Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, June 26, 1830, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextMl SOUTHERN RECORDER. liY GRANTLAND & ORME. MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, SATURDAY, JUNE 28, 1830. No. 92 or Vol. Xt. rr The Rscordkr in published weekly, on Han-1 these causes would produce a perfect unity of nc- i/eireet, between Wayne and Jefferson, at 1 hree I tion, amongst this large number of voters, directly ' - annum, payable m advance, or rour I»ol- and indirectly connected with the manufacturing ,11,1*0 per illiuum. » if not paid before tlio end of the year. r ,’ m-v.RTiSKMr.NTS conspicuously inserted at the USU- Those sent without a specification of the ilaborof insertions, will be ■ ■ - L - ■ “* J it snil'charged accordingly. .... _ ‘i'.u, of land and negroes, by Administrators, Exe- I % or Guardians, are required by law to be held 1 !- first Tuesday in the month, between the hours of •n the forenoon and three in the nfternoon, nt the "'"house of the county in which the property sa si- 0 Notices of these sales must he given in a pub- 'vireite SISTK days previous to the day of sale. rVmtic.es of the sale of personal property must be giv- 1 like manner, roiiTtr days previous to the day of l Also notice to the debtors and creditors of an rile must’bc published for koutt days. Notice that application will he made to the Court of rdinary for leave to sell land, must be published for “I'Jf Imsinuss in the line of Printine, will meet with omnt attention at the Recoriif.r Office. 1 crrKRS (on business) must be post pmd. CONGRESS. IOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES—APRII, SO. SPEECH OF MR. McDUFFlE. [concluded.] I hnve thus far, considered this system ns involv- I,,, mi unconstitutional perversion of the power to emulate foreign commerce, with a view to bestow direct bounties upon the manufactures of cer- ,i„ states, by imposing taxes and restrictions up- i, || lc cnininerce of certain other States. I will oiv invite tlie attention of the Committee to some msideralions calculated to shew that it involves violation of the great and fundamental principles if civil and political liberty. There is not one of lose principles of more vital importance, or more hs.dulclyc /nsecratedbynllthe historical associa- Jons of both Great Britain and the United States, ban that which secures the people against all tax- ami oiirthens uot imposed by their own repre- utatives. This principle, indeed, is essentially volved in the very notion of self-government.— (ow, Sir, owing to the federative character of our overnjnent, the great geographical extent of our ritory, and the diversity of the pursuits of our jtizens’ m different parts of the Union, it has so appeued that two great interests have sprung up, landing directly opposed to each other. One of liem consists of those manufactures which the urtliern and Middle States are capable of pro- icing, but which, owing to the high price of la ir and high profits of capital in those States, can- ot huld competition with foreign manufactures itliout the aid of bounties, directly or indirectly, ven cither by the General Government or ijy io State Governments. The other of these in rests consists of the great agricultural staples of io Southern States, which can find a market on- in foreign countries, and which con be advim- jeonsly suld only ill exchange for the foreign imnufactiires which coinc in competition with hose of the Northern and Middle Stales. It fol- nws, ns a necessary consequence., that it is the iu- errst of (he manufacturers in the Northern and ilidille Slates to prohibit, by heavy taxation, the inportation of those foreign manufactures, which t is as undoubtedly the interest of the Southern ilanters to import as free from taxation as possible. These interests, then, stand diametrically nud irre- oncilubly opposed to each other. Tile interest— ie pecuniary interests of tile Northern munufac- ircr—is directly promoted By every increase of lie taxes imposed upon Southern commerce; and ' is unnecessary to add, that the interest of the outheru planters is promoted by every diminuti on of the taxes imposed upon the productions of their industry. If, under these circumstances, the manufacturers were clonthed with the power oi Imposing tuxes, at their plea-ure, upon the foreign imports of the planter, no doubt would exist upon the inind of any man, that it would have all the Characteristics of an absolute and unqualified des potism. It will he my purpose, then, to shew, that by the aid of various associated interests, the manufacturing capitalists have obtained u complete and permanent control over the legislation of Con gress, on this subject. A greet number of causes have contributed to give the manufacturing inter est ibis uscendency. 1 lie prominent and leading cau-e is, beyond all doubt, the natural influence of accumulated capital, iu the hands of n compara tively small number of men, acting with the sa gacity, perseverance and concert, for which they arc invariably distinguished, in matters affecting their own pecuniary interests. It is a melancholy fact, to which nil history bcurs tile most unequivo cal testimony, that whenever society becomes so fur advanced iti commerce and the nets, as to have produced a considerable accumulation of cupital, the holders of that capital are perfectly irresistahle on all those questions in relation to which the ac tion of the government is brought to hear upon tlie great pecuniary interests of society. Every one Knows that there was a time, not very remote, w hen the great and lending feature in the polit y of establishments, and all their efforts in political com tests would be directed to a single object—the pro tection of the manufacture in which they were en gaged or interested. Whatever division might take place among other interests of the district, you would never find the manufacturers divided. Every candidate for popular favor would be made to understand, that the consolidated vote of this manufacturing interest would be given against him, unless he would promise to support their ap plications for the bounty and protection of Con- S ess, In this manner it would come to pass, that e