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'SJIV,
ii pTwty ©r scaree, according to the quantity of
note* Wt?d bv them. While they have capitals not great
ly ^proportioned to each other, they are competitors in
fm.ain'vu, and no one of th-'mean exercise dominion over
ffe’fest; aal although, in the present state ofthe curren-
cv. these banks may and do operate injuriously upon the
habit* of business, the pecuniary concerns, and the moral
foae-of society, yet, frem their number and dispersed situ
ation*. they cannot combine tor the purpose of political in-
fiWiCSV and whatever nny ho the dispositions of some of
them, their power of mischief must necessarily he confined
to «* narrow space, and felt only ia their immediate neigh
borhood.
But when the charter fir the Barak of the United States
•was obtained from Congrew, it "perfected the schemes of
the paper svstom. and gave to its advocates the position
thev have struggled to obtain, from the commencement of
the Federal Government down t.o the {*:;sent hour. The
immense capital and peculiar advantages bestowed upon it,
enabled it to exercise despotic, sway over the other hanks
in every part of t^^Pouutrv. From its superior strength,
it could serimislv injure, if not dostrnv, toe b.ismt ss o
nov one of them which might incur its resentment an it
openly claimed for itself tin* power ot regulating Joe. cu.
renev throughout the United Slates. In other u o; *, it a-,
•erted (and it undoubted!' - possessed) the potter to ma e
money plenty or scarce. nt it, pleasure at any time, and
in anv quarter of the Union, by controlling the issues ot
other banks, nd permitting an expansion, nr compelling a
gmeral contraction of the circulating medium, according
t a its own will. The other banking institutions were sensi
ble of it* strength, and they soon goncraiiy became Us o««s
dient instruments, ready at all times to execute its. man
dates ; a d with the banks necessarily went, also, tuat mi
unruis c!a»s of nerson* in our commercial cities, who de-
mend altogether oa bank credits for their solvency end
rae-ms of business; and who are therefore obliged for
termiue upon it.
While I am thus endeavoring to P^** u P° n y ont a « e «-
tion the principles which I deem of vital importance in the
domestic concerns of the country, I ought not to pass over,
without notice the important considerations which riiould
govern your policy towards foreign powers. It is, unques
tionably, our true interest to cultivate the most friendly un
derstanding with every nation, and to avoid, by even, hon
orable means, the calamities of war; and wc shall best at
tain this object by frankness and sincerity in our foreign
intercourse, bv the prompt and faithful execution of trea
ties and by justice and impartiality in our conduct to all.
But no nation, however desirous of peace, can hope to* es
cape occasional collision with other powers; and the sound
est dictates of policy require that we should place our
selves in a condition to assert our rights, if a resort to-force
should ever become necessary. Our locnl situation, our
long line of sea coast, indented by numerous bays, with deep
rivers opening into the interior, as well as our extuuded
and still increasing commerce, point to the navy as our na
tural means of defence. It will, in the; end, be found to
be the cheapest and most effectual, a:al itow is the time, in
a season of peace, and with an overflowing revenue, that
we can, year aft'*r year, add to its strength, without in
creasing the burdens of the people. It is, your true poii-
For your navy will not only protect your rich and
flourishing commerce in distant seas, but will enable you:
to reach and annoy the enemy, and will give to defence its
greatest efficiency, by meeting danger at a distance from
home.
It is impossible, by any line of fortifications to guard
ever, point from attack, against a hostile force advancing
from tit? ocean a id selecting its object; but they are itidis-
]leasable to protect cities from bombardment, dock-yards
r.-.im f*» «riv»» «*n*»ifs*r to TBPr
command of ms acknowledged head: tnu* organizing this
particular interest as one body, and securing to it unity
and concert of acti" 1 throughout tlie Lnited States, and
enabling it to brunt forward, uomi a iy .o *casiou, its c*it.ie
an^. undivided strength to support or d'iVat any measures
of the Government. In the lined.' ot this formidable pow-
thu? perfectly orgaiiired, was also placed unlimited do
er,
minion rvrertb? amount <>: th? circulating medium, giving
it the power t.o regulate the villa" of property, and the fruits
J qua
of labor in every quarter of the U,.ion, and to bestow
prosperity, or bring ruin, upon any city or section ot the
country, cs might best comport with its own interest or
policy.
V/e art not Icfr to conjecture how the moneyed power.
anv manner more
done, and our naval force sufficiently strengthened, and our
militia armed, w * need not fear that any nation will wanton
ly i unit us, or needlessly provoke hostilities. V» o shall
more certainly preserve peace, when it is well understood
that we arc prepared for war.
Ia presenting to you, mv follow-citizens, these, parting
counsels. I have brought before you th? lending principles
ui>on which I endeavoured to administer the Government
in the high office with which you have twice honored me.
Knowing that the path of fecdom is continually beset by en
emies, who often assume the disguise of friends, 1 have
devoted the last hours of my public life to warn you of the
danger*. The pmgrms of the United Stales, under our
free and happy institutions, has surpassed the most sangu
bo likely to-us? it.
and agitated the
The distress
■’bole country,
finis organized, and with such av'caoon in its hand.'*, would j . .* v* . . - . - , ,. r , _
inuure j , li.i, I mehaiMof tue founders of tho r-spuShc. Our grow th Las
and aiarm wmen pervaded ! 1 . , , , ,, . 1 . . , •
when the Bank of the i ' Jocn rapid, beyond ail former example in numbers in wealth
‘ i • j I in knowledge, and all the useful arts which contribute to
UniMrl Sfiir. 1 #'war u»>on tiio ncool^i in onlcr locoin - f . . * r * ?• .
tv'iu.a c -. _i - * A the revnforts and convenience ot man; and from the ear* u*st
ages of history to the present day, there never have l»*cn
thirteen mdiions of people associated together in one polit-
tv! them to-submit to its demands, cannot yt be forgotten.
Vhe ruthless and unsunring temper with winch whole cities
and CTnrrrriities were optic ts.-e;i, individuals impoverished
Bad ruined, and a scene of cheerful prosperity suddenly
changed into one of gloom and despondency, ought to be
indelibly imnressed on tin memory of the people of iht
United State*. It such was its power in a time of pea *e, , ^ aj ^ hi?h and
what would it not have been m a season ot war with a.i
fnc riv at vour doors ? No nation but the freemen of the
United Stans, could have come out victorious from such a
contest; vet, if you lia-1 not conquered, the Government
would have passed from the liards of the many to the
hands of the few; and this organized money power, from
it* secret conclave, would have dictated tuts choice ot vour
highest officers, a id compelled you to make peace or war,
as best suited their own wishes. The terns ot your go
vernment might, for a rim *, have remained, but its living
epirit would have departed from it.
