.
MV hotwoen Wayne a» ( l Jefferson* at I A nnm elm n».1 - — l _
tt-T hntween Wayne and Jeflferion, at 1 lireo
f0C kstrpet, b^nveen vr ^ advB „ 6r Four Uol .
WrpfflJKb. end of the year
Ur »n«»T SBMENTS conspicuously inserted at the usu-
""salMof 1 'taw?RR^negSby Administrators, Exe-
forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the
, house of the county in which the property 4s si-
CoUI Notices of the sale of land must he Riven in a
S5lhc”***el»« sixty days, and of negroes forty days,
Pl iodces t of'the <1 sn(e 0 of pewonal property must be giv-
•, ike manner, FORT* days previous to the day of
* n , Also notice to the debtors and creditors of an
**•; 8l ’be published for forty days.
^Utters (on business) must be post paid.
1VIZSCELL AMT Y.
— THE absent ship.
How exceedingly apposite to the case of the
c n In lit Ship die Hornet, now given up even by
our ablest seamen, are the following Lines !
Front Ackerman’Forpet Me Nut."
Fair shin 1 saw thee hounding o’er the deep,
Thy white wings glancing in the morning ray,
And many a sparkling eye >» vain did weep
For the hold hearts that steer’d thee on thy way,
Long days of grief have linger’d into years;
Retitr,:return '■ und cberm nway tlicir tears.
I listen’d till the music nnd the song
Diod-on the nnlers ns she swept along ;
1 Winch’d her stately beauty, till it grew
A Mil lug shadow on the distant blue.
L,., s and still loss—the waters nre alone !
Q Uee n of the ocean ! whither art thou gone 1
The wintry storm hath sigh’d itself to sleep,
Yet still thou liugerest on the faithless deep:
/hive calmer sens and skies ol deeper blue,
Charmed thee to bid thine island home adieu 7
l,j"g has yon dark-eyed maiden wept in vain:
ltimhn ! return I and bid her smile again.
Long may’st thou weep, but never shall tliou see
ThyVair-lmired mariner return to thee,
Clasp tliy young beauty in a long embrace,
And read bis pnrdon in thy happy face '
Thy gentle prayers, fair mourner, could not save,
Thy Tailor sleeps within the stormy wave.
—:ooooo:—
SHORT FROCKS.
Garters were once so carefully concealed
That one which merest nccident revealed,
Raised a proud title, since conferred by kings;
But now, ulus, they nre such common things,
That two on every lady here will greet you,
In every street they chance to meet you.
X. V. Courier.
A Modern Blue Beard.—We give to
Jay one of the most extraordinary ac
counts of the manner in which a fond hus
band contrived in Paris, to amiise himself
with his wives, (for he tickled two to death,)
that has ever fallen under our notice.
Those who have hud the experiment of
tickling their feet tried upon them, can ea
sily imagine the refinement of that torture
which a person must endure when so
bound ns to fie unable to resist. What
pleasure the demon could have taken in
tiie extatic agonies of a lovely woman, no
human mind can fancy ; but that lie did
revel in them the narrative renders but too
certain.—Mer. Adv.
EFFECTS OF TICKLING.
From the “ Petit Courier des Dames"' of
15th Nov. 1829.
Mrs. dc L* # mixed much with the fash
ionable world Inst winter, accompanied by
her daughter Emily. Young and hand
some, the latter was the object of generiil at
tention. Although without fortune, she re
ceived many advantageous proposals fur
her hand; hut as her heart remained unaf
fected, she selected from the crowd of her
admirers Mr. de V*** as the one best suit
ed to gratify her amour propre; he was a-
bnut forty, rich «fc respected—he adored her
and would thus make her happy. Einilv
made a confidante of her mother, who
eould not avoid expressing her surprise at
the selection. M. dc V** had already lost
two wives—there was a disparity in their
ages, nnd she felt an invincible repug
nance, for which she could not account, to
the union. Emily thought so good an op
portunity of securing a rich establishment,
might not again present—her mother yiel
ded, and she was married to Mr. tie V**.
Some time after, Emily’s brother urged
her to frankly confess to him, whether she
had realised the happiness which she hud
anticipated from the union. “ I have in
deed snid she; my husband anticipates
my every wish, and would render me ful-
|y happy, hut for a singular request which
he has made, and which as I cannot un
derstand the object, troubles me and I have
tn refuse it. It must be very serious said
Edward. Oh no, it is very silly, replied
his sister—you would never imagine what.