contest between the manufacturers and the farmers would be like that between regular sol diers and untrained militia men, in which superior discipline would overbalance superior numbers. Men confederated together upon selfish and inter ested principles, whether in pursuit of the offices or the bounties of Government, are ever more active and vigilant than the great majority, who act from disinterested and patriotic im|iulses. Have we not witnessed it on this floor, sir 1 Who ever knew the tariff'men to divide on any question affecting their confederated interests ? If you propose to reduce any one of the duties, no matter how obvi ous the expediency of the reduction, they will tell you, if not in plain words, at least by their conduct, that the duty you propose to reduce is very op pressive and unjust, as in the case of salt; or very absurd and suicidal, as in the case of raw wool; hut, that if you reduce either of . these duties, a proposition will be made to reduce some other, and then some other, until the whole system of confederated interests will be shaken to its centre. The watchword is, stick together, right or wrong upon every question affecting the common cause. Such, Sir, is the concert and vigilance, and such mon interest, or common sympathy, to restrain them from oppression and tyranny t Does the system of prohibitory duties, which falls with such a destructive power, upon the dearest inter ests of the Southern people, impose any burthen, or inflict any injury at all, upon the constituents of that majority by which it nas been adopted f The very reverse of all this, is the truth. The majority which imposos these.oppressive taxes up on the people of the South, so far from being re. sponsible to them, or to those who have any com mon interest or common sympathy with them, in relation to the matter, are responsible to the very men who have been, for the last ten years, making the welkin ring with their clamors, lor the imposi tion of these verv burthens. Yes, sir, those who lay the iron hand of unconstitutional Hiid lawless taxation upon the people of the Southern States, are not the representatives of those who pay the taxes, or have any participation in it, but tire re presentatives of those who receive the bounty and put it iu their pockets. Can there be a more gross, monstrous, nnd in sulting mockery, than to tell my oppressed and outraged constituents, that their rights are secured by the principle of representative responsibility t It would he just as rational to talk about the re sponsibility of a Roman Emperor, to the Pretori- an bands by whom he was elevated to the throne, as a security against plundering the subject pro vinces for the purpose of paying the stipulated donatives by which he hud purchased the Em pire. The very principle of representative responsi bility, when the government is thus thrown from its balance, becomes itself a principle of the most despotic tyranny. It would be far better for the Southern people, so far as this tariff policy is con cerned—and us God is my judge I would prefer it —that the majority of Congress should be respon the combinations hy which the manufacturing sible to no earthly power, than that they should party, acting upon the interests of some, and the prejudices of others, have obtained a decided and permanent control over public opinion in all the tariff Slates. All the representatives of those States, however decidedly opposed in principle to the prohibitory policy, are constrained to regard the interest of the manufacturers as that of their constituents at large. No man, sir, from a manu facturing district, would dare to vote against any mensure, however unjust and oppressive, if it be only deemed beneficial to the manufacturers, and denominated a tariff. In uddition to the reasons I have stated, for re garding the manufacturing as the controlling in terest in the tariff' States, I will add another, which every reflecting man will duly appreciate. The manufacturers, in their applications to the General Government, naturally enlist the sympathies and prepossessions of the States and sections of the Union to which they belong. The questiou of granting relief, for example, to eigiit or ten manu facturing establishments In Massachusetts, would be evidently regarded us a State question, though not ten thousand people should be directly or in directly interested in it; and the member of Con gress who should oppose it, would be deemed to have deserted the interest of his own Stute.— There is another consideration, still more decisive. The relief sought by the manufacturers is to be obtained by imposing burthens and restrictions up on the commerce of other States, and remote sec tions of the Union. All classes, tberefere, in a manufacturing State, will naturally tRke sides with the manufacturers, in regard to all these measures which propose to advance the interests of those manufacturers, by taxing the compicrcc of the Southern planters. Viewing it as a sectional ques tion, there can be no doubt, that the aggregate in terest of the State would be promoted by such a measure, however inconsiderable the number of manufacturers. It is, indeed, the interest of Mas sachusetts to protect any of her manufacturers, however small the number, and however heavy the imposition necessary to effect it, if the benefit, however small, accrues to her citizens, and the burthen, however great, fulls upon the citizens of other States. The unanimity with which the members of this House vote, even for private claims coming from their own Slates—when scarcely any body else can perceive any justice in them—is a commenta ry upon what I have been saying, which every gentlemen will know how to estimate. On all questions to he decided by Congress, therefore, affecting the interests of the manutactu- rers, or any of those associated interests, which the persons concerned are pleased to denominate domestic industry, I am constrained to regard the policy of the turiff' States as fixed end unalterable; as much so, as if the representatives of those States were chosen exclusively by tiie manufacturers themselves, and sent here as their special agents, noting under instructions. What, then, becomes of the great