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SPEECH OF MR. ALEXANDER,
At the Currency t isolations—delivered in the Senate
oh Ik: December, 1833.
Mr. Alexander could not concur with the gentle
man from Oglethorpe, that an expression of opinion on the
subject of the resolutions ru fore tue Senate, would he de
void of all i .flm’iK'!'. lie thought that when Georgia
spoke on any subject, In-r voice would not only be heard,
but her opinions would bo received with great deference
and respect. If the ordinary legislation oi tlie country
was to he arrested by thjs debate, be did not consider him
self responsible for such n result, lie found on the table
of the Senate resolutions containing some principles which
met. his unqualified approbation, but embracing others ut
a-character so equivocal, thr,t be could not jierniil them to
go forth as an expression of bis opinion on tins exciting
subject. In offering ihe resolutions then under considera
tion, he had no party purposes to subserve, and no per
sonal aspirations to gratify. Nor were they offered in any
spirit of arrogance—for he had no desire to prescribe a
measure of political faith for any one, or establish a stand
ard of orthodoxy for any party.
The great question which now engrossed the public
mind, was whether the fiscal operations of the Genera!
Government should be conducted by its own officers, or
through the agency of a United States Bank. Other
plans were kept steadily before the public eye, hut none <>1
them had acquired sufficient prominence to justify theii
most ardent and enthusiastic advocates in entertaining
even the hope that either of them would he adopted. Al
though he believed this to be the true question, he would,
nstwirhslanding, in the course of his remarks, briefly dis
cuss the policy of making the State Banks depositories of
the public revenue.
It is only necessary to recur to the history of a United
States Bank, to he convince d that it presented nothing in
r in its growth, to recummend it to the favora-
iration of those who had ever been tlie most
. devoted in sustaining the rights of the Stales,
ink was established and supported by ibe-Fedo-
and although the last was brought into cx:s-
r the auspices of the Republican party in Con
its institution was a manifest departure from
iples which have always given to that party its
ing character.
age, in every country, there has bee n a strug-
i power and right—between the powers of the
it and the rights of those.who were governed,
mtry the struggle was between the powers ot
1 Government, on the one hand, and trie rights
es on the other; and the organization of a hank
f the first fruits of that struggle—the first tri-
ompn ot the power of the Federal Government over the
reserved rights of the States. The elements of this con
test were at work in the very origin and formation of the
Government. In the convention which formed the Con
stitution, there were two parties—both equally patriotic—
both having one common object in view—the adoption of
a system of Government adapted to the multifarious wants
of a great and growing people, but differing widely in the
means proposed to accomplish that object. The. leaders
of one of these patties had been educated in the army of
the revolution, ami carried with them iuto the Convention
all of those stern, inflexible, and unbending principles of
military discipline and subordination, w hich such a sell el
was so weH % calculated to engender. They had but linlc
confidence in the capacity of the people for self-govern
ment, and Were in favor of budding up a Government with
strength sufficient to protect itself, not only against exter
nal injury, but against the people themselves, w hen acting
in their high sovereign capacity. The leaders of the oilier
party derived their opinions of Government from a dif
ferent school—they had studied man not as lie was in the
tented field, but as he was found in the peaceful walks and
Ordinary pursuits of regulat'd society. They had no dis-
tr ist of tho ability of tlie people to govern themselves, and
while they were in favor of impairing to the Government
a self-sustaining energy, sufficient to give it stability and
permanency, they were for limiting its powers to the ab
solute w'ants of the country which had called it into bring.
In the first administration of the Government wore
f mnd some of each of these classes of Statesmen. The
One class thought that the Government was too strong,
the other thought that it was too weak—the one appre
hended great danger from the strength of tlie Government,
the other from the reserved rights of ihe States—one
fearedjthe centrifugal, the otliei the centripitnl tendency of
the organic principles upon which the Government was
based—one believed that the Constitution should be in
terpreted according to its plain meaning and intention,
the other adopted a rule of construction so broad and com
prehensive in its extent, as to enable the Government to
acquire by implication and indirection, the exercise of
such powers as were not expressly and directly conferred
upon it by the Constitution.
Out of those conflicting views of Constitutional jurispru
dence, sprang tlie two parties which so long divided the
Country. The Government had scarcely gone into opera
tion before the latitudinarian principles of the Federal
party began to be developed, and In stamp their distinct
and marked impress upon the policy’ of tho first Adminis
tration. When Alexander Hamilton, in 1790, submitted
his plan of a National Bank, accompanied by his masterly
exposition of the principles of banking; which skliongli
essentially erroneous in its political bearings, will endure
forever, as a monument of his high intellectual powers,
profound research and great financial acumen—that dis
tinguished champion of the rights of tlie States, from whom
the State Rights party have derived all of the cannons of
its creed, opposed it a* a Federal measure, unauthorized
bv the Constitution, dangerous in its tendencies, and de
structive in its consequences to tiie. rights of the States
and the liberties of the people. The Federal party being
i i the ascendancy, the first bank was chartered and con
tinued in operation until 1811, when a Republican Con
gress arrested its continuance by refusing to rechartcr it.