Unly think of a request to hind myself
with linen bandages—in a word to be a liv
ing copy of an Egyptian mummy.
So extraordinary a caprice, surprised
Edward full as much as it had his sister.
His curiosity was too strongly excited
jo be spent in imaginings, and he urged
bis sister to yield, but with the condition
that he should, unknown to the husband,
be stationed during the o petition in an
^joining room.
Thus placed, his sister informed her
husband that she determined to yield to his
Request. Wild with joy at this informa-
* 10n » the husband found not words to ex
press his gratitude, yet promptly commen
ted big operations. Edward listened at
tentively. Profound silence reigned-for
some minutes in the room, his sister broke
it by saying in a trembling tone, “ and the
arms too ?" He involuntarily trembled
hs if they were to be the last words of his
aister. Yes my dear, replied the husband
.fatly, I beg you—head and feet only, free;
Just lifce a Mummy you know. All was
“gam •pfiet—the silence lasted so long as
again to frighten Edward, nnd he was up-
i ? , e point of entering the room, when
■fi sister commenced laughing most iin-
• odcratcly—he felt assured and listened.
Again she laughed, and more immode
rately than before, & again all was silent.
This tomb-like repose, broken by loud and
immoderate laughter & silence succeeding
the laughter, wns alarming—he knew not
what to think of it, and burst into the room.
At his appearance Mr. de V. fled, and Ed
ward found his unfortunate sister stretched
on the floor, cold and inanimate. Her
husband had bound her, that lie might free
ly tickle her feet. Another fit oflaughing,
and Emily would have followed the two
other wives of Mr. de V. The best atten
dance lias but reculled her to existence, a
perfect Idiot. The nervous system being
entirely destroyed.
This adventure, known to nil Paris for
some duys, is too Well proved to be doubted.
We suppress the names solely out of re
gard to a highly respected family.
CHOICE OF OCCUPATION.
It is a very common error with parents,
in determining upon the future occupati
ons of their children, to fix upon a pro
fession, or sonic sedentary employment,
for those of a weakly or delicate consti
tution ; while to the robust mid vigorous
is assigned a more active and laborious
occupation, demanding considerable bodi
ly exertion, and repeated exposure to the
open nir. As a general rule, the very op
posite of this course should he pursued:
the robust being the best able to bear up
against the pernicious eflects of that con
finement and inactivity to which the en
feebled constitution will very speedily full
a prey ; while the latter will be materially
benefitted by the exertion and exposure to
which it is supposed to be unndupted.
W’hen we examine the individuals who
compose the various trades nnd occupati
oris, and find certain classes to present,
very commonly, a pale, meagre, and sick
ly aspect, while others are replete with
health, vigor, nnd strength ; we are not
to suppose that because the pursuits of the
one demand but little, and those of the
other considerable bodily strength, the first
are best adapted to the weakly, nnd the
latter to the strong: we are rather to as
cribe this very difference in their appear
ance to the influence 1 heir several occu
pations exert upon the health of the sys
tem.
Let the most healthy and vigorous in
dividual exchange his laborious occupati
on in the open air forono which requires
confinement within doors, and but little
exercise, and his placid complexion, well-
developed muscles, nnd uninterrupted
health, will very speedily give place to
paleness, more or less emaciation, and de
bility, and occasionally to actual disease
of the stomach or lungs. On the other
hand, the reverse eflects will he produced
by the sedentary exchanging, before it is
too late, their confinement nnd inactivity
for some fictive employment in the open
air. These nre important considerations,
an attention to which, in the choice of a
profession, would he the means of saving
not a little suffering—in many instances,
of prolonging life.—Journal of Health.
:oooooonn:
Virginia convention.