principle of liberty, to which I have adverted—which secures the people against any burthens of taxation not imposed by their own representatives ? Is it not absolutely annulled—nay, is it not completely re versed, as to the people of the Southern States, in all cases involving the interest of the manufactu. not the majority presentalives of tins government, was to favor and foster, by every 1 rers and the policy of the protecting system ? Is species of exemption and bounty, the navigating *' ! —~ r " 1 ~ r ** and commercial interests of the nation. I need hardly add, that at the period to which I allude, almost the whole ot the accumulated capital of tlie country, was embarked in the business of na vigation and commerce. But as soon as this capital was transferred to tlie business of manufactures, the whole policy of the government, and the political principles of an en tire region of country—on tlie subject of free trade and commercial restrictions—-underwent a corrcs- nding change. One would almost imagine, who id been longenoughin Congress to have witnes sed tlmextmordinury political transmutation—that the New England Members of Cougress were sent here as the representatives of capital, and not of numbers, so implicitly have they followed its direction. Sir, no man of the slightest observation can be insensible of the influence of large capitalists up on the members of this House, on all questions affecting their peculiar interests. Jt is not to be disguised, that two or three wealthy iron-masters ma Congressional District, will exercise more in fluence over the representative here, than all the flpst of his constituents united, upon the question of increasing or diminishing the tax upon foreign iron. The same is equully true as to the sugar planters, salt-makers, and manufactures of cotton and wollen fabrics. It is not a difficult matter to accuunt for this influence of capital, employed in manufactures. I do most confidently believe, taut two or three large establishments, carried on oy white laborers who were entitled to vote at e- lections, would be an overmatch for all the other interests in any Congressional District in the Un ion- I have seen enough, even in my own dis- trict : Io convince me, tbut even that forms no ex- • e lj!?o" to the general rule I have laid down. what number of farmers, scattered over the country, and unaccustomed to combination, could * Ml ? t the influence of three large manufacturing capitalists, each having three hundred free tibo- •cram his employment entitled to vote? Upon a- question affecting the interest of the manufac- wrei.s, three thousand farmers would hold no com petition with them. In the first place, there would ,. e * perfect unity of action among the capitalists themselves, on the question, for example—vita! to ineir own interests—of inducing Congress to give [hem a bounty, or impose a prohibitory duty uav- Jhg the same effect. In the second place, all the “borers in their employment would, upon the “lost obvious priuciples of human action, give 'heir votes in such a way as to gratify the wishes •no promote the interest of their employers — this would indeed be theirown interest. In the third place, a considerable number of farmers and ther persons ig the vicinity of these manAfactur- •og establishments, would find a market for a great ‘umber of agricultural productions, which would of Congress composed of the re those who have a direct and po sitive pecuniary interest in imposing taxes upon the people of the Southern States, iu the form of high, and prohibitory duties upon tbeir lawful commerce,—the product of their honest industry ? Does not that majority declare it to be its interest, and avow it to he its object, to pursue this system of prohibitory duties until the whole of that com merce which gives value to the agricultural pro ductions of the Southern States, and without which our fields would be left desolate, shall be utterly and absolutely abolished ? It is not many days since I heard an honorable gentleman from N. Y. express the opinion, that in less thantenyears —probably in jialf the time,—the whole of those fo reign manufactures which fall within the purview of the prohibitory policy, and which are the only articles the Southern planters can receive, to any tolerable extent or with any sort of advantage, in exchange for the staples, would cease to be im ported, leaving not a vestage of that important branch of our foreign commerce. There is too much reason to believe, Sir, that this opinion is well founded. When the tariff of 1828 shall have reached Its maximum, and the rigorous enforce ment of the duties shall be secured by the bill on your table I have no doubt you will have pro vided a system, which will accomplish the work of entire prohibition, in the time limited by the mem ber from New-York to whom I have alluded. It is in vkin, then, that the people of the South attempt to palter with this question, or to disguise any longer the sad reality of their condition.— They have no security against taxation, but the will of those who have a setiied interest and fixed determination to increase their burthens; they have uo rights of property, no title to that com merce which gives the principal value to the pro ductions of their industry, which they do not hold by the same miserable and degrading tenure.