After the war, when the finances of the country were de
ranged, its commerce prostrated, Its resources locked up,
nnd all the energies of the people seemed to he paraliz^d,
the republican members of Congress permitting their prin
ciples to succumb to considerations of policy and expe-
diency, contributed to the rechartcr of the late hank of
the United Slates. Mr. A. denied, however, that the con-
ftituent body of tiie party had ever given any indication of
a change of opinion on this subject. And lie knew that
some of those who hud voted for it had been compelled to
repent for such a flagrant dereliction of principle, almost
in sackcloth and ashes, and that vote still remained as a
solitary blot on the political escutcheon of many of them
which they could not wipe out.
Uuder such circumstances, the bank was rcciiartered
in 1816, and continued in operation until the last Adminis
tration. When Gen. Jackson commenced his war of ex
termination against it, tlie State Rights party of the South
could not give him credit for those high principles of pa
triotism which should have distinguished a statesman
governed by enlarged views of public policy. They
thought that he was influenc d more by feelings of personal
animosity, then by considerations o! public duty. He had
suggested an enquiry into the propriety of establishing a
bank founded on the revenues and credits of the Govern
ment—an institution of more startling danger than any
which had before been proposed. In making such a re
commendation, he yielded the whole Republican ground
on which the opposition to such an institution had been
founded. The consequence was that the vindictive and
increasing energy with which the hank was hunt'd down,
brought the State Rights party of Georgia to a pause- in
it* opposition to it, and made mote friends in the ranks of
that party for it, than for its distinguished adversary.
The bank went down, and it became necessary to in
troduce some other agencies in conducting the fiscal affairs
of the Government. The Administration proposed its
celebrated experiments of the Ret Bank system; and that
small but gallant band of Southern nullifiers, who were
then in Congress, and who had ever been foremost in ral
lying around the standard of Slate Rights and State Sov
ereignty, introduced a resolution recommending an entire
separation of the Government from the Banks. The
united vole of the Whigs and Administration men, con
signed this resolution by an overwhelming majoritv, to a
premature and untimely fate. Now mark the result:
The experiment of the Pet Bank system was made and
failed; and in its failure came near carrying with it both
the Government and the People. The Administration
being driven from pillar to post and from post to pillar,
being constrained to adopt first one expedient and then
another, until the irresistible force of circumstances in
duced it to ta ! e as a new expedient, that plan which the
State Rights party had proposed as one involving princi
ple of deep moment and permanent importance. Those
principles constituted the ground work of the Indepemlant
Treasury, of which they had heard so much.
The Administration being thus forced to occupy the
consecrated ground of tlie old Republican party—were
they who professed to follow in the fool-steps of that par
ty, to be driven from their position ? What were they
caH :d upon to do 7 To abandon their long cherished
principles, to discard their deliberately formed opinions
of policy—to renounce what they had supported, and sup
port what they had before opposed. Sir, said Mr. A., the
ties of party association, and of party allegiance, will in
duce me to support those who differed from me on mea
sures of State policy; but I cannot give up princi
ples which my convictions of right induced me -o espouse,
and which have received the sanction and approbation of
my best judgment. And what were they called upon to
adopt? The United States Bank; against which the body
of the State Rights party, with some honorable exceptions,
had been arrayed, almost in'solid phalanx : The Pet Bank
system—which nearly every member of the same party,
from the Savannah to the Chattahoochee—from the sea
shore to the mountains, had denounced in the most un
measured terms : Were they called upon to adopt the
special deposite plan—a plan without system, a project
without details—and which could not be carried out in
practical detail, without running into some one of the
other plans which bad been suggested for conducting the
monetary affairs of the Government.