• The distress and sufferings inflicted on the people by the
hank, are some of the fruit? of that system of policy which
is continually striving to enlarge the authority of the ledc-
ral Government beyond tin* limits fixed by the Constitution. ,
The powers enumerated in that instrument do not confer p '
on Congress the right to establish such a corporation as the
Bank ofthe United Stales; and the evil consequences
which followed may warn us of the danger of departing
from the true rule of construction, and of permitting tem-
porarv cireumst.ance*, or the hope of better promoting the
public welfare, to intiuenc<*. in auy degree, our decisions
upon the extent of the authority of the General Govern
ment. Let us abide by the constitution a* it is written,
or amend it in the constitutional mode, if it is found to be
defective.
Th? ?'vcr: lessons of experience will, I doubt not, be
•efficient to prevent Ci igress from again chartering such
& monopoly, even if the Constitution did not prevent an
insuoerabie objection to it. But you mu*C remember, my
fellow-citizens, that eternal vigilanc? by the people is the
pric? of liberty, a id that you must pay the price if you wish j
lo secure the blessing. It behoves you, therefore, to be j
watchful in your States as well as in the Federal Govern- j
ir,5:it. The power which the money interest can exercise, I
when concentrated under a single head, and with vonr pre- j
tent system of currency, was sufficiently demonstrated in i
the struggle made, bv the Bunt of'the United States. De- .
feated in the G moral Government, the saint*, class of intri- '
ica! bod-’ who enjoyed so much freedom and happine?.*, as
the people of these United States. \ ou have no longer
any cause to fear danger from abroad; your strength and
are well known throughout the civilized world, as
•ailant bearing of your sons. It is
from within, among yourselves, from cupidity, from corrup
tion, from disappointed ambition, and inordinate thirst for
power, that factions will be firmed and liberty endangered-
It is against such designs, whatever disguise the actors
may assume, that you have especially to guard yourselves.
You have the highest of human trusts committed to your
care. Providence has showered on thi* favoured land bJess-
in-rs without number, and has chosen you a* the guardian
of freedom to preserve it for the benefit of the human race.
May H>? who holds in his hands tho destinies of nations,
make you worthy of the favours he has bestowed, and en
able you, with Tiurs heart* and pure hands, and sleep
less vigilance, to guard and to defend to the end of
time, tlie great charge he has committed to your keep-
My own rare i* nearly run; advanced age and failing
hca'th warn me that before long J must pass beyond the
reach of human events, and cease to feel the vicissitudes j
of human affairs. I thank God that my life lias been
spent in a ia*id of libprtv, and that ho has given me a
h"*rt to love my country with th? affection of a sin; and
filled with gratitude for your constant and unwavering kind
ness. I bid vou a last a.id affectionate farewell.
ANDREW JACKSON.
CONGRESS.
SPEECH OF MR. ALFOIID, OF GEORGIA,
OX THE r.TT.T. MAKING APPROPRIATIONS FOR THE SUPPORT
CF TUT. ARMY FOR THE TEAR 1337.—DELIVERED IN THE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUART Ufi, 1837.
On motion of Mr. Cambrcleng, the House went into
Committee of tho Whole, Mr. Smith in the chair, on the
amendments of the Senate to “ the bill making appropria
tions for the support of the army for the year 1C37.”
Mr. Owens then proposed a.-» an amendment: That the
sum of twenty thousand dollars be appropriated to reim
burse the State of Georgia for moneys expended, or to be
goer? a.id poiitniaiis will now resort to the States, and en- i ex -. cn dcd, by said State, in payment for the services of vo-
deavor to obtain there the same organization, which they j ilu ‘ i:cer;l in \h e Creek and Seminole wars, for losses sus-
faiked to perpetuate in tne Cn.un, and <y specious and de- : fa ;, ied l, v them, and medical attendance furnished them,
itful plans ofpubiic advantages, State interests and State, l durjnfsaid <rrrir(lf or in going to or returning from the
pride, they will endeavor to establish, in the different
States, one moneyed institution with overgrown capital,
end exclusive privileges, sufficient to euabie it to control
the oueratioas of the banks. Such an institution will be
pregnant with the same evils produced by the Bank of the
United Stares, although its sphere of action is more confin
ed; a id in the Slate in which it is chartered, the money
power will be able to embody its whole strength, and to
move together with undivided-force, to accomplish any ob
ject it may wish to attain. You have already had abun
dant evidence of its power to inflict injury upon the agri
cultural, mechanical, ar.d laboring classes of society; and
five-* those whose engagements in trade or speculation ren
der them dependent on bank facilities, the dominion of the
State monopoly will be absolute, and their obedience un
limited. With such a paper currency, the money powwr
would, in a few years, govern the State and control its
measures; and if a sufficient number of Stares can be in
duced to create such establishments, the time will scion
eom? when it will again take the field against the United
States, and su-ceed ia perfecting and perpetuating its or
ganization by a charter from Congress.
It 13 o.ie of the serious evils of our present system of
banking, that it enables one class of society—and that by no
means a numerous one—by its control over the currency,
to act injuriously upon the interests cf all the others, and
to exer ise more than its just proportion of influence in
E ilitical affairs. The agricultural, and mechanical, and
boring classes have little or no share in the direction of
the great moneyed corporations; and from their habits
and the nature of their pursuits, they arc inenpableof form-
in? extensive combinations to act together with united force.
Such concert of action may sometimes b? produced in a sin
gle city, or in a small district ot country,.by menus of per
sonal communications with each ot.*i<*r; but they have no
rcrular or active correspondence with those who are rn-
£Ug?d in similar pursuits in distant places; they have but
little pitronagn to give to the press, aid exercise but a
small share of influence over it; they have no crowd of
dependent? about them, v.ho hope to grow rich without la
bor, by their countenance and favor, and who arc therefore,
always reach* to execute their wishes. The planter, the
farmer, the mechanic, and the laborer, all know that their
success depends upon t'ueir own industry and economy,
a id that they must not expect to become suddenly rich by
the fruits of their toil. Y r et these classes of society form
the• great bodv of the people of the United States; they
are the bone and sinew of the country ; men who love li-
bertv, and desire nothing but equal rights and equal laws,
and who moreover, hold the great mass of our national
wealth, although it is distributed in moderate amounts a-
niong the millions of freemen who possess it. But, with
overwhelming numbers and wealth on tueir side, they arc
in constant danger of losing their influence in the govern
ment, and with difficulty maintain their just rights against
the incessant efforts daily made to encroach upon them.—
The mischief springs from the power which the moneyed
interest derives from a paper currency, which they are able
to control from the multitude of corporations, and exclu
sive privileges which they have succeeded in obtaining tn
the different states, and which are employed altogether lor
their benefit : and unless you liecomc more watchful in
your States, and check this spirit of monopoly and tiiirst
for exclusive privileges, you will in the end find that the
most important powers of government have been given
or bartered away, and that the control over your dear
est interests has passed into the hands of these corpo-
. rations.
Tho paper money system, and" it* natural associates,
monopoly and exclusive privileges, have already struck
their roots deep in the soil; and it will require all your ef
forts to check its further growth, and to eradicate the evil.