— They are, to all intents and purposes, the slaves of Northern monopolists. If I were called upon to give a deli nation of slavery, I could not use lan guage more appropriate, tlian that which should accurately describe the condition of the people of the Southern Stales. There is no form of despotism that has ever ex* isted upon the face of the earth, more monstrous and horrible than that of a representative govern ment acting beyond the sphere of its responsibili ty. Liberty is ea empty sound, and representati on worse then a vain delusion, unless the action of the government be so regulated that responsi bility and power shall be co-extenlive. Now, I would be glad to know, under what responsibility the majority of this House act, io imposing bur thens upon the industry of the Southern people, and in waging this merciless warfare against tneir commerce ? Are they, in the slighest degree, res ponsible to those upon whom they impose these otherwise be of scarcely any value to them. All 1 heavy burthens 1 Have they any feelings ef corn- lie responsible to the very persons who have the deepest Interest of all the people on earth—in the taxation and oppression of the Southern people. Sir, these tilings cannot, must not be. It is utter ly impossible that such a state of things can be permitted to continue, in a land where-liberty— constitutional liberty-is endeared by so many glorious associations. I am aware, Mr. Chairman, that the answer gi ven to all this will be, that it is the right of the majority to govern, and the duty of the minority to submit. There is no political principle more undeniably true, in all the cases to which it pro perly applies. But it is subject to two very im portant limitations in our federative system of Go vernment, growing out of the constitutional com pact, and founded upon the principles of natural justice. In the first place, the majority cannot rightfully do any thing not authorised by the con stitutional charter. The great object ot a written constitution Is to restrain the majority. It is founded upon the idea that an unchecked majori ty is as dangerous as an unchecked minority,— I believe, when cut loose from the moorings of an effective and real responsibility, it is more so. But of that hereafter. In the second place, the right of the majority to govern, in a political system composed of confe derated sovereignties and extending over geo graphical subdivisions having diversified and con flicting interests, must be limited to those cases where there is a common interest pervading the whole confederacy. This is n limitation growing out of the very nature and object of the compact, even upon tlie exercise of powers expressly grant ed. The submission of interests which are essen tially adverse to tho control of a common govern ment, necessarily involves the destruction of one or the other of them. This is the foundation of the checks and balances, even of consolidated go vernments, and of the partition of power, among distinct sovereignties in this confederacy. It is contrary to the clearest principles of natu ral justice, that the majority—merely because they have the power—should violate the rights and destroy the separate nnd peculiar interests of the minority. This would make power and right, syminimous terms. The majority have no natu ral right, in any case, to govern the minority. It is a mere conventional right, growing out of ne cessity and convenience. On the contrary, the right of the minority to the enjoyment of life, li berty and property, without any unjust interfer ence on the part of the majority, is the most sa cred of the natural rights of man. When the great antagonist interests of society become arrayed against each other, particularly when they are separated by distance and distin guished by a difference of climate, character and civil institutions, the great object of the Govern ment should undoubtedly be, not to become the partizan of either of those interests, but to inter pose its power for the purpose of preventing the stronger from destroying the weaker. Instead, however, of assuming this attitude—instead of res training the major interest from doing this act of injustice and oppression—this Government de grades itself into the character of a partizan of the stronger interest and an instrument of its op pression. It cannot be otherwise. Sir, as long as the majority in Congress, being nothing more than the agent of the major interest in the confederacy, assumes the power of arbitrarily and unjustly ap propriating to its own use, the rightful nnd exclu sive property of the minority. The majority can have no such rightful power. It is neither more nor less, stripped of the disguise thrown around it by the empty forms of legislative proceeding, than downright swindling and robbery—crimes which, in any civilized country in the world, would subject the individual perpetrator to infamous pun ishment. What human power can confer upon one sat of men, however numerous the right to commit such an outrage upon another set, however few in number? Will any advocate of the tariff policy admit that ten men have any greater right to rob him of his property, than be hat to rob the ten of theirs ? Yet this would be a legitimate con sequence of admitting that a majority of Congress have an unlimited and uuoontroiable right to dis pose of the property of the minority. If the commerce which this prohibitory system proposes to destroy, were the common property of the whole Union; if the great agricultural sta ples, which are the basis of that commerce, were equally the productions of all the States of the confederacy, the principle of representative res ponsibility would furnish to the Southern planter all the security against oppression which human wisdom can provide. There would be a real ii ef fective responsibility pervading the whole system. A citizen of South Carolina would confidently confide biz interests to a representative from Mas sachusetts, not because that representative, was responsible to him, but because he was responsi ble to persons having the very tame interest. . It is this community of interest, that can alone in sure the effective responsibility of a representa tive Government. Where this does not esitl, the principle of responsibility ceases to afford any se curity against oppression, nnd the power of the common government should cease with it. Whenever the Federal Government, therefore, assumes to act upon the local or peculiar interests of particular States or seoti <nt of the Uniou, it ns dearly transcends the appropriate sphere of its constitutional and responsible power, as a. State Government would do, in attempting to cootrol those common interests, that have been committed to the protection of the federal government. In the one cate it would be despotism; in the other, anarchy. God forbid tbnt we ebould ever be dri ven to the dreadful alternative nf choosing bo tween them, even for • time. I have said, Mr. ChAiuua, that there cannot be imagined a more odioue and intolerable form of despotism then that ot a majority stimulated by motives of self