Were they then prepared for a United States Bank 7
If such an institution was anti Republican and unconsti
tutional in 1790, it was so in 1333. That it is unconsti
tutional, is a proposition which he thought could be proved,
»s .clearly as demonstrative reasoning could prove any
thing. But where there were, so few who denied the
proposition, it would be a waste of time to enlarge upon
this branch of the subject. It is admitted that the Gov
ernment of the United Stales'is one of limited and C: it
inerated powers, and that all others are expressly reserved
9 the States. By referring to the only grunt of authority
jive to it tho obligatory force of Con-
: of the cardinal
iiriuciple
under Which Congress call net, it will appear that tlie
power to incorporate a National Bank, is not one oFthose
which are enumerated in that instrument. It such an
authority exists, it can only be derived from that clause in
the Constitution which authorizes Congress to make-all
laws which shall be necessary and proper, for carrying
into execution those which are expressly conferred. YY hu h
of the enumerated powers Is a National Bank necessary
to carry into execution 7 ll is not sufficient trial such an
institution, as a mean of executing a given power, should
he more convenient and more Useful, than any other
means; but it must he necessary—and it the same object
ca.i be attained by any other contrivance, it is not r.cces-
sarv. It is a solecism in terms to say lout the word ne
cessary will admit of a choice of means, unless those
means are equally necessary. In determining whether
any particular law is necessary to give effect to either ol
the delignted powers of the Government, the question can
not he settled by any standard of expediency- If then a
hank is not of paramount importance and necessity, in car-
rying out any of the pow ers of the Government, enumera
ted in the Constitution, (and no one will pret; nd to say
that it is,) the incorporation of such an institution, would
he clearly unconstitutional.
If any other argument w as wanting, it was only neces
sary to bring to tli.-ir aid u rule ot construction which was
of universal force in tlie Courts ; that is, that the intention
of the Legislature should always control in construing
statutes, where it could he ascertained what that intention
was. By referring to the proceeding* of the Convention
which framed the Constitution, all doubt in relation to the
intention of the framers ol that insttument, will he re
moved. The proposition to authorize Congress to confci
corporate powers, was distinctly made in the Convention,
and as distinctly rejected. Ihe fact that such an institu
tion has received the sanction of tlie Government, at two
different periods, w as not in itself a just argument ill sup
port of the exercise of a power which, to suy the least ol
it, is of doubtful authority. It would not be contended in
that place, that in determining on a question of political
power, that precedent could be used as authority, as in
their Courts. No length of time can consecrate a usurpa
tion of right, and no acquiescence in the exercise of an
assumed power, can
stnational law.
This view of the subject invol
principles of the Stale Rights party—principles upon
which depend the safety and perpetuity of tlie reserved
rights of tiie States. They were so iut rlwii.cd with the
very existence of their party organization, that they could
not abandon them without destroying their identity as a
party. They constitute tlie very bnsis on which the whole
fabric of State Rights has been built, and they cotiid not
abandon them without razing the foundations of that
fabric, and levelling them with the ground. Abandon
them and they would make the discretion of Congress tho
Constitution of the country, and the w ill of the Govern
ment, the measure of its authority. Permit Congress to
adopt a latitudinarian mode of construing the Constitution,
and the rights of tlie StaLes would hedeprievod or the only
guarantee which "has been provided for their safety.
But leaving tho Constitutional barrier out of the ques-
t• o■ i, are there not other objections to a United States
Bank. Is it net probable, nay, is it not certain that such
an institution w ill 1 income in the hands of the Government
a pmty engine, which may be used with tremendous ef-
tocl for parly purposes. Would it not increase the power
and the patronage ol the Government to a dangerous ex
tent 7 Let it not be said that the one will stand in an op
posing attitude to the other. The late United States
Btnk occupied n false position to the Government. A
century might elapse before two individuals of the same
inflexible firmness and unshaken energy and decision of
character which distinguished Mr. Biddle and General
■Jackson, would be called at the same lime to preside over
the Government nnd the Bank. It Is the very nature of
power to cunle.se, and the affinity of aggregation between
tw o political bodies, when one is brought within the range
ot the attraction of tlie other, is as great as between two
natural bodies, and when united, tiie principle of cohe
rence is as strong in the one case us in the other.
Tiie very object ol banking is to multiply the power nnd
influence of capital. That money is power is an admitted
truism. A given amount of public revenue, collected and
disbursed by the officeis of the Government, will command
that patronage, and exert only that influence which is in
separable Irom the use of that amount of money. But
apply tits principle ot banking to it—authorize the Gov
ernment or a bank under its control, to issue from five to
ten dollars on it as a hanking capital—and is it not mani
fest that its influence and patronage is augmented in pro
portion to the extent of its issues. The Bank of North
America had a capital of two millions of dollars—the first
National Bank a capital of ten millions, and the Iasi a
capital of thirty-five millions. If a new bank is chartered,
and its capital is increased in the same proportion, it will
not be less then one hundred millions. Permit such an
institution to extend its issues within tlie most circum
scribed limits which the principles of banking authorize,
w ill it he said tiiat with a circulation of three hundred
millions, it will not in the hands of a corrupt ar.d an am
bitions Administration, make the Government too strong
for tlie people and the States.
But there is another consequence of snob a Bank, which,
although entirely incidental, is nevertheless important.
By makingit. and tis branches situated at. the points where
the most r>f the revenue is collected, depositaries of the
Government, the use of that revenue is, to a great extent,
monopolized. A very large proportion of tlie public reve
nue, is collected nt Philadelphia and New-York, nnd has
heretofore furnished a hanking capital for those places.