Tho men who profit by the abuses and desire to perpetuate
diem, will continue to besiege the halls of legislation in
the General Government, as well as in tlie States, and wiil
seek by every artifice to mislead and deceive the public
aervants. It is to yourselves that you must look for safe
ty, and the means of guarding and perpetuating your free
institutions- In your bauds is rightfully placed the sove
reignty of the country, and to you every one placed in au
thority is ultimately responsible. It isalwavs in your pow
er to see that the wishes of the people are carried into
faithful execution, and their will when once made known,
must sooner or later be obeyed.. And' while the people re
main, as I trust they ever will, uncorrupted and incorrupti
ble, and continue watchful and; jealous of their rights, the
Government is safe, and the cause of freedom will continue
to triumph over all its enemies..
But it will require steady and persevering exertions on
• your part to rid yourselves of the iniquities and mischiefs of
the paper system, and to check the spirit of. monopoly,
and other abuses which have sprung up with it, and of
which it is the main support. So many interests are unit-
*4 to rcsUt all reform on this subject, that' you must not
hope the conflict trill be a short one, nor success easy.—
My bumble efforts have not been spared, during my admi
nistration of the Government, to restore the constitutional
currency oftgold and silver, and something, I trust, has
has d«iaa towards the accomplishment of this most dosirv
placc of rendezvous; the said volunteers not having been
regular’y mustered into the army of the United State.*, and,
r. ider the existing laws, not entitled to pay; but authorized
to be paid by an act of the Legislature of the State of
Georgia, passed 2Gtli December, 183fi, provided that good
and sufficient evidence be furnished the War Department
that the said volunteers, in said act designated, have been
paid by said State in conformity with it* provisions.
Mr. Cambrcleng said he had the same objection to this
amendment which hr had to all the others. It had not
been examined and reported upon by a committee of the
IIon*e.
Mr. ALFORD said, Mr. Speaker, it is fashionable now,
at this late stage of the session, for gentlemen who wish to
make long speeches, to promise the House in the onset to
be brief, and, in most cases, the promise is forgotten in the
heat of protracted debate. If necessary, Mr. Speaker, 1
could make the same promise, but candor compels me to
sav, if 1 were to promise, I should not comply. This sub
ject lies near my heart. Without claiming for myself any
of the distinction which signalized the career of these gal
lant bands of irregular militia, I may be pardoned when I
do say. I feel a deep and abiding conviction of tlie justice
of their claims, from a participation at least in the suffer
ings and privations which they endured. Several amend
ments are proposed to this bill to pay the troops from Ken
tucky and Tennessee, raised under the order of General
Gaines, as well as the bill proposed by my colleague to
pay the companies raised in Georgia, under the exigencies
of the Creek war in its first breaking out, whether they
were raised under orders or not, and without being muster
ed into the, service of the United States.
Mr. Speaker, lam mortified at the course taken here by
the gentleman from Nuw-York, (Mr. Cambrcleng,) as well
as the chairman of the Committee of Claims, from Ohio,
(*Mr. Whittlesey.) One object* to the validity of these
claims, because they have not been before the committee,
and the chairman .of the committee objects because the
troop.* were not mustered into the service. I beg leave to
remark, that I cannot see any difference in the merit, of a
soldier’s claim for pay in the mere circumstance of being
mustered into the service of the United States, or not being
mustered in. I would humbly contend that the gratitude
of their country, as well as the little pittance of their wa
ges, is due upon another and nobler principle. For what
should they be paid ? For what should they receive the
consideration of this House, and the gratitude of their
country? For a gallantry of spirit .and devotion to coun
try displayed in rushing, without waiting to be called, to
the i*elief of their exposed and suffering fullow-ritizcns.
Yes, sir. give the money of this nation to the soldier who,
when he saw the perils r.f war encircle the habitation of
your defenceless families—when the war-hoop was raised
—when the council-fire burned—when the tomahawk was
drawn, and the sealping-knife unsheathed—when your wo
men and children were murdered in cold blood—when the
horrors of cruel, savage warfare reigned in bloody triumph
—give it to him, sir, who perilled all for their protection, all
for the honor of his country.
Mr. Speaker, if a call was made by General Gaines for
troops in the West; if, in generous response to this call,
the hardy Tennesseean and the “ Hunter of Kentucky,”
rallied to the standard of their country, if they incurred
expense, if they consumed their time, and manifested their
willingness to do good service—and surely, sir, the historv
of “ by gone times” proves most infallibly their capability
yet, rich as we are as a nation, we draw nice distinctions
to save onr money, and starve and plunder those who re
gard our honor and defend our rights. There is some
thing wrong hi this: the hungry politician is fed, the active
partisan is rewarded, the man who deceives the people,
and ministers to the ambition of the gteat and migntv, is
well paid, but the soldier who fights your battles is turned
off with a cold denial of sheer justice. I hope the times
will change, and I shall rejoice to see the people of these
United States do justice to themselves, as well as to their
rulers. And 1 hope to live to see those humbug politi
cians, who raise such unworthy obstacles to the claims of
our people, mustered out of Ike service—pay or no pay",
but they will take care of themselves; they have the mo
ney, and it seems they intend to keep it.
Mr. Speaker, in all. the opposition to these amendments
made upon this floor, 1 bear no argument against their jus
tice; it is all a matter of mere form, intended, no doubt, to
postpone that which they cannot avoid doing* at last. In
deed, there is no argument which can be used to defeat
them, especially the claim of Georgia. Strength of par
ties may postpone that which both justice and reason de
mand should be done, and done quickly. But still, Mr.
Speaker, if we are to listen to the kind pretensions of
friendship, made here by the friends of the Presidentelect,
wo could not doubt the payment of our claim for one mo
ment. Well, we shall soon see who are our friends and
who are not. Let me say to Mr. Van Buren’s friends here,
now is the time to prove what they profess. If truly, gen
tlemen, you are our friends, nov let us feel it; and let me
say to them, in good faith, if you intend to help us. let us
have tlie benefit of alt your votes at once. Do not do as
you did ill the case of Texas, part vote yea at one time and
part at another, and thus defeat the measure, whilst, at
the same time, you prove to all the world you are all the
friends of Texas. But let us return to the argument: I
said no argument lied or could be used against tile justice
of this claim. If any gentlemen should say they were not
called for by the Government, I will answer, they were
called for by the actual invasion of the State, and the po
sitive and imperitivc necessity of the times. For more
than twelve months before a declaration of war by either
party, the Creek Indians were in the habit of crossing the
Chattahoochee river, and plundering and murdering the
citizens of Georgia, and during this whole time the gallant
Jernigan and his fellow-soldiers, as well as the citizens of
other counties, were occasionally in the field. It is true,
calls were made by tlie people of Stewart and Baker coun
ties, and some of the ad joining counties, for help, but none
was given them: they were left by the Governor of Geor-
cia and the “ Government^' to do the best they could; in
this condition of our affair':, these soldiers, who now ask
pay for actual services, were compelled to perform those
services from unavoidable necessity, which i should think
was a paramount reason why they should be paid.