Tlic Speeches of John Randolph of Roanoke
nre generally read wilh interest. Those deliver
ed by him in the Virginia Convention are suffice
ent to convince us, that however feeble his health,
his intellectual powers nre unimpaired. The ex
tracts below are from two of his recent Speeches;
(he first on n proposition in die Convention to de-
clnre in the Constitution that the Legislature have
the power to provide by law, that no person skull
be capable of holding an office of honor or profit,
who bus been engaged in fighting n duel or in
sending or accepting a challenge. On tha* quei
tion Mr. Randolph spoke as follows:
“ I hnvc thought a great deal on this sub
ject, nnd though it does not become me
to question the motives of the Legislature
of Virginia—yet I do verily believe that
the Auti-Duelling act is in utter subver
sion of every fundamental principle of
free Government. I submit to the gentle
man from Spottsylvania whether empow
ering the Legislature to visit on one de
scription of offences this most odious of
all punishments, disfranchisement, he any
dental to the Legislature of the power to
extend it whithersoever they shall please?
I ask the gentleman from Spottsvlvania
on what principle the Legislature has ar
rogated to itself the power to interpose in
this manner, on this behalf, which will
not imply a similar power to interpose in
the same manner, on any other behalf?—
The evils of such a principle have long
been foreseen, by minds infinitely less
strong and less clear than that of the gen
tleman from Orange. It strikes at once
at the root of all free Government.
Mr. President, it has been my niisfor
tune to have lived in nn age of fanaticism
and cant. And I would go to the utter
most ends of the earth tp find a refuge,
if there he one from this spirit of fanati
cism and this spirit of cant. Sir,—why
not at once embody the entire decalogue?
—aye, nnd the whole bible—old and new
Testaments—and a system of philoso
phy into the bargain—nnd gulp down the
whole at one oath ?—The power is the
same. The principle is the same. Sir,
do you not believe—nny—do you not
kuow—that there are persons in this As
sembly who believe in their consciences,
that to hold a human being in bondage is
a crime of the blackest die, not a whit in
ferior to murder itself? -This spirit of
fanaticism is spreading—and it is one of
the strongest feelings that exists among
men, when once it gets the tipper hand—
suppose it /should choose to prescribe an
oath that a man never had held, and ne
ver would hold, n human beihg in bondage
—and this on pain of disqualification from
all offices under the Commonwealth ? Is
not that an offence as much in the teeth
of the Rill of Rights and of the great
and sweeping principles it lays down, us
to all men being by nature equally free ?
Then conceive to yourself a Wilberforce,
orn Master ^Stephen, setting forth before
the House of Burgesses, the horrors of
this oppressive, this unjust, this nefarious,
this bloody, this cruel, this auti-christian
practice, of holding men and women in
bondage.—Sir, no matter to what point
it blows, this tornado of fatiaticisai sweeps
all before it. Mr. President, wns there e-
ver a Constitution on earth that guve the
Legislature po .ver to puntsl particular of
fences in n particular manor? Is it not
nn anomaly ? Was such a tiling ever
heard of in any nation civilized or unci
vilized ? In Christendom, or Hcnthen-
nessc?—Leave this whole matter where
it is—Sir, I am not so inuci. surprised at
seeing some men taking this course.—
But when I see men for whose characters
I feel the most profound respect, hnding
themselves to a particular purpose, at the
expense of the grent fundamental princi
ple of free government, what am I to
think ? Sir, the Convention have no right
to put nny such clause into the Constitu
tion. As was very truly observed, they
have the power to do it; but they huve not
the right, nor a shadow of right. Why
single out this particular class of offences ?
The traitor, who has plotted the re-intro
duction of the Tarquins into the Capitol,
he is not pronounced unpardonable : you
do not tender to him an oath that he lias ne
ver plotted to overturn your Government.
He is not to be put to the torture by nn
oath—bat your oath is in the very spirit
of the Spanish Inquisition—it puts the
man of virtue only to the torture, and
passes over the ruffian and the assassin.
It offers u premium for cowardice—a pre
mium for falsehood—a premium for ser
vility—a premium for slander—n premi
um for all that is base and abject ill hu
man character.
.Sir, I have no hesitation in saying with
the gentleman from Chesterfield, that
place a man’s honor in cne scale, and all
the offices in the gift of King or Keisar in
the other, nnd a man of honor would
spurn them all in comparison with his vi
olated feelings nnd his violated reputati
on. Never was there such a test attempt
ed under the sun—never nt least in any
government that arrogated to itself the
character of a free Republic, This is the
entering wedge. Admit the principle,
and you mny go on allowing one party to
proscribe the other,-until at length both
the great parties in your State will find
themselves out of the pale eft the Consti
tution. Sir, I have nothing more to say.