interest, and acting without anjr restraining power, upon the interests of the mi nority. A just analysis and esposilionof the true character and principles of that combination—or more properly, conspiracy of inJertfia, which con* •tltutes the tariff majority in the United States, will eahibit this idea in a more striking point of view thau any thing 1 have yet advanced on the subject. I venture the assertion that no priest hood, in the darkest ages of ign iranee and super stition ever pursued their selfish objects with more untiring perseverance Rnd consummate ert, than the manufacturing capitalist* have prosecuted their mercenary schemes of monopoly. Com mencing with a few followers—like other impos tor* of whom we read—they have successively en listed under their banner a sufficient number of confederate interests to render themselves formi dable; and, finally, by addressing themselves to the ambition of some and the prejudices of others, they have disseminated the delusion of their false doctrines through all ranks nf society, in the tariff States. Aspiring politicians, finding it conducive to their political advancement, have not scrupled to form an alliance, cemented by avarice and am bition, and not leu ominous to public liberty thnn that which has existed, in other times and other countries, between Church and State. By the art ful use of cant phrases and cabalistic terms, ad dressed to the national pride and local prejudices of the people—such ns the “ American System," and the “British System,” “Old Englaud,” and “ New England," the “ Free States." and the " Slave States,"—they have succeeded in working up the public mind in the manufacturing Stntes, to a state of infuination almost incredible, and, in my opinion, utterly incurable What, then, aTe we to expect from a majority, thus bound together by the two strongest of human passions- avarice and ambition- and acting under the imposing dis guise of disinterested patriotism ? It hat been said, Sir, by a wise man, that one hundred philoso phers, thrown together, and acting under the im pulse of a common interest nnd the contagion of a common passion, would Ire converted into a mob There can he no doubt of the correctness of the principle; and it it even more powerfully exemplified in its application to large masses and communities of men, united hy common interests, common passions, and common prejudices, and directing their efforts to a common object It it but too apparent, that entire sections ot the Union bound together in a confederacy of interest and ambition, urged on by the master spirits of manu facturing monopoly and political management, ft sustained by the blind and demoralising delusion, that it is the dictate of true patriotism to oppress and plunder the minority, because tney prosecute trade with a foreign country;—it must be appar ent, I say, that whole sections of the Union, dis tinguished from the minority by the peculiarity of their civil institutions, and arrayed against that minority hy tlie anited motives of interest, and ambition, and prejudice, will prosecute their schemes of injustice and oppress! n, with all that want of moral responsibility which distinguishes the proceedings of an .infuriated mob Yet, Sir, this mighty mass, blinded by a delusion which con verts plunder into patriotism, will perpetrate, un der the prostituted forms of legislation, acts of op pression and injustice, which no individual compo sing it would think of perpetrating, when acting on his separate responsibility. Such, then, is a faithful portrait of that majority, which we are told have a natural right to regulate and confis cate the interests <-f the minority. Whet despo tism can be poiuted out, cither among the dark realities of history, or the wildest fictions of poe try, more fearful to contemplate? What refuge, what hope, what security have the minority, when this devout h-g monster walks abroad, clothed with the mantle and armed with the sceptre of power, and stimulated by the insatiable spirit of monopo ly? Shall I be told, that the minority must throw themselves upon the humanity, justice, end mo deration of this majority ? What, Sir! are we to expect justice, humanity aud moderation front the spirit and genius of monopoly itself? You had us well think of striking fire from an icicle ! You had as well attempt to satiate tin- appetite of a cannibal, by the cries of infant tenderness! Mr Chairman, I solemnly declare, that 1 would prefer the government of a single despot, to that of such n majority as 1 hnve iescribed, acting up on the rights and interests of the minority, with out any restraint hut that imposed by its own will. The subjects uf an Imperial despot, are not with out some security against the cxtreines of oppres sion. The greatest tyrant thnt ever reigned—even the Emperor Tiberius,—was still a man, having- the soul, and the feelings, and the sympathies of a man, and could not, therefore, behold, without some “compunctious visitingt," the sufferings of Ilia subjects, and the desolation and plunder of hit provinces- But such a majority as I have descri l>ed, hat no more soul than a corporation, and, in the very nature of things, is utterly incapable of human sympathy. There it another restraint upon the power of a tingle tyrant, which Joes not operate upon this ty rant majority, appropriately denominated in anoth erplace, “kingnumbers.” The physical force of society it on the tide of the oppressed, iu the cate of a tingle despot. An act of tyranny rvili vi brate through the hearts of all hit subjects, from one eitremity of hit dominions In the other. E very man will feel that the blow which strikes down iiit fellow subject to-day, may fall upon him to morrow. A tense of common danger and com mon suffering, will induce the most degraded po pulation in the world to impose such limits upon the practical exercise nf despotic power, at will prevent the extremes of oppression. It Is a liisto rical fact, Sir, that there does not exist on the face of the earth, a despotism that ip not restrained by some principle, moral, religious, or political, which operates as a practical check upon power, aud a security against oppression. But what human principle, what earthly power, is there to restrain the majority ? To what tribunal can the oppres sed minority carry their appeal, and urge their plea against oppression and injustice ? Can they appeal to public opinion, that high tribunal by which the despotism even of Napoleon, with all his military power, was controlled ? That public opinion it the very spirit and soul—the animating principle of the tyranny that oppresses them.