Mr. Speaker, th*; honorable Chairman of the Committee
of Claims, as well as the honorable gentleman from New-
York, will pardon me for another reason why I object to
their objection. They say, and-particularly the gentleman
lrom New-York, that these claims ought not to be consider
ed by Congress before they are referred to a committee,
.and by them considered and reported upon. I have a case
in point, which proves to my mind most Conclusively that
these references of important measures to committees, are
sometimes made a reason, if not a pretext, for very unne
cessary, and. I will add, very unjust, and more than that,
very cj’prcssire delay. I refi-r now t» claims arising for
spoliations committed by the Creek Indians upon tlie pro
perty of citizens of Georgia and Alabama during the last
war. I promised my constituents when 1 came here, to
look after this matter; and, immediately upon my arrival
in the city, I inquired of my colleagues what disposition,
if any, had lx*en made of that part of the I’residcut’s mes
sage which related to this subject in which he recommend
ed the payment of these claims. I was informed it had
been referred to the Committee of Claims, a very unfortu
nate reference, I fear; for so far as 1 can learn the fate of
these claims before that Committee, their tracks are all
going into the lion’s den, not one has ever returned. I ad
dressed a letter t.o the honorable chairman, who is the only
one of that committee 1 have any knowledge of as members
thereof, inquiring his reasons for not making a report upon
that subject; his answer was, he had referred it to tlie Se
cretary of War for an opinion ; and we have no such offi
cer in fact: the Attorney General does something in that
office when his other duties will allow. The Chairman
had no answer from him, and therefore had made no re
port. I wrote io the Attorney General, as acting Secreta
ry at War, and now, to-day, learn he has just sent in his
answer, too iate, I fear, for a report to do any good this
session.
Mr. Speaker, I must be permitted to say this ail looks
to me liko injustice to my constituents; and here iu my
place, I do complain that they have been treated amiss,
and I feel it the more sensibly because I know of my own
knowledge that delay is ruin to many of these sufferers. If the
honorable chairman bad been with meat Roanoke, and had
seen wiiat I have seen with my own eyes, he surely would
not have sent these claims to the Secretary at War when
the President had distinctly recommended the measure to
Congress ; and I will say I cannot commend such a course;
and if I understand Mr. Butler’s opinion, he docs not see
why he should be called upon to argue this measure, after
it was before Congress. I now distinctly ask the honora
ble chairman if he did not intend thus to give it the go-by ?
for 1 shall so consider the fact to bo until truth dispels the
delusion, if I am wrong. But, Mr. Speaker, I have no
doubt I have apprehended this whole management as it re
ally is : this cicin: conies from the South ; these sufferers
are Southern people ; if they had hailed from another quar
ter, the sensibilities of the honorable chairman w ould have
been more acute, and the honorable gentleman from New-
York would not have flung in his objections thus oppor
tunely against the amendment. It is a hard case upon
those who have lost their property. The powers that be
were called upon to protect them; the strong arm of this
Government was so slow to move in their defence, that pro
tection came too late: and now, after the citizens of Geor
gia and Alabama were left to tho mercy of the merciless
savage: after scarcely a family who resided upon the fron
tier h.aseseappd either murder or house-burning; after the
desolating horrors of Indian warfare were turned loose up
on us for months; after the best portions of our new coun
try‘were made a howling wilderness; after all this, when they
come here for a just, remuneration, the test you can do for
tlihni is, to let their claim sleep—to them it is the sleep of
death.
Mr. Speaker, the House will pardon this digression from
the main question, and no doubt will agree with tne that
the policy of both the gentlemen is the same—to avoid
the payment of either the soldier that fought or the citizen
that suffered. I feel confident, at all events, that I have
clearly shown, by the facts of the case last debated, that
to refer the claims of the soldiers for pay to the committee
would not, as I before said, enhance its value or increase
the prospect of payment. I hope the amendment of my
colleague will be adopted. I thank the House for its kind
indulgence and polite attention. And now, Mr. Speaker, I
will depart from another habit of debate indulged in this
House; i will cease when I am through.
He was attended" by the Surgeon General, who will accom
pany him to Wheeling, whence another medical attendant,
detailed for the purpose, from the army, will accompany
him to the Hermitage. After spending the night with
Chief Justice Taney, at Baltimore, he was to proceed to
Ellicott’s Mills this morning, and thence pursue his jour
ney, in his carriage. So that is the last .of Andrew Jack-
son, and of his-power and influence, and crowds of pretend
ed and officious friends. Who will do him reverence now ?
The old and faithful friends who brought him into power,
he has sold off, and alienated, for the sake of a mercenary
band of flatterers, who despised while they used him. In
his own State, and in his own district, and even in the very
vicinity of the Hermitage,, where once he was almost
adored, he is now- viewed with indifference, distrust, or
hostilitv.
to do that very thing—why should they not be paid?
New-York says, because the comniit-
The gentleman from
tee have not had them before that tribunal; and the chair
man of that committee says, because they were not muster
ed into service. The gentleman from New-York will par
don me for saying, that I fear the report of that committee
would not enhance the justice of these claims, or increase
the prospect of their payment, if the members, like the
chairman, should refuse to be mustered into the service of
those who were so unfortunate as not to be mustered into
the service of the United States; and the chairman will
pardon me for saying, 1 cannot see the merit of his dis
tinction. Will the honorable gentleman be pleased to ex
plain to the House the reasons which influence him in his
course upon these claims ? And I should be delighted to
hear him descant upon the superlative merits of- the mere
simple operation of being mustered in. The House will
pardon me, Mr. Speaker, for describing the manner of per
forming. this indispensable, and, according lo the chair- i
man’s view, highly meritorious part of the military service.
A Lieutenant of the regular army took the muster roll of
Captain Kendrick s company of mounted men, and said,
Julius C. Alford I I answered, here! he pointed to me to
march fen paces up street, and I was mustered in. He
then called the next, he answered here, marched up, fell
in a line with me, and he was mustered in ,* and so on, Air.
Speaker, until we were all mustered in. Aiid will the
honorable chairman inform the House what merit there is
in this argument of his, which is entirely to decide the
question of pay or no pay? Mr-Speaker, we have an a-
bundant treasury, a large surplus,.and I fear it will remain
so as long as the merit of just claims, made by honest
men, are to be thus determined:. What nation undenhe
CORRESPONDENCE of THE CHARLESTON MERCUKT. *
Washington, March 6.
The Senate is still in session, but it. will probably adjourn
to-morrow. Among’the nominations already confirmed,
are those of Mr. Poinsett, as Secretary of War; George
M. Dallas, as Minister to Russia; Powhatan Ellis,ns Minis
ter Plenipotentiary to Mexico; Mr Lahranche, of Louis
iana. (Speaker of the House of Delegates,) as Minister to
Texas; W illiam Smith, cf Alabama, late of South Caroli
na. and twice Senator in Congress from that State, and re
cently a VanBuren Elector in Alabama, as additional Jus
tice of the Supreme Court of the United States under the
new law; M. Catron, of Tennessee, formerly Judge in
that State, and who was not rcchosen at the last choice of
Judges there, (and for whose appointment Mr. Speaker
Polk interested himself so much, as to address the House,
in Committee of the Whole, in favor of the bill creating
the two additional Judges,) as the ninth Justice of die Su
preme Court.