The obvious effect lias been to centralize the trade of the
country at those points. In this re-pect, the operation of
such a system has been most unequal and unjust. The
large amount of public revenue deposited ut those points,
has been equivalent to a loan of so much to the mercantile
community of those places, and to that extent, has for..;.li
ed commercial futilities of wtiten tiie South has been in a
great measure deprived.
But it is said that a bank is necessary to regulate the
currency, and from the loud and deafening clamor they
had heard fur the Inst two years, one would suppose that
the Government had committed a great sin in not furnish
ing the country with a sound currency. It was true that
the Government had sinned, hut they could not change the
corpus delicti, and make it accountable for an omission to
perform that which it was under no obligation to perform.
He laid down the broad and unqualified proposition, that
so far from being under an obligation to furnish the people
with a sound currency, it did not even possess the permis-
»ive right to do so. Whence docs it derive the right?—
Not from the Constitution, fur that is silent. It is true
that Congress hns the right to coin money and regulate the
value thereof, but that does not confer the power to regu
late u currency composed almost exclusively of paper, for
the self-evident reason that paper is not coin. One ot the
must alarming omens in the political zodiack, was their
growing sense of dependence at.d reliance on the General
Government. It was an omen which foreboded no good to
the South, and which was in his opinion the forerunner of
tlie most calamitous consequences to the rights of the
States. lie trusted that the dark and gloomy period would
he very far distant when instead of clamoring fur a sound
currency, they might be compelled, while worshipping at
the shrine of this great political dispenser of every good
and perfect gift, to offer up prayers for their daily bread.
Let the General Government coniine its action w ithin the
scope uf its constitutional sphere, and leave the States to
build iqi their own currency.
Mr. A. did not profess to acquainted with the ab
struse subject of tlie currency. Its connections and de
pendencies—its relations and bracings—its fluctuations,
contractions and expansions, were till under the influence
of hidden causes. I n nearly every science there were some
general principles which challenged the assent of every
mind as soon us presented. 'Ihcre were however hut few
of the laws that regulate the currency of the country,
which hud been so far generalized as to assume the char
acter of established principles. The relation in which it
stands to trade, property, and to every interest of the
community, was so complex, that it was difficult to under
stand its mysterious operations. It performed the same
office fur the body politic which the blond performed for
the human system. It flowed and reflowed and circulated
through all the arteries and veins of the social system, in
nil of their diversified ramifications, giving life, vigour and
animation to every part of it. The laws which govern the
circulation of the one, were as little understood as those
which controled the circulation of the other.
He thought that a sound currency was within the reach
of the local banks. If some of the principles on which
the present systom was based, were reformed, lie could not
see why a local currency could not be made adequate to
all the w ants of the country. The system can be so im
proved as to inspire the utmost confidence in the ability of
the banks to redeem their circulation. The credit which
this confidence would insure, would enable them to supply
the necessary demands of commerce. So far as thp ex
changes are concerned, experience has proved, that they
have been as well regulated by the local banks as by the
United States Bank ; and at that very time exchange on
the Northern? towns was nearly as cheap ns it had ever
been. Their cotton, which constituted so important an
item in the commerce of the world, furnished a medium of
exchange sufficient for all of their purposes, if it was pro
perly employed. If n system of direct exports and im
ports was adopted, the balance of trade with the Northern
Slates would be with the South, and exchange would coji-
sequen ly be in its favor#
It was the want of permanency in the system- of con
ducting the financial operations of the government, and not
the absence of a United Slates Bank, which had so often
disturbed the currency and embarrassed the whole com
mercial interests of the country. It is impossible for the
government to collect and pay out so large an amount of
revenue, without incidentally effecting every interest. If
it would adopt a permanent system, even if it was not the
best which could be devised, the business transactions of
the country would soon accommodate themselves to it.—
The want of such a system was coeval with the govern
ment, and produced that financial embarrassment out of
which sprang the first National Bank. The same want of
system during the war gave origin to the late Bank; and
the unsettled and vacillating policy of the late Administra
tion; the removal of the deposits from the United States
Bank to the local banks; and the subsequent transfer of
the surplus revenue from the local batiks to the States, ac
celerated, if it was r.ot oiie of .the causes of the pressure
from which tlie country has not yet recovered. Toe gov
ernment had relied, in the management of its fiscal con
cern*, too flinch Upon treasury orders a*id exchequer luoo-
tius. Too much Lad been left to the discretion ol the
Secretary of the Treasury, and too liule^had been regulated
Cy law. It was this want of system, and not the absence
of a bank, which had debased the currency, deranged the
exchanges, unsettled the biisiness transactidn* of the tra