If the people are disposed to submit to
.tyrannical laws imposed on them by their
own Legislature, let them do it.
" I hope I shall not be understood as
entering at all into the question of the mo
ral or the legal turpitude of duelling:
whether it is malum in se, or malum pro
hibitum only. With that question I have
nothing to do. My business is with a
provision in the constitution for handling
a particnlar offence. According to the o-
pinion of some it is malum in scbase,
—flagitious. If it be so, proceed against
the offender as you wtiuld against a mur
derer, tin incendiury, a violator of female
virginity ; ns you do ngainst all other ter
rible offenders. Proceed against him ac
cording to the principles of free Govern
ment, the principles of Magna Chnrta,
and of all your Constitutions. Carry him
before the Grand Jury—then place him
before a petty Jury, convict him accord
ing to law, and then inflict your infamous
punishment and disqualify him ; do this ;
if such be your rage and your fanaticism ;
but, in God’s name, do it according to the
forms of justice which have been estab
lished as much foj the protection of the
innocent, ns for the punishment of the
guilty. What I object to, is, that you
shall single out one particular species of
offence, and deal with that not according
to the principles and spirit of your Con
stitution. In some of the State Consti
tutions it is wisely declared, that there
shall he no cruel or unusual punishments
enacted: but disfranchisement is a pu
nishment both unusunl and cruel. All I
ask is, not to make a favored class of
traitors, ntuderers, house-burners, thioves
and forgers, and give them the benefit of
all the forms of the Constitution, while
you take them away from another class,
of whom your hearts, if not “ desperate
ly wicked,” are at least “ deceitful above
all things,” when you say you think they
are so very infamous. I want to know to
what man of wealth nnd of talents, and
with no blot on bis escutchion but this,
any nmong you would refuse the hand of
a daughter or a sister? It is in vnin to
talk. Public opinion is the other way,—
You will vote for a man who has fought
n duel for President of the United States,
and then you come back here and grave-
Iv declare that no such man shall be a
member of that atigust.and illustrious ns
semhly, the House of Burgesses ! Sir,
it i9 overshooting the mark. In the words
of an eloquent British Civilian, it is “ at
tempting rigidly to screw up right into
wrong;" yes, sir—every such provision
is nothing else but an attempt rigidly to
screw up right into wrong.—Bummum jus
summa injuria.—It is a sanctimonious
sort of republicanism not to my taste—
not nt all. Give me the good ancient re
publicanism—and let it not be said that
in proportion ns we receded from our Co
lonipl state, xve departed from the true
principles of freemen. Give me none of
this putting men to the question, ordinary
nad extraordinary—this putting a matt On
his oath to declare wlmt he has done and
whut he has not done. Sir, I would not
believe such a man : I would not believe
him upon his oath.”
In the discussion of a resolution to provide a
mode by which future amendments of the Con
stitution may be made,—Mr. Randolph thus ad.
dressed the Convention, in opposition to its pas
sage:
Mr. President, I slittll vote against this
Resolution: nnd I will state as succinctly
as I can, my reusons for doing so. I be
lieve that they will, in suhstnnee, tic found
ill a very old book, and conveyed ill these
words “ sufficient unto the day, is the evil
thereof.” Sir, I have remarked since the
commencement of our deliberations—nnd
with no snitill suprise—a very great anxie
ty to provide for futurity. Gentlemen, for
example, nre not content with any present
discussion of the Constitution, unless we
will consent to prescribe for nil timo here
after. I had always thought him the most
skilful physician, who when called to a
patient relieved him of the existing ma
lady, without undertaking to prescribe for
such ns he might by possibility endure
thereafter.
Sir, said Mr. R. what is the anionnt of
this provision ? it is either mischievous, or
it is nugatory. I do not know a greater
calamity that can huppon to ant, than
having the foundations of its Government
unsettled.