No other Cabinet Officer will lie nominated at present.—
Mr. Butler, it is understood, will leave the War Depart
ment, as soon as Air. Poinsett may be ready to enter upon
its duties. 1 he double duty which Mr. Attorney General
Butler has long performed, for the sake of double pay, has
seriously affected his health.
I lie late President, by retaining the Currency Bill,com
pletely defeated the lioj.es of the business community, who
looked to that measure as the means of partial relief from
the present artificial and unnecessary pressure on the mo
ney market. The President has published in the Gfobe his
reasom for the measure. Had he communicated them to
Congress, with his veto, the bill would have passed both
Houses—a rebuke which Ceneral Jackson avoided, by re
taining the. bill, in contempt of the real purpose and inten
tion of the provisions of the constitution, in regard to the
Executive power. But it is now whispered, that the ob
ject of this extraordinary measure is to enable Mr. Van
Burcn to commence his administration with the very popu
lar act of revoking the Treasury order. This will certain
ly give him great credit with those who do not understand
the intrigue. It is already stated, with confidence, that
the order of revoking the Treasury Order of July, has
been prepared^ and will appear forthwith. With a good
round sum in the hands of the Deposit© Banks, the Van
Buren men may, without delay, recommence their land
speculations to great advantage. ; - -
The Coronation Ball was a grand affair. Mr. Van Bn-
ren and Mr. Jackson entered with great pomp, attended by
Mr. King of Alabama, Mr. Rives, and Thomas Ritchie,
Esq. of Virginia, who, by the way* appears toact as Grand
Chamberlain of the new Court—and received the congra
tulations of the brilliant assembly, if not with much digni
ty, at least with a good deal of self-satisfaction and impor
tance. At the supper table, Mr. Ritehie was very properly
placed at the right hand of the President. There is honor
and glory for old Virginia! Glory enough is it for her,
that one of her sons sits at the right hand of him^uhose
chief glory and boost was, to be the toady of Gen. Jack-
eon.
I was."present at the departure of General Jackson, by
the Cars, for Baltimore. His Cabinet and all his toadys
were there, taking an affectionate and melting leaver With
all’their efforts,, they could not raise even-a "crocodile *tear
amongst the whole - throng. Mr. Benton was conspicuous
among the leave-takers. He grasped the old General by
the hand, amt,, w ith a great flourish, three times invoked
RESULT OF THE- SESSION.
The second session of the Twenty-fourth Congress has
closed. Both Houses contained an admitted and strong
majority of friends of the Administration, and the com
plaint. or ihe excuse, of last year,, that at least in one
branch the composition of the committees was unfavora
ble to the success of Administration measures, has had no
foundation. The committees were all framed with un
deviating regard to the strictest injunctions of party disci
pline.
With such majorities, and with committees so composed,
what has Congress done at this session /
In more than thirty years of acquaintance with Con
gress, we have never known a session so barren in valuable
results. With great difficulty, and at the very last mo
ment, most (but not all) of the common appropriation
hill?, it is true, were got through. So that the machinery
of Government will go on. And this short sentence de
scribes almost the whole of the actual doings of the ses
sion, if we except tlie bill for increasing the numbe.r of
Judges of the Supreme Court by adding two members to
that body.
Congress has not reduced the revenue, the leading ob
ject presented to its consideration in tlie President’s mes
sage at the opening of the session. It has not reduced the
duties on importations; nor has it restrained the sales of
the public lands.
The Treasury Order (the Specie Circular) of July llth,
1836, so much, so universally, and so jsstlvcomplained of,
is not rescinded, repealed, or superseded. Both Houses,
it is true, by very large majorities, passed an act, rescind
ing and superseding this obnoxious order; but the Presi
dent neither approved it nor negatived it. He put it in
his pocket. It was presented to him some days before the
adjournment; but these days not being ten, lie had a riuht,
as lie construes the Constitution, to do neither one thing
nor another. He did not even inform the Senate, with
whom the bill originated, that he had not time to consider
the bill. He bad. doubtless, abundant time; but, as the
bill had passed both Houses by more than two-thirds of
each, he probably foresaw, that if he returned the bill, w ith
his objections, it would still he passed fly the constitution
al majority, and so become a law, without his consent.—
Jle chose, therefore, to hold it back from all further pro-
ccedingor action of Congress, and iuthat way to defeat it.
Wc hold this to be the most exceptionable of all the modes
of exercising the veto power, because it is the least respon
sible, and because it deprives Congress of an opportunity
of exercising its constitutional authority of passing a law
by the votes of two-thirds of each House, without tlie con
sent, or against the will of the President. On this occa
sion, the strongly expressed, undoubted, and notorious will
of much more than two-thirds of both Houses has hern
knowingly and intentionally disregarded. The will of one
man has triumphed over the will of the People. This
is the unquestionable and unquestioned fact; and we
leave commentary to others, or to another occasion.
In speaking of the measures which have failed, we must
not be understood, in all cases, as manifesting our appro
bation of the measures themselves. We only sav that,
with ail its majorities, and all its power the Administration
has failed to fulfil the purposes which it undertook to ac
complish. It has found itself just able, and only just able,
and that indeed not w ithout the help of the Opposition, to
keep the Government along. If that Opposition had been
less patriotic, il it had sought to create embarrassment,
if it had cither withdrawn or voted against measures, we
see nothing but that Government must have come to a full
stop.
The Fortification bill has been lost by a disagreement be
tween the two Houses. We do not mean Mr. Benton’s
bill for new works; that never breathed a breath (some
think it did not deserve breathing-time) after it reached
the House of Representatives. But we speak of the com
mon. annual apjiropriation for works already begun, and
now in progress. This appropriation has failed, bv the
disagreement of the Administration House of Representa
tives and Administration Senate, on the subject of the dis
tribution of the Treasury surplus, a measure which was
connected with toe bill making this appropriation; so that
all the works where prior appropriation? arc exhausted,
must await the provisions of the next Congress. And this
leads us to say that, while Congress has adopted no mea
sure to reduce income, it has refused to make distribution
of a large and clearly ascertained surplus; we sav ascer
tained, because, a* was urged in both Houses, it is now as
obvious that there wiil be a surplns next January, as it
was, on the 2d of July last, when the late act passed, that
there would be a surplus the 1st of January of this veer.—
The Land bill not passing, the bill for reducing duties not
pnsiug, another surplus is a thing of course. It may not
be as large as last January, but we regard it as being equal
ly certain. This surplus Congress refuses to deposite with
the States It ordains, on the contrary, in effect, that it
remain with tlie deposite banks. The House of Represen
tatives insisted on distribution, if there should be surplus,
and would not yield the point: the Administration! bena-
tors refused to assent to distribution, let the surplus be what
it might. 'Hie final vote in the Senate against it was 27 lo
23. So the Fortification bill, Distribution section and all,
was added to the list of lost measures.