ding community, and which had opened the fountains ol
the mighty deep, and overwhelmed the whole country in
commercial ruin and bankruptcy. - ,
Mr. A. here discussed the policy of the specie deposite
svsiem, nnd contended, that if the revenue was collected
in the currency of the local banks and a special deposite
of it made in those banks, it would enable them to till, by
new emissions, the void in the circulation which the witli-
drawal of the amount deposited had created. If the reve
nue was collected in specie, then the byuks would become
so mauv sub-treasuries of the most dangerous class. 1 lie
State Bunks, as depositories of the public revenue, are
obnoxious to many of the same objections which apply
to a National Bank. Such a system w ill increase the pow
er and patronage of the government to the same extent,
and will operate with the same injustice and inequality
upon the interests and commerce ot the South. He did
not propose to discuss the policy ot this system in all ol
its hearings. Tiie inherent delects of such a system,
which its recent failure had so glaringly exhibited, were
fresh in the recollection of every one. ll had been repudi
ated by its authors, denounced by friends and foes, ami had
been consigned to its grave unvvppf, uuluuiored nml un
sung, ai.d he was not disposed to disturb its ashes. I here
was however one aspect in which the subject Fad been
presented to the public, which lie could not forbear from
noticing. The Constitution docs not describe tlie public
Treasury, nor dues it define any particular place of lura-
tiun, or any specifii d vaults, bars or safes, as constituting
it. Where the rcienue is kept on deposit, there is the
Treasury. If die revenue is permitted to be used as a fund
for hanking pnrposi s by the banks in w’hicli it is deposited,
(and which become auoad hoc the public freasu. y) it if
obvious that the provision of the Constitution which in- j
hibits any money from being drawn from die Treasury but j
in consequence of appropriations made by law, is violated, j
If the revenue Is converted into a hanking capital, and
loaned by the banks to their customers, the necessary re
sult will be, that the currency will become expanded, the
channels of circulation filled to overflowing, and when the
government makes an extraordinary requisition upon the
banks for supplies, a sudden contraction must take place,
and a pressure on ail the interests of the couuliv, is the
inevitable consequence. The patronage and power which
such a system confers on the govern meat, is not the small
est objection to it. With the aggregate capital which such
a league of banks furnishes, what may not the government
accomplish 7 With an army of dependants and subsidia
ries, distributed in such a manner as to occupy prominent
and commanding points of influence in society, its power,
in a strugglo with the people, would be invincible. By-
linking tho government with a chain of corporations ex
tending over the whole face of the country, acting as a
unit, under the impulse of one motive and actuated by
one will, it is enabled to control the whole trade, coir.-
merco and currency, to enter the political arena—to poison
the-fountains of the elective franchise—to corrupt the pu
rity of public morals, and derange the whole system of
their monetary affairs.
It is important to the States, that their local banks should
be independent of the Genera! Government. Tbeycnnnot
r•—serve that independence so long as there is a central
head acting as tho fiscal agent of the government by which
ttipir operations would be controlled. The integrity and
firmness which now characterise tiie management of the
most of these institutions, would melt before the sunshine
of executive favor, and their very weakness would insure
their gubserviunev. On tho least appearance of opposi
tion to the great central regulator, they would be laslied in
to servile subjection, or crushed beneath the overwhelm- ,
ing weight of its influence. This independence cannot be
preserved if a favored few of the loctd banks are taken
under tlie protecting wing of the government. In what
relation would they stand to the other hanks? Affiliated
together by no common principle except that of dejien-
danceon the government, wliat woulil there be to prevent
their injurious action on tiie community or on the interests
of those hanks which were not so fortunate as to become
the recipients of executive favor. Nourished by the un
ceasing strram of executive patronage, they would become
ss many plinnt instruments in the hands of their powerful
benefactor. The General Government was already too
strong for the States, and if it was left unchecked, it would
control them with an iron red. The strong would govern
the weak—it was a law of our nature—and all theii writ
ten constitutions anil parchment restrictions would not
prevent it, unless they resorted to a system of checks and
counter-checks, balances and counter-balances,and bioitglit
one antagonist power to counterpoise the operation of an
other. By uniting the hanking power of tho country with
the political power of the government, there would lie no
sufficient counterbalancing check on the action of the lat
ter, and the equilibrium of our delicately balanced system
of government, would lie greatly impaired if not destroyed.
Arrange the collection of the public revenue us they niigli!,
and they could not deprive the government of its patron
age. But give it a Nntiur.nl l ank, ot a league of State
Banks, and they would give it tiie means of corrupting the
people, the means of controlling the elective franchise, and
would increase its agents of mischief to nil incalculable
extent. The. sovereignty of the States would be power
less in checking its march to absolute authority, and there
would he nothing to set bounds to its influence, power and
patronage.