Dr. Franklin who, in shrewdness, espe
cially in nil that, related to domestic life,
wns never excelled, used to say, that two
movings were equal to one fire. So to
tiny People, two Constitutions nre worse
than a fire. And gentlemen, as if they
were afraid that this besetting sin of Re
publican Governments, this rcrum novarwn
lubido,—(to use n very homely phrase,
but one that comes pat to the purpose) this
maggot of innovation, would cense to bite,
are here gravely making provision, thut
this Constitution, which we should con
sider as a remedy for all the ills of the
body politic, may itself be amended or mo
dified at nny future time. Sir,l um against
any such provision. I should as soon
think of introducing into a marriage con
tract a provision for divorce; aud thus
poisoning tlie grenest blessing of man
kind nt its very source; at its fountain
head. He hus seen little, and 1ms reflec
ted less, whodoes not know that “we hesi
tate” is the great, powerful, governing
principle of afluirs here. Sir, I am not
going into that question which puzzled
Pmndmrnonium, the question of liberty und
necessity—
“ Free will, fix’d fate, foreknowledge absolute;" -
but, T do contend, that necessity is one
principal instrument of all the good that
tnun enjoys.
The happiness of the connubial union
itself depends greatly on necessity ; and
when, you touch this, you touch the arch,
the key-stone of the arch,—on which the
happiness and well-being of society is
founded.
Look nt the relation of master and
slave; (that opprobrium, in the opinion of
some gentlemen, to all civilized society
and all free Government.) Sir, there are
few situations in life where friendships so
strong & so lasting are formed, as in that
very relation. The slave knows that he is
bound, indisgolulily, to his master, nnd
must from necessity, remain always under
his control. The muster knows that he
is bound to maintain and provide for his
Slave so long as lie retains him in his pos
session. And each party accommodates
himself to his situation. I have seen tho
dissolution of many friendships, such, at
least, as were so called ; but I have seen
that of master and sluve endure so long
ns there remained a drop of the blood of
the master to w hich the slave could cleave.
Where is the necessity of this provision
in the Constitution ? Where is the use of
it ? Sir, what are we about ? Have W’o
not been undoing what the wiser heads,—
I qiust be permitted to say so—yes, sir—
what the wiser heads of our ancestors did
more tbyi hulf a century ago ? Cun any
one believe that we,—by nny amendments
of ours,—by nny of our scribbling on that
parchment—by any amulet—any legerde
main—charm—abracadabra—of ours, can
prevent our sons from doing the same
thing ?—thut is, from doing ns they please,
just as we are doing as we please? lit*
impossible. VVlio can hind posterity ?—
When I hear gentlemen talk of making a
Constitution “ for ull time”—and intro
ducing provisions into it, “ for all time”—
nnd yet sec men here, tlmt are older than
the Constitution we nre about to destroy—
(I am older myself than the present Con
stitution—it was established when I was a
boy)—it reminds me of the truces nnd the
peaces iu Europe ; Thpy always begin,
“ In tho name of the most holy und uudi
vided Trinity”—nnd go on to declnre,
“there shall be perfect and perpetual peace
and unity between the subjects of such nnd
such Potentates, for all time to come”—
and, in less tlinu seven years, they are at
war again.
Sir, I am not a prophet or n seer:—hut
I will venture to predict, that your new
Constitution,—if it shall be adopted,—does
not last 20 years. And so confident am
I in this opinion, that if it were a proper
subject for betting, and I was a sporting
character, I believe I would take ten a-
gainst it.
It would seem ns if we were endeavor
ing—(God forbid that I should insinuate,
that such was the intention of any here)—
ns if we were endeavoring to corrupt the
People nt tho fountain head. Sir, the
grent opprobrium of popular Government,
is its instability. It was this which made
I tho People of our Anglo Saxon Stock
cling with such pertinacity to nn indepen
dent Judiciary, ns the only means they
could find to resist this vice of popular
governments. By such a provision as
this, we are now inviting, and in a manner
prompting the People, to be dissatisfied
with their Governinant. Sir, there is no
need of this. Dissatisfaction will come,
soon enough. I foretell now, and, with a
confidence surpassed by none I ever felt
on any occasion, that those who have been
the most anxious to destroy the Constitu
tion of Virginia, and to substitute in its
place this thing, will not he more dissatis
fied now with the result of our labours,
than this new Constitution will very short
ly be opposed by ull the people of the
Stale. I speak nut nt rnndonu I have
high authority for what I say now in my
eye. Though it wus snid that the people
called for a new state of things, yet the
gentleman from Brooke himself (Mr.
Doddridge) who enme into the Legisla
tive Committee armed with an axe to lay at
the root of the tree, told the Convention
that fie would sooner go home and live un
der the old Constitution tlinn ndopt some
of the provisions which have received the
sanction of this body. But 1 am wander
ing from the point.