I he commercial community earnestly desired the pas
sage of the bill anticipating the payment of tlie remaining
instalments expected soon to be received at the Treasury
under the treaties with France and Naples. At the present
moment, such a measure was looked for as one that would
afford considerable relief to the pressure for money. The
bill passed the Senate but was lost in the House.
Then the bill for restoring tlie duties on goods destroy
ed by the great fire in New-York—a measure of obvious
justice to individuals, and, from its extent and importance,
deserving to be regarded us a publie measure—passed the
Senate also, but partook of the fate of so many of its com
panions, and failed in the House.
The retaining this money in the Treasury we are com
pelled to regard as a harsh and cruel exaction. We know
no justification, hardly any plausible apology, for it; and
while we speak ofthe restoration of these duties as one act
of justice, we cannot but. refer to anotner, and that is, the
claims of ourcitizensfor French spoliations before 1800: these
two claims of justice, absolute justice, as we considerthem,
would have absorbed ten millions of the money of an over
flowing Treasury. When will Governments learn that
justice is the first and greatest element of all true public
policy ?
Among the other bills of a public nature which passed
the Senate, and failed in the i louse of Representatives,)
was tho hill for increasing the Military Establishment of the
United States. 1 hough this was a measure upon which
there is a great diversity of opinion it must be conceded
to have been defeated by other circumstances than the hos
tility of the House to it.
The whole number of Senate bills not acted upon by the
House was about one hundred and twenty; amongst
which, as of the greatest general interest, we may instance,
from an examination of the file of bills, those authorizing
the relinquishment of the 16th sections granted for the
use of schools, and the entry of other lands in lieu there
of; to revive and continue in force the act “to provide for
persons who were disabled by known wounds received in
the Revolutionary war;” to provide for the erection and
repair of custom-houses, (at Philadelphia and New-Or-
leans ;) to authorize the Ohio Railroad Company to locate
it road through the public lands; to give-cffect to the 8th
article uf the treaty of 1819 with Spain; to provide for the
legal adjudication of the Bastrop, Maison Rou?e, and
other grants in Louisiana and Arkansas; a bill iii amend
ment of the acts respecting the judicial system of the Uni
ted States; a bill to authorize the President of the United
States to furnish certain ordnance to the several States;
tlie bill to rebuild the General Post Office Building, and for
other purposes; the bill to provide for the transportation
of the mails upon railroads, &c.
As one. effect of the loose mode of doing business in
Congress, we cannot but regret that among the lost bills is
almost every bill, sent by the Senate, for objects within
the Territories of Florida and Wisconsin; which unkind-
ness to these younger children of our Union we the more
regret on account of the worthy Delegates from these Terri-
tores, whose estimable characters, and indefatigable exer
tions in getting them through the Senate, deserved better
treatment from the House in which they sit. Nor less,
certainly, do we regret that the liberal and enlightened in
tentions of the Senate to erect a Hospital in this city and
to establish a Criminal Court in this District, shared the
same fate as the Territorial bills.
Of the private bills, not acted on, the number is large,
we believe, beyond all former example. The number re
ported in the House of Representatives, and never acted-
upon.in any manner, amounted to several hundred.
Such are the results of the session, as we hastily gather
them.—National latelligenccr.
upon his power may praise him—the igroraht and delud
ed may be dazzled by the false lights thrown out by his
followers, but history, truth and justice, together with the
character of the American people, and a respect to the
repeated abuses of a high public trust, detnand his im
peachment.
This has not been done according to law, and remains
to be done before the assembly of the people. He himself
has asked for it, demanded it, and demanded it at the
hands of a tribunal which he knew he controlled with an
iron hand. It is on this day, when to the happiness and
glory of the country, he retires from office, that the follow
ing articles of impeachment against Andrew Jackson should
be spread before the people for their solemn decision, in
reference to the past and as a warning to the future.
ARTICLES OF IMPEACHMENT.
Article the First. For corrupting the representatives
This man, thus ftralgned andthust^’a^ghalTri!^.!.?
ed himself above all responsibility,*, bave^placetT 0 *
siding at the inauguration of asucceJrbo for acquire,
self, and riding to the capital in • classical teach-
fragments of the constitution—* most**well
h.* deeds, but a melancholy evidence of ‘ m P r °Per
servility of a once free, patriotic and enlig iJ- ?
who are hiiroring where they should condemn?**
s they should condem.i v T'
,n ? i hosannas of praise to departed tyranny,
could" have prevented or should have punished.
of the people in both Houses of Congress, by unexampled
numerous appointments to office, thus creating a pernicious
dependence on the said Andrew Jackson; securing their
support in every measure, right or wrong, just or unjust,
and rendering the said representatives faithless to the peo
ple, inasmuch as they cannot serve two masters; and it is
natural for them to prefer the service of the one who can
hold out the greatest reward.
A rticlc the Second. For assailing the freedom of dis
cussion in both Houses of Congress, by encouraging and
'openly justifying, personal violence offered the representa
tives of the j Hu,pic, and by addressing to tbetn threatening
and indecent letters, unbecoming the character of the chief
magistrate; and also by procuring and using false and ma
licious affidavits against Senators, and others, as in the
cases of Poindexter a*.id Calhoun, calculated to ruin in
nocent persons, and bring the office of Chief Magistrate
into disgrace.
Article the Third For the dissolution of his cabinet,
•under false and forged pretences, and in reality from the
most corrupt and degrading causes; thus bringing the char
acter of the American people into discredit among all na
tions, lessening the respect and confidence at home, and
corrupting the public murals and manners.
Article the Fourth. For recalling immediately upon
bis coming into office, all our public agents or ministers
abroad, not personally devoted to liim; the same not being
required bv tlie pu *:c service, but from the improper mo
tive of appointing others from party considerations l thus
increasing, unnecessarily, tlie jiublic expenditures, and per
mitting favorites to draw large sums of money for.outfits
for short terms of service; and making the appointments
of foreign ministers the mere excuse for rewarding parti-
zans at the expense of the nation.
Article the Fifth. For the abuse of the appointment to
office. This alaise, on the part of Andrew Jackson, con
sisted ia considering all the public offices as his private
property, to he used at his pleasure, instead of regarding
the power of appointment a trust to he exercised with a
sound discretion, for the public service. This sole legiti
mate object has been entirely lost sight of by him; the gra
tification of personal malice, and the bribery of personal
adherents, being the sole end of all his removals from, and
appoiillments to, office; thereby destroying all motives of
fidelity and diiigenre cf said offices, and substituting a
slavish devotion to himself, and fostering faithlessness and
dishonesty to the country. The most faithful and long tri
ed public servants have been dismissed without cause, or
the accusers and accusation kept secret after the manner
cf the Spanish Inquisition, thus stabbing the reputation
of honest men in the dark. All persons appointed to of
fice, or in any way employed in the public service, have been
compelled to consider themselves ns the servants and de
pendents of the said Andrew, and not of the people; bound
to do his will and pleasure, and to conceal and sustain ail
malversations in office, on his part and on the part of all
other officers, regarded by the said Andrew as his personal
retainers, to the great injury of the public service. And
also, by this dangerous and rorrujiting system, creating a
servile and base devotion, on the part of all subordinate of
ficers, to those higher in office, as a bond of union for a
common interest and security, entirely at variance with
the interests, rights and liberties of the people.