If neither of these plans could be recommended by the
Legislature, what could they do but express their opinion
in favor of an entire separation of the government from
the banks? It is time that the custody of the public
money should be regulated by low, and that'some perma
nent plan of conduct ing the fiscal operations of the govern-
miMit ut,^,.t,t i#e adopted. That plan was the best which
was the most simple, safe and economical in its character.
Ihe more t.upierous the intermediate agencies which were
introduced, the more complex the system would become.
\\ ill it be said that the government emmet collect, keep
and pay out its own revenues! AV ill it’be said that it could
not do that which their own State government and nearly
every individual in the community had done without the
agency of banks 7 But it is said tlie money of the govern
ment will be unsafe in the hands of individual depositories.
He thought that It was a calumny upon the moral charac
ter of the people to say, that officers could not be selected.
from among them who would discharge with fidelity all the
duties incumbent upon them as custodians of the public'
revenue. He was convinced that such safeguards could
be thrown around the system as would render the custody
of the public money as safe in the hands of individual de
positaries as in the hanks, lie could not perceive how it
would increase executive patronage, when the number of
agents employed by the government would be greatly di
minished. But to obviate this objection, and he believed
that it was one which hud been esteemed the most formi
dable, the resolutions under the consideration of the Sen
ate, suggested that the Constitution should be so amended
ns to repartition the powers of the Executive department
it: such a manner a* to make the Secretary of the Treasury
dependant on the Senate of the United States, instead of
on the President, for iiis appointment and removal Their
own State government had proved the great advantage of
this paitilionof c-xecu ive power, and he could see no ob
jection to it. Under such a disposition of the powers of
the government, two new balance wheels would he added
to our admirable but complex system. The purse would
be separated from the sword, and the one would net ns a
check on the other. While the President representing the
majority of the people in their aggregate capacity, would
hold the sword of state, the Secretary of the Treasury,
representing the sovereignty of the Slates, would hold in
his hands the purse of the country.
If he was asked for the details of his plan, his answer
was, that they constituted no part of the job he had under
taken to perform; that they were not the quid erat demon-
stratum in the problems contained in the. resolutions which
he had the honor to propose. He was content that the
Legislature should give its solemn affirmation of the nb-
stract principles of a:i Iiidependnnt Treasury, leaving the
details to be arranged by the government, holding it ac
countable for the .faithful discharge of this duty. He had
seen no plan which met his approbation in *11 of its de
tails, but he preferred either of those which h id been sub
mitted to public consideration, to a connection of th* gov
ernment with the banking system. He was opposed to
the stock-jobbing feature in the bill reported by the Com
mittee of Finance to the Senate, and to the exclusive spe
cie feature of that reported to the House of Representa
tives by the Committee of Ways and Means, and to any
plan which authorized the government to issue Treasury
Notes for the purpose of creating a circulating medium for
the country. He was not pertinaciously wedded to his own
resolutions; he would vote for those of the honorable
Senatot from Burke, or any others which were simply de
claratory of the principle of disconnecting the government
from the banks, und which were not mingled with party
considerations, or clogged with exceptionable details.
As a state rights man he did not think that the course
which he had conceived it his duty to adopt, implied buy
abandonment of principle. He could sec nothing in the
features of an Independant Treasury, organized under pro
per safeguards and restrictions, so hideous as to shock the
sensibilities of those who belong to the Republican school
of ’93. They cotiid. it seemed to him, support it as a re
publican measure, and upon stale rights principles, with
out changing their party relations, or committing them
selves to the support of an Administration, in which they
bad no confidence.
In approaching this subject he bad endeavored to divest
his mind of all party prejudices, and lie had not permitted
considerations of mere party policy to influence him in
him. Ha knew tliatsuch an cxpressioii of hi* view* might
render somewhat equivocal the very, humble and obscure
position which he occupied on tlie great chart of national
politics. He considered it therefore an act of justice to
himself, ns weil as bis constituents, to say, that however
ephemeral tke existence of the parlies of the day might
be, and whatever vicissitudes they may be doomed to .en
counter, he would he found acting with the State Rights
putty of the South, as long as lie could find such a party,
battling with his feebie strength, for the rights of his
Stall-, the interest* of her people, and the honor and glo
ry of his country.
MiT.LKDGKVii.Lic, December 1, 1838.
Gen. Hugh A. Haralson:
Sir—-The undersigned members of the Senate, respect
fully request that you write out for publication the able
and eloquent remarks which you delivered in the Senate
on the 2(ith day: of November, on the hill “ to grant to th »
Central Railroad und Banking Company an increase of
four millions of banking capital”—believing as we do, that
they will have a tendency to uwuken the public mind to
the datigci to be apprehended fiom a grant of too much
power to monied incorporations. Weak as these institu
tions profess to be, experience has shown, that when they
combine to effect a common object, they are even now able
to control the Legislation of the Stale.