Sir, I see no wisdom in making this
provision for future changes. You must
give Governments time to operate on the
People, and give the People time to be
come gradually assimilated to their Insti
tutions. Almost any thing is better than
this state of perpetual uncertainty. A
people mny have the best form of govern
ment that the wit of man ever devised ;
and yet, from its uncertainty alone, may,
in effect, live under the worst Government
iu the world. Sir, how often must I re
pent, that change is not reform. I am wil
ling that this new Constitution shall stand
ns long as it is possible for it to stand, &that,
believe me, is a very short time. Sir, h
is vain to deny it. They may say what
they please about the old Constitution—
the defect is not there. It iB not in the
.form of the old edifice, neither in the de
sign nor the elevation: it is in the material
it is in the People of Va. To ray knowl
edge that People ure changed from what
they have been. The 400 men who went
out to David were in debt. The partizans
of Caesar were in debt. The fellow-la
bourer# of Catnlinc were in debt. And I
defy you to shew me n desperately indebted
people any where, who can bear a regular
sober government. I throw the challenge
to all who hear me. I any that the chnr-
actcf of the good old Virginia Planter—
the man who owned-from five to twenty
slaves, or less, who lived by hard work,
and who paid his debts, is passed away.
A new order of things is come. The pe
riod lias arrived of living by one’s wits—of
living by contracting debts that one can
not pay—and above all, of living by of
fice-hunting. Sir,whntdowesee? Bank
rupts—branded bankrupts—giving groat
dinners—sending their children to the
most expensive schools—giving grand par
ties—and just as well received as any bo
dy in Society. I say, that in such a state
of things the old constitution was too good
for them, they could not bear it. No, Sir—
they could not bear a freehold suffrage
& a property representation. I hnvc al
ways endeavoured to do the people justice
—but 1 will not flutter them—I will not
pander to their nppetite for change. 1
will do nothing to provide for change. I
will not agree to any rule of future appor
tionment, or to nny provision for future
changes called amendments to the Con
stitution. They who love change—who
delight in public confusion—who wish to
feed the cauldron nnd make it bubble—
mny vote if they plense for future changes.
But by what spell—by what formula are
you going to bind the people to all future
time? Quis custcdiet custodcs ? The days
of Lycurgus are gone by, when be could
swear the people not to alter the Constitu
tion until he should return—ammo non re
vertendi. You tnay make what , entries
upon parchment you please. Give me a
Constitution that will last for halfacentu
ry—that is all I wish for. No Constitu
tion that you can mnke will lust the one
half of half a century. Sir, I will stake
any thing short of my salvation, that those
who are malcontent now will be more mal
content three years hence than they are at
this day. I have no favour for this Con
stitution—I shall vote against its adop
tion, nnd I shall advise nil the people of
my district to set their faces—aye—and
their shoulders against it. But if we are
to hnvc it—let us not have it with its death
warrant in its very face:—with the facies
hypocratica—the Sardonic grin of death
upon its countenance.”
:oononoo:
Extracts from Col. M’Kennie’s annual
Report to the Secretary of War.
“ On the 30th Mny last, General Car-
roll, of Tennessee, was appointed Com
missioner. to go nmong the Cherokee and
Creek Indians, nnd hold conferences with
them on the subject of emigration. On
the 8th July following, General Coffee
was united in the same commission.—
Their instructions, herewith submitted,
(No/1,) will best explain the objects en
trusted to them, as also their important
hearing upon tho present and future hap
piness of the Indians. In this measure,
the compnct with the State of Georgia, in
which the Cherokees are concerned, was
sought to be fulfilled. I submit the rc-
No. 51 op Vol. X.
turns of those Commissioners, so far at
thoy Itnve been received, in papers num
bered 2 and 3<
“ Meanwhile, Col. Montgomery, the A'
gent for the Cherokees, was opting under
instructions growing out of the provisions
of the treaty of Washington, of 6th Mny,
1828, And the Creek Agent, Col. Crowell,
under the act of Congress of 20th May,
’1826, to aid certain Indians of the Creek
nation in their removul West of the Mis
sissippi, and a subsequent act of 0th Mays
1828, appropriating $50,000 with a view
to the same object.