Article the Sixth. For employing the corps of office
holders thus organized, and dependent on the will of the
said Andrew Jackson, to produce an improper influence, as
well in elections in the several States for the officers of said
States as also for those of the federal Government, placing
all elections under the direct or indirect connot tlie said
Andrew Jackson, thus fraudulently conir ioi.ig to under
mine and destroy the free republican cons'Action cj these
United States.
Article the Seventh. For the arbitrary and unconstitu
tional removal of the Judges of Florida, Arkansas and Mi
chigan, to reward political partisans, and at the same time
for the purpose of destroying the indejxRident and im
partial administration of justice in the said territories.
Article the Eighth. For the gross frauds, forgeries,and
abuses of the Post Office Department; utfirst wilfully con
cealed by the said Andrew Jackson, and afterwards,
when completely detected, instead of punishing the head
of the department by removal, be was appointed to a high
er office.
Article the Ninth. For the arbitrary and unjust dismis
sal of officers in the land and naval service of the United
States, without trial, inquiry, or being afforded the oppoq
lenity of explanation i thus not only injuring their charac
ter, but blasting their prospects for life, and leaving them
entirely hopeless of redress, at the same time destroying the
spirit of the army by a course of corrupt favouritisid||
nrd the appointment of mere political partizans from ^
among the citizens, over tiie heads of officers of long stand
ing', which has produced the resignation of nearly ail tiie
most valuable officers, and threatened the destruction of the
army.
Article the Tenth. For assumin? and exercising Legis
lative and Judina! power and jurisdiction, as in the case of
the specie circular and in many others, ar.d in the case of
the Bank of the United States, declaring the forfeiture of
its charter, and in various attempts to influence and over
awe the Courts of the United States in the exercise of their
functions.
Article the Eleventh. .For the palpable and alarming
violation ot the Constitution and the Laws, in the removal
of two Secretaries of the Treasury in succession, who re
fused to obey tlie order ot the said Andrew to seize and re
move the public treasure, and the consequent appointment
ot a third, with the express understanding that the act
should be done; thus possessing himself of the purse as
well as of the sword, and placing the public treasure in pla
ces not appointed by law, but chosen by himself, under his
absolute control, withdrawing it from that of the represen
tatives of the people, to whom it rightfully belongs, and
enabling himself by his veto and the corrupt influ
ence acquired over Congress to keep it there as long
as he might think proper; thereby subverting our repub
lican government, and rendering it in substance a monar
chy.
Article the Twelfth. For the injury done to the nation
by the unrestrained increase of Banks, tbe uncertainty in
the currency, and the fluctuation in exchanges, tbe artificial
prices ot products, the unexampled scene of gambling spe
culations, a:i occasioned by the said Andrew, under the pre
tence of wild experiments carried on by means of the arbi
trary powers usurped a? aforesaid.
Article tne. Thirteenth, h or the direct interference of
said Andrew Jackson, while, filling tbe office of President of
the United States, in promoting the election of Martin
Eon Buren, Esquire, of New-York, to succeed him in the
said office, with the avowed object of following up the mea
sures ot the said Andrew ; which election has been effect
ed by his direct and immediate interference, and by means
' press in the pay of government, employed to de-
Tnesday, march 21, 1§37,
The latest Cotton accounts from England will 1*. f
among our news items. These accounts are rather unf-^ ^
able. In Savannah, on the 16th, Cotton is quoted f"*'
13-4 to 13 cents. We have seen the latest accounts!"^
Charleston; after the reception of the last Liverpool 0D *
Cotton had declined in that market 4 to -4 cent per puv-<j **
a further decline anticipated. There has been noth ^
ing in our own market tiffs week. The article has ^
declined in Augusta, 11-4 or-15 cents being perhanT^
highest that can be obtained.
We are cheered to perceive the active measures tike
the counties in anticipation of the Governor’s p 3 "
W e again respectfully urge speedy action on tlie tlr( ] v
you believe your principles to 1 e identical , * ’
principles to 1 e identical with
liberties of the country, shew your faith, on the p r »*.r..
sion, by your works; for now’s the day, and
if you wish their triumph.
If
*■» civi]
OCfJ.
n °w’* the hour
On Friday, the last day of this month, the Corners.
Oglethorpe University will be laid with M
in . nlr
mes. An address appropriate to the occasion, will he L
livered by Col. Joseph Henry Lumpkin.
Henry Wheaton lias been appointed Ministeru, p
sia. Powhatan Ellis, Envoy Extraordinary ami
Plenipotentiary to Mexico; and William H Hat
of North Carolina, Charge d’Affaires to Belgium ° W '
Mr. La Branche, the late Speaker of the House of
presentatives of Louisiana, who was nominated by the 1^
President, as Charge d’Affaires to Texas, has be«i roc£ _
ed in his appointment by the Senate.
Mr. Poinsett, of South Carolina, has been appoint
the new Administration.
Secretary of M ar, by
other members of the Cabinet, as yet, continue
were.
George M. Dallas, of Pennsylvania, the^Hi^
chartered rights, has been appointed and confirmed hr ;h.
Senate as Minister Plenipotentiary to Russia. A Mr
Wm. W. Chew lias been appointed Secretary of Lej»ti 0Cf
to the same country.
The President has appointed his son, Abraham Van Ei-
ren, his private Secretary.
Until the last administration, wc believe the private Se
cretary of the President bad no salary assigned him U
Congress. But on account of the numerous land patmn
to be signed by the President, this office was legally rr«.
ted, to take the drudgery from the shoulder* of the Pro*,
dent, by the act re-organizing tbe General Land OfEcj «"
1336 ; with a salarv of fifteen hundred dollars.
The immense failures in New-Orleans, which will b«
found in our condensed news columns, will probably ticks
the astonishment of the reader.
The proprietors of the town of St. Joseph, hue j
closed a contract for the construction of a rail rcM!.i
Tennessee Bluff, on the Apalachicola, distant twenty-fiat
miles from St. Joseph. The cost of the work is cjuni-
red at half a million of dollars. Well done. St. Jrcq'r.
Success to the great cause of internal improvement uf %
South.
;/<
Col. White, of Florida, having declined, at thistioj
again to be a candidate for Congress, we noiircnviH
Florida papers, the names of the following as randiihs
to succeed him: Gen. Leigh Read, Col. William W*r
and Charles Downing, Esq. (
The loss of the Indians in the affair at Lake Monroe,
estimated at seventy killed and wounded.
Supreme Court of the U. S.—The readeriiaw
that a bill was passed at the late session of Coiictpm.
tending the United States' Circuit Court system tn th
South-Western States: and by which, two additional Judg
es were added to the Supreme bench.