Respectfully vour fellow-citizens,
THO. H. MURPHY,
S. FLOYD,
AY. D. ALEXANDER,
TUGS. G. JANES,
JOSEPH DUNAGAN,
LOVERD BRYAN,
THOMAS BIVINS,
JARED TOMLINSON.
Senate ChaMCKR, 5th Dec., 1338.
Gentlemen ‘—-In compliance with vour request con
tained in your too flattering note of the 1st December, I
herewith hand yuu 3 sketch of tlie remarks made by my
self in the Senate, on the Bill seeking an increase of the
Bunking Capital of tlie Central Railroad and Banking
Company. Amidst my other engagements, I have been
unable to give you n ore than a bare sketch. If they may
be thought in any way calculated to “awaken the public
mind to the ilungor to he apprehended from a grant of loo
much power to moneyed incoipointiuns,” or to other impor
tant interests, yuu arc at liberty topubiish them if you think
proper.
Your friend and ob’t. serv’f,
HU. A. HARALSON.
Messrs. Th.is. II. Mritnir, S. Flotd, YVm. D. Alex
ander, Thos. G. Janes. Joseph Dunnagan, Lovekd
Bit tan, Thomas Bivins, Jared Tomlinson.
SPEECH OF MR. HARALSON OF TROUP.
On the bill to increase the Capital of the Central Rail
road and Baulin" Company, delivered in the Senate
on the 'Mith November, 1338.
Mr. Haralson said lie rose with reluctance to present to
tiie Senate his views upon the subject under consideration,
and it was increased when lie reflected that his opinions
came in collision with so many of his personal and politi
cal friends. Nothing could induce him to rise, but the im
perious demands of duty. lie was apprised that he should
draw down upon himself the anathemas of the whale Rail-
pellrd to build their road* for them 7 Mr. If. *nid they
have already got our fingers in their mouth*, nnd if we get
them out witn whole bones, it would be more than be ex
pected. Thi* may be the reason why, they make demands
of u* even as a matter of right instead of asking as a fa
vor, as they formerly did. He said if there was any rea
son that could make him vote for the bill, on the table, it
was that he might thereby possibly prevent the necessity
of the State’s building the road herself. He hoped these
apprehensions might never prove realities.
But since so much is demanded, who can tell but that
they may combine and demand of you to complete their
works. If they do, sir, unless the State should be lncky
enough to get them into a quarrel, about which uf them
should have tlie most done for her, th- y may demand it
successfully, for said he, I assure you sir, if they combine
they have the power of your legislation, as was clearly
shown by the legislaton of the last year, upon the State
bond System, which forms another item in the list of ex
traordinary demands w liich these companies are making of
you, and forms a part of the short history of legislation he
intended to give.
But the argument is that iIipv have a right to all this in
creased privilege and power, because they are carrying on
great works of internal improvement for the public good.
Suppose you, sir, that these works, were originally com
menced for the public good alone, or rather is it not more
probable that self-interest, that grand engine of human ac
tion, was the moving cause. The individuals composing
these companies are no doubt as patriotic as most cf us,
but no injustice is done them, to say, that hut for the pe
cuniary benefit, they expected to reap from these associa
tions, they never w ould have been formed. Sir, these men
deserve well of the. public, und have received all that cu
pidity could ask for, or generosity on the j ait of the Stale
could bestow, ami if they do connect with the Western
and Atlantic Railroad at its eastern terminus as they promis
ed themselves and the public to do, they will no doubt,
reap the rich reward of their labors, and a good interest
upon their investment But we have been told, that it
will he difficult for them to do this, or that they cannot do
it without an increase of their banking capital, and that
iuS Convention, that recently held its svs-iou in this place,
recommended an ineiCSrC ol bunking Cuptifill” ?jVanJs3b.
The :iv idity with which that recommendation lias been seiz
ed by the Central Railroad and Banking company, but too
plainly shows what has long since been suspected, that
these commercial Conventions, so railed, wiijeh have re
cently been held in Augusta and this place, have not been
hole! so much for the purpose of promoting direct trade
with foreign countries and of Southern Cofrinierce, as to
make populai and forestall public opinion in favor of these
corporations, and their wild schemes. The recommen
dation of such conventions loose their influence, when
tlie object'for w hich they are gotten up so plainly shows it
self.
The last session, sir, w hen the splendid scheme of pro
curing money on the faith or bonds of the Slate, for the Use
of the Railroad companies, to the amount of $309,000 dol
lars to each per annum, So hank upon or build Railroads,
was intioduci d, few supposed that *o wild a project would
have met with serious consideration. But when the eve
was cast up and down the long line, over which these
projected railroads were to run, and making she very cer
tain calculation, that even legislators were too often govern
ed by the principle of self-iiitcivst, fi urs began to lie enter
tained that us wild as tlie project might seem, there wa
ol Internal improvement, that lie intended to examine c '„
ly oveiyi scheme, or project, or proposition in connern
w ith the subject; fi «■ sir, unless you wish to p„ t an "' l
»al stop, not only to all further aid" firm the Stale b„.