— Then, Sir, there is no refuge for the minority, if the ttcred and protecting power, of the Constitu tion cannot be iuterposed—“ Their final hope is flat despair.” There is another particular in which thedespo titm of a tingle tyrant, is preferable to that of a legislative majority, such at 1 have described.— His appetite for taaation and plunder, is infinite ly lets voracious. There it a limit to the exacti ons of an absolute monarch, which he has no motive to exceed. When his subjects have sup plied hit exchequer with a sufficient treasure to gratify his imperial vanity, by covering him with the decorations appropriate to hit rank—when they have provided the means of keeping up his civil and military establishments, and of main taining the pomp and pageantry of power, ambi tion itself can supply no motive, for any fur ther exaction. But where if the people whose resources are sufficioot to satiefy the voracious cravings of a majority, acting upon the principles of the manufacturer* and their confederates, in this unholy crusade against the commerce of the Southern Steles ? The wealth of the Indies might be exhausted, and yet the appetite for plunder would beat far from being satiated as ever. It cannot be doubted, that when a majority of the common legislative council, in a federative system of government, assume* the power, and make* it the avowed and final object of its exer cise to injure or destroy the local, peculiar aud exclusive interests of a party of the States compos ing the confederacy, the principle of confederati on itself it eooverted to the heaviest political curse that can aflict any people, its very end is utter 1y perverted. The only legitimate purpose of h confederation of States, ie the preservation of e- vary member of the league, both from foreign in* justice and violence, and. fronfthe injustice and violence of the other members. But it cannot bo disguised, that, in the cate under consideration, the power of the Confederacy it prostituted to the per petration of the verv injustice ami violence it we* specially, if not exclusively, 'intended to prevent, aud to the destruction of the very rights and in terests it was intended to secure; and that, too, in the most injurious, because the most intiduout, of all foimt | the substitution of legislative power for physical force- In this way, tho Slates com posing the majority, are at distinctly arrayed a- gainst those composing the minority, in a war of legislation, at they possibly tOuld be, in a war of arms, if they were unconnected sovereignties.— If the states were not united by his confederacy, a greater outrage coultl not be couceived, at welt againet the principles of uatural justice, as against the law of nations, than an attempt of two thirds of those Slates to prohibit and destroy the lawful commerce of the other third. The universal sente of all civilised nations would cry out against the enormity. Yet this it pricitely, and to the very letter, the outrage which the tariff State* are now perpetrating against the Southern States, through the insliuuienlaiity of a Government formed for the very purpose of preventing it. The Federal Legislature, under these circumstances, entirely loses its conservative character, ceatee to be com mon council of the Confederacy, and become* a mere substitute for armies end navies, to carry! .on the work of plunder and desolation, by which the tariff States propose to counteract the bountiful dispensations of Providence, In favor of the South ern States. The Hall of Congress it nothing more nor lest then a field of battle, in whieh the conflicting powers nre nrrayed against each other in a species of warfare, in which neither valor, nor skill, nor reason, nor justice, are of any avail to the combntnnts, but of which the issue is ulti mately decided by the mere brute force of num bers. Mr. Chairman, this palpable prostitution and perversion of the federal power of the Union, uot only fails to secure every member of that Uni on from the injustice and violence of the other members, but placet in the hands of a majority of States an instrument more powerful nnd more dan gerous than cannon, for the destruction of the in terests of the minority. Without fleets or Armies, and wbat is of infinite importance to tender consciences—without hazard ing the loss of a tingle drop of human blood, a prosperous commerce it swept from the face of the ocean, by the mere mathematical power of num bers. All that it required it that tha Clerk at your table should count over the votes, and the speaker pronouuce “ the ayes have it," and the work of desolation is done, 'i hit, too, it all accom plished peaceably. Yes, sir, war it prevented be tween the members of the confederacy, but that is substituted which is infinitely worse for thp minor ity. If the majority, in waging a war of piracy and plunder, were exposed to the perils of their vocation, there would be some security in that, e- ven to the minority. “ 'fhe battle it not always to the stroug.” Valor and skill might supply the place of numbers in tlie open field, and a just cause, would give a threefold energy to every freeman, in resisting the lawless invader of hit rights. But when it is reduced to a mere matter ot counting, what valor, what skill, what power of argument or eloquence, can make a minority of votes in a just cause of equal power with a ma jority in an unjust one ? I beg leave now, Mr. Chairman, to suggest, for the consideration of the Committee tome historical a nalogies which nre calculated to exhibit ina strong practical point of view, the tyranny injustice of this prose ilptive,system of legislation which theme- jority of Congress have carried on for the last ten years against the lawfol commerce of the South ern States. What, then, is the sum and substance nf that system ? It it precisely this, sir: that tha Southern States shall be prohibited from carrying on commerce in certain articles with the nations of the world, and shall be restricted to an inter course with the tariff States of this Union. This reduces the Southei u States to a state of colonial vassalage, to the Tariff’ States, decidedly worse than that of our ancestors to Great Britain.