William Smith, formerly of South Carolina, now of A-
labama, and a Judge Catron, of Nashville, Teunew».
were nominated by the late President to these ftafiom.
which nominations were confirmed bv the new Senate
We have been shewn a number of ten cent piece.*, salt
split in two, and the cut side very cleverly impressed **• I
the insignia appropriate to it. Thev are of just the w* [
diameter, although of but half the weight of tho trued”
and are evidently cut in two with some verv sharp inre I
ment; one piece indeed was shown us, upon which a c”
mcncement had been made——it was separated a? if hi
sharp instrument about the eighth of an inch, and pr»l« r
abandoned on account of its taking a wrong dirrrtic.-
The metal seems to have undergone some heating pr?"’
in the stamping, the stamped side being partially b!af' n " I
ed, as if by some chemical action.
W e arc thus minute, because any one ninv be ittfrf
by’the ingenuity of th? manoeuvre. Indeed these pie* 11 ’
which we aliude were taken at one of our banks, indf
is the poor who generally suffer most from surh ti»<
we are desirous to stop tho mischief, bv attracting thep 5 ^ I
lie eve to 5*.
of the
FROM THE N. T. EVENING STAR, MARCH 4-
THIS DAY.
The despotic reign of Andrew Jackson terminates this
day, and on no occasion since the adoption of the Consti
tution of the United States, have the people so-much cause
to rejoice as they have this day, that his power* te do fur
ther mischief to the country ceases. Never has a public
trust been so much abused—never have the institutions of
the country been more grossly violated—never*have public
interests been more wantonly sported with—never have
greater powers been assumed by any public servant—never
have solemn pledges been so directly broken—one? never
have sycophancy, adulation and submission, been carried
to greater extent, or more deeply stained the purity and
dignity of the American character, as they have been du
ring the administration of Andrew Jackson!
Partizans may glorify him—men who ha** speculated
reive by ia!se representations; by means of the post-office
department and it? dependents; by the co-operation of all
others in public office, and those directly and indirectly in
fluenced by the national treasury, seized upon as aforesaid
by the said Andrew Jackson; thus virtually abrogating the
right of choice by the people, and assuming on the part of
the said Andrew the power to transmit the office of Presi
dent, to the successor appointed by him.
Article the Fourteenth. For omitting to take prudent
and necessary precautions to protect the inhabitants of
Georgia, Alabama and Florida, from the calamities of a
savage war, brought on by injustice and bad poliev of the
said Andrew towards the Creek and Seminole Indians, and
for negligence and gross incapacity in directing and sustain-
ing the military operations, proper for the termination of
the said war, and for the security of the citizens of those
portions of the Union.
Article the Fifteenth. For permitting frauds and un
lawful speculations in the reservations of the chiefs and
heads of families among the Creek Indians, amounting to
more tiian a million of acres of selected spots, according
to a scheme contrived at Washington by persons in the con
fide nee of the said Andrew, and in which certain officers of
the government largely participated; .and further, by re
moving the Creek Agent who disclosed those frauds, by a
pretended promotion to another office, and there suffering
the matter to sleep.
Article the Sixteenth. For permitting a stupendous sys
tern of illegal speculation in the public lands, to the amount
of twenty-five millions of acres, effected in part, if not en
tirely, by means of the money of the United States in the
Dep. site Banks; and afterwards, in order to keep the pub
lic lands out of market, endeavoring by means of what is
called the specie circular, to prevent o'r limit their sales:
and afterwards procuring a law to keep those lands out of
the market altogether for a number of years, to give full
opportunity to the speculators to dispose of their lands;—
and turther attempting to prevent the distribution of the
surplus revenue among the States to whom it rightfully be
longs, under the pretence that the same would tend to cor
rupt the States, hut in reality that the said speculators
might corruptly employ the same in their schemes-of mo
nopoly and aggrandisement; and lastly, that this stupen
dous scheme of iniquity is largely participated by the offi
cers of the general government, and is either connived at,
or might have been prevented by proper vigilance on the
part of the said Andrew Jackson.
The above are some of the charges thrown into the form
of an impeachment, without the innumerable specifications
which can be adduced in confirmation of every article and
there i* not a single charge which has not been tnpdg on the
floor of Congress, and yet not a single man has had the
moral courage to stand forth in his representative capacity
and reduce them to the form of an impeachment. It is
now done, that the virtue and intelligence of an Ameri
can people may pass upon them ^ it is done to show to
the world that a citizen of the republic, deriving eclat from
a single military event, has grasped at absolute power, has
ruled over us with a rod of iron, and trampled i
constitution and laws with the fierceness of
As chronicler? of the times, we publish Gen. Jack-* 05 ’
Farewell Address, to the people of the United States. 1'
do not know that wc have anv further] remarks to offer■
the reader, than tlie few made in reference to the same
pic in our last. There are parts of the Addrcs* to be* 1 *
mired, and other portions of it which arc not worthy
such regard. But, whether good or bad, all the mofli''
feet and influence which such addresses would have, f®*
ing from some men, say such men as Washington nrJf £W
son, is totally lost, proceeding from the preseat it:
We will not speak of motives—we will not at thi‘ n ' f
question the purity of the intentions of the late
but the utter inconsistencies of his public conduct, d*-
ter and irreconcilable differences between hispre«T :i n
his practices, and indeed tbe utter incongruity of ^
written opinions and principles, at different tinws. f
his letter of advice to the American people, lfl <f **
criphal books, singularly destitute of authority,
good the sentiments. \Vc presume, however, it 3t 1
cannot do much harm if it does no good, and so *' *
our leave of the subject.
We notice with the greatest regret, the anr.ounJ
Mr. Peyton of Tennessee, that he declines to
Congress. There is notan individual in that bod},* ^
We ne' er 1
of Mr-**
chba:"*'
withdrawal we would more deedly deplore,
more need of the striking and efficient talent
ten,.and the manly and fearless exercise of it, which
characterised hispublic life,than now. W iththecoma
intellect, and enviable elevation of Mr. Bell, and the < ^
ble talent of Mr. Peyton, united as they are to unt l ue ^ (j
ed integrity and and chivalric honor, Tennessee can
much in the councils of the country, for the present 1 ^
our free institutions, as any State in the Union,
not spare either. In such venal times as these, * (
leetnal and moral worth aresuch rare commodifies at
ington, we should, look upon the withdrawal of either^ ^ ji
distingished." men as a public calamity. • Be trust
resolution is not an .unalterable one. And much
chew tyranny of all kinds, yet we trust the ct-n* 0 ^ ]
Mr. Peyton will take counsel of their interests, a° ^ * j
interests of their country, and apply the Fortt ^ ^
him; the moral Force Bill we mean
all tbe kind of force bills which Georgian 3 ac j
and the only kind we are morally certain whic ^
force Mr. Peyton into any measures whatever. ^ *
that Mr. Peyton’s district will answer hisaan 0 **^^^* I
Kentucky answered Mr. Clay; that Ttem* 3 **
: we take it open oursehes te say that