“Under the treaty of the 6th May,
1828, and with the means povided by-
Congress to carry the same into effect,
Col. Montgomery lias enrolled and seiiV
off 510 souls, of whom 431 are Chero-
kees, and 79 blacks; aud Col. Crowell
lias sent oil’ 1200 Creeks. The evidence
furnished the Department, ry to the dis
position of both those tribes to remove, is
demonstrative of their willingness to go;
but they are held in check by their chiefs
nnd others, whose interest it is to keep
them where they are. Among the Creeks,
especially, the most severe punishments
have been inflicted, by mutilating, and
otherwise, those who had enrolled to go,
and while in their camp, and whefe they
supposed they would be protected. Such
is the dread of these people of the vio
lence of their chiefs, that they ace afraid
to express their wishes on this subject, ex
cept in whispers, und then only to those
in whom they have entire confidence. It
will be seen from Gey. Coffee’s report, a-
hove referred to, (No. 3,) that a like ter
ror is exercised over the Cherokees. It
is by no means unnatural for the chiefs of
those tribes to oppose the going away of
their people. It would be unnatural if
they did not. In proportion to the reduc-''”
tion of their numbers does their power de
crease; and their love of power is not less
strong than other people’s. It confers
distinctions, not only among themselves,
but in relution, also, to neighboring tribes.
And to this feeling may be superadded
the uncertainty which rests upon the fu
ture, drawn from the lessons of the past
But there arc, I respectfully suggest, re
medies for both, and tha Federal Govern
ment has the power to apply them. The
presence of an armed force would effeetu"
ally relieve the first; and the adoption of
a system for their security, and preserva
tion, and future happiness, that should be
as effective and ample as it ought to be
permanent, would relieve the last. I
would not lie mistaken as to the use that
should be made of the military. ' Its pre
sence should be preceded by the solemn
declaration thut it was coming not to com
pel a single Indian to quit the place of
his choice, but only to protect those who
desire to lietter their condition, apd in tho
exercise of their wish to do so. Huma
nity seems to require this, and if this
measure bud been adopted sooner, many
who now smart under the lash of their
chiefs, and who are doomed to pass the
remainder of their lives with mntilated bo
dies, would lie free from the one, and not
hnvc to endure the suffering and disgrace
of the other,
“ Surely when States, in the exercise of
their sovereignty, are extending their laws
over u people whose chiefs admit (I refel-
to the Cherokees) that such a measure
would “ seal their destruction,” and when
every circumstance appears to hnre com
bined to render the great body of our Itw
dians within the limits of States unhappy,
nnd to impoverish and destroy them,
comcthing ought to be done for their re
lief. Justice demands it, and Humanity
pleads for these people. The public syirG
pulhy is strongly excited.
“The Florida Indians, there is little
doubt, nre willing to join the Creeks; aud
the dispositions of the Chicknsaws are
indicated by the extract herewith submitt
ed, (No. 4,) on the subject of their recent
visit to seek a country. The Indians in
Ohio, especially the Senecas and Dela
wares, seek to go. I submit a talk (No.
5,) of the chiefs of the former, addressed
to the President on this subject. The A-
gent, Col. M’Elvaine, is of opinion that,
in five years, with the means to effect their
removal, there will remain no Indians iiV
Ohio.
“A new difficulty has arisen in regard
to the Cherokees and between them and
the State of Georgia. It relates to boun
dary. The subject is amply discussed iu
your letter to His Excellency the Governor
of Georgia. I accompany this with u copy
of it (No. 6.) No report has been receiv
ed from Gen. Coffee, who wns appointed
to collect and report all the facts touching
tho controversy. The Cherokees, howev
er, hnve furnished the Department, through
the Agent, with the grounds upon which
they rest their claim to the boundary fat
which they contend. These documents
are on file in this office.
“ In reference to emigration, and to the
means necessary for its accomplishment.
I beg leave res|iectfully to add, that, m
lieu of the usual mode of estimating, for
all the different branches of expenditure, ;
upon the basis of numbers* for rations,
transportation, See. &c., which can never
be done with certainty, (it not being pos
sible to know beforehand how many will '
go,) a sum be appropriated and made ap
plicable to cmigurtion generally, nnd tp
compensation for improvements,aud plac
ed at the disposal of the Executive; and
for this object I recommend the sum of
if : p0,000. It is my opinion, also, that a
threat saving might bo effectetf*b
ing the agencies for emigration,
local agents to contractors. I ’