— What was the amount of the colonial vassalage of our ancestors ? It was nothing more than that they should he "prohibitedfromcarrying on commerce, in certain articles, with the nations of the world, and should be restricted to an intercourse with Great Britain." The Southern States,then, are reduced to the very same relation to the Tariff States, in point of prin ciple, as that in which all the colonies formerly stood to Great Britain. They have changed their masters, to be sure, and I will now proceed to In- qube what they have gained by the change. 1 confidently assert, that the restrictions impos ed by the Tariff states upon the commerce of the planting States, arc one hundred times more inju rious and oppressive than all the colonial restric tions and taxes which Great Britain ever imposed, or attempted to impose upon the commerce of our forefathers. Yes, Mr. Chairman, a revolution which severed a mighty empire into fragments, ii which bill .ry bas already recorded at the first in the annals of human liberty, originated in restric tions and impositions, not a whit more tyrannical in principle, and, as I will proceed-to demonstrate, not a hundredth part so oppressive in point of fact, as the restrictions end impositions now unconstitutionally imposed upon the Southern State*. The prohibition which excluded our ancestors from the commerce of all other countries but Great Britain, was almost purely nominal. With out that prohibition, the trade of the colonies would have been confined almost exclusively to the mother country. She furnished them with the the best market in the World for all the producti ons of their industry. She supplied tha articles they wanted cheaper than they could be obtained from any other nation, and gave them a belter price for their productions. But the very oppo site of this is true, as to the restrictions of which we now complain. Instead of coinciding with tiie natural course of trade, they come directly incon tact with it. The Southern States ere excluded from their natural markets—the very best in the world, for the purpose of confining them to a mar ket Which is, in all respects, the very worst. Eu rope now consumes five-sixthl of our agricultural staples, and the consumption would be indefinitely extended, if the trade was unrestricted the Ta riff State* could not consume, under any circura stances, more than one-fifth of these staples — Great Britain, France, and Holland, could furnish us with such manufactures as we want, at a price one-third less than that for which they ever can be furnished by the manufacturing Slates ot this Uni on ; and, under these circumstances, we are com pelied to purchase from these States, ti denied oug uatural right of purchasing from foreign nations. In one word, we are excluded from the very hast markets in the world, and confined to that in which we can get least for what we have to sell, and are compelled to give most for what *• desire to purchase. The duties and restrictions imposed upon the commerce of the Southern States for the exclu sive benefit of the Tariff States, amount to a lar ger sum of taxation and oppression in a tingle year, than all the restrictions it taxes imposed upon all die colonic* by the British Parliament, from the date of tbe stamp act to the bretiking out of the Revolutionary war The Southern State* nre to all intents and pur- >set re-colonised, as much to n* if the British poses Parliament had (be supreme legislative power, of regulaflng their commerce. 1 am aware that it bat been attempted to impair the force of this analogy by adverting to tbe fact that the Southern States nfe Airly represented in Congress. But when (he power of tbit Cemeeen Council it directed against the interest of the minority, tb isolated end distinguished by geographical and t , , civil peculiaritiee and commercial interests, as ilf, notwithstanding ha cultivates the most than laws apparently and nominally general* msy be, in cflbct, local and eseliitivola their impositi ons, it ig obvious that a representation of the aB- norlty, on all questioat affecting Ma distinct nafl local internets, is substantially ne representation at all. When the proposition before Cnngraxi It the imposition of a common and equal burthen upon the whole country, or the appropriation of the common Arndt, to defend the right* of a tingle State or even of a tingle individual, I should con sider the Southern State* really represented, how ever much they might differ, with tbe majority.-* But when the proposition it to impose an exclu sive burthen on those States or appropriate their peculiar funds, for the benefit even of all thf other State*, I should regard them a* having oo representation at all, though they were entitled to ninety-nine votes in Council of two hundred. Op such a question, any thing lees than a majority, or at least an equality of votes, it precisely equal to no vole at all. It is not a question of deliberation, concerning common interetts, but a question of naked commercial power, concerning interesla that are entirely adverse. Nothing, therefore, can be morn unfair and ridi culous, than to maintain that the unjust and un constitutional impositions of the tariff system, in any respect, less tyrannical, in their operation upon (he Southern States, merely because those States are represented in Congress. What would have been the nature of a colonial representation in the British Parliament in 1776 ? The wisest Of our patriotic ancestors rejected the idea at a mi serable mockery. Wbat is tbe value of an Irish representation in the British Parliament, on Ml questions affecting the local interetts of Ireland, and In which the interest or prejudices of Eng land, stand opposed to them ? Let the oppression end rain of Ireland, answer the question. Wbat would be the value of West India representation in Parliament, on the question of negro emancipa tion ? And what is the value of a Southern re presentation in Congress, when the question to be determined it, whether ten millions of Southern commerce shall be subjected to tbe legislative re* pucity of the majority ? They serve no other pur pose than to be nominal parties to the immolation of their constituents, and thus furnish to tbeir op pressors a pretext and a disguise for tbe outrage. The course of these remarks forcibly suggest another historical analogy, calculated—if that bo possible—to exhibit in a still stronger point of view, the state of political degradation to whitfc the Southern States ere reduced by the prohibito ry system. The recent war with Great Britain will be memorable in the history of the country, as the second war of independence. The evident tendency of the British pretensions to re-colonite the United States, canted every enlightened patri ot to see and to feel, that such sins the tiue cha racter of the contest. Now, wbat were the pre tension* of Greet Britain 7 In the very strongest point of view, they amounted to no more than tho assumption of right, on tbe part of Great Britain, not to prohibit, but to shackle and encumber dur ing war, (he commerce of tbe United States, with the adverse belligerents. 8uppote she had set up tbe broad pretension—eimilnr to that now enforc ed by the tariff Statee-o-tbat We should trade ei- clusively with her, and should not trade with Fiance, either in peace or in war 7 There is not a patriot in the Union who would not have teen bis country one vast catacomb of slaughtered free men, before he would have tarnished tbe memory of his ancestors, by submitting to terms to ignomi nious and degrading. Every plain would have been a Marathon, and every strait a Thermopylte; and Great Britain would never have succeeded in establishing her arrogant pretensions, until none but slaves survived to acknowledge and submit to it. And yet the Southern States, who to glori ously sustained a war waged against tbis pretensi on, are now actually reduced to a state of degra dation and dependence, beyond all question woqt than that which would have resulted from it* es tablishment. If we had been actually conquerad by tiie British arms—if wt had been compelled fo prostrate the insignia of bar sovereignty at the feet of the conaneror, and the terms of our submisstoti had been dictated at tbe bead of victorious legi ons, nothing worse could have been Imposed up on the whole confederacy, by the right of con* quest, than the oppression and vassalage to whieh the Southern States are now subjected, by tbe le gislation of Congrees. If all the commercial nationrin tbe world were to unite in a conspiracy, to cripple end restrict our commerce, by hostile regulations, to far as their own interests would be promoted by it; It all the restraints interposed by tbe law of nation to protect that commerce, were annulled, and tha nations of Europe had tha unlimitted power tu make what regulations they pleased in regard to it, nothing worse could. possibly be done, than what our own legislation nas done already. It is true Sir—if there da any consolation in that—that tbe injury is not inflicted by e Foreign Power, but by those > who cell themselves oar brethren end fellow-citizens. But I am forfrom perceiving any thing in its circumstance to mitigate tbe injury.-* f solemnly declare, I would rather it were inflict ed by a foreign power. A dagger plunged by the hand of a brother, carries a severer pang to tha heart of the injured party, from the very consuls* ration that the blow wet inflicted by one, who was under the most sacred obligation* to arrest Mr if aimed by another. I must now invite the attention Of the commit tee for a few moments, to a brief exposition of Ufa actual condition of soffering to which the South ern States have been reduced by tbit system. I will draw no picture of tbe imagination, but pre sent a few decisive facts that will speak a language too unequivocal to admit of but oaa interpretati on. For the last twelve years, the condition Of tbe country has been growing worse and worse, in a steady progression. During this time tbe price of cotton lias fallen from thirty to ten Anita a pound, and every thing else iu a correspondent degree. This state of things it peculiarly distraw sing. Almost any condition is tolerable w hich i| C crmanent. We become reconciled to it by ba it, and make all calculations and pecuniary ar rangements to accord with it. But when tariff fo passed after tariff, extending further and father (be oppressive influence of the system, constant pecuniary embarrassment i* the almost unavoida ble result. No prudence can avoid it. An unex pected decline in the price of produce baffles tbe calculations even of the most caatfous; and in this downward tendency of things, the planter al most invariably finds, each successive year, hb means of meeting hit pecuniary engagements, lew than he reasonably calculated when be ra-ide them. „ ■ The profits of the cotton planter, with ell tbe na tural advantages with which. Providence hoe fo. vored him, are now actually lesa than those of any other description of capitalists in tha Union. - I speak of what I personally know, when I assert, that the labor of a slave in the field, does not ymd the owner more than twelve end a half cents per day, on an averaga. Now, Sir, I leave k to aar gentleman from tne Middle or Eaatfim States, to say, whether the price of common held labor fo cents a day. I am aware of the prevalence of ao idea, that slave labor if lot as efficient a* free £ bor; but, a* regards agricultural pontdtf it i* en tirely erroneous. No white mao from Naw-Emt- Itnd, or toy where ehe, eaa do moro field labor than a 9outh-Carolk*a Blew. TaMag thei j the rage at tho year, tha Boat hem planter has gtaaffijr more labor patformed by eaeb heed, than fon Northern former. With us,there ie no teasoaM retd from onooad of tbe day, or from one end of the yenr.tolhe other. The wfotor seeeen, which I* e period of festivity end rest withlho ffbriham farmers, is. with our planters, a period of active bte staple in the worid,and wcrlfotiiottatefoOMs

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, June 26, 1830, Image 1