The time w not far distant when the tree friend* off
ternal improvement in Georgia will be known, ahhei*
they may now be denounce 1 (by those interested i„ ,£?
mg otherwise) as narrow-minded politicians, and when'
•lead of denunciations, they will receive the thanks of
enlightened community, for having arrested,some „f
"!‘ U ' h ,,OW ” b,a ™- , It is hornnse he wosufij^
ties,.
1 *1*1.
great work in the Cherokee eouutrv, you hruTuiiTrl
before you leap. Excite no more the jealousy or f, a .
your people. It w folly to attempt to do the WlirIi V'
half dozen yenrs, in that many months. The
connecting Banks and Railroads, has been very murh*
tinned : he would not slop to enquire intou. q|,^' *
plication before the Senate was not, to his mind. uce*' 1 '
to the work with which it was connected, were it s
would cheerfully vote for it. He would yield nothin 18
any one, in an anxious desire to see woiks of intern;,* "
proveriient carried on in the State. But could not t|, ^
fore feel bound to vote for every wild project that
senled, because it wns connected with internal in
ment. * °' s
It w as an-org my earliest, and most ardent feeling, „|
1 became acqiktinlrd with the Geography of m y nat"'*
State, to w ish the emporium of her trade, and tlie *
her pride to prosper ai.d advance. ] felt a s even (;
gian s.,oiild feel; like the gentlemen from Butt,,j |,
been horn in Georgia, I was raised in Georgia, and td«ic*
led in Georgia, and have 1 trust no other feelings bet i' ,t
as cv« ry Georgian should have, an] beneath tier s ,,jj' V
hope ar.d expect rr.ybm.es to he lutrit d. 1 trust sir r
may nevei have any other feeling. Her prosperity is mjj
her adversity is mine. He knew lie had digressed f r J'
the immediate question before the Senate, but 1 ad h,'?.
led to it by the course pursued by ether*. lie hoped'!
would be excused for the digression. '*
It is
road and Banking interest of the connfry. No personal j actual danger of its passage, by a combination of railroad
form
to take
S ar >4«
5 bight
expressing his opinions. He had endeavored
ier ground than that which had for it* object
the triumph only o.' a party, without advancing the success
of its principles. He thoughtt,lbat a union of the govern
ment with the banking system, was at war with the prin
ciples of the party with which he had acted, and was
fraught in its tendencies vvitlr evils of the greatest magni
tude. He believed that it would have a tendency to en
large and strengthen the powers -of the government; in
crease executive patronage; cripple the rights of the
States; corrupt the purity of public morals; sap the foun
dations of popular supremacy,gnd to prison the fountains
of civil liberty. Believing then, that these would be the
deplorable results of such a union, he could not advocate,
it without being recreant to hi* principles, and faithless to
tlie obligations which his duty as a Senator imposed upon
considerations however should prevent him from speaking
what he believed to be true.
' The community at large had seen but little upon the sub
ject of <«ir legislation in relation to tin se railrotids <inj
banks. They certainly had seen hut little on one side of
that question, fur our newspapers with one accord had
trumpetedfunh to the people, very thing upon the one side,
and.had us carefully concealed every tiling upon the other.
Even in anticipation of the discussion of those subjects, eve
ry effort had been made to forestall public opinion, by tiie
call of conventions—by the publication of every thing cal
culated to advance, und tlie denunciation of whatever
might ho said or written against tiie interest, or growing
powers of these corporations. It is sir, said Mr. H...get
ting to be high time, that something should he said here,
placing these subjects properly before the people. I nm
led now to the task more immediately, from the remarks
of the Honorable Sena’or from Clark. If 1 have not mis
understood him, liu claims for the Central Railroad and
Banking Company, as -matter of right, tiie extension of
their Banking Capital.
lie tells us that vve are -oiv to settle the question, nnd
calls upon all those who ate opposed to Banks, to oppose
the hill, and thus indirectly calls up to its aid all those w ho
tnniv he favorable to banks. This is an improper issue.
There were many Senators who believed them to be in
dispensably necessary, and wA*re willing to luster them us
fai cs tiie wants of the community might make it neces
sary, but w ho would not vote tor the application now lie-
lore us. It we were to settle their right to demand
an increase of Bonking Capital, or their right to call up
on us for any thing else, probably there w as no better time
than now to do so. A right to demand implies a corres
ponding sluty to obey. This is rather high ground which
they t.oke. Is it not remarkably strange, that these cor
porations now claim as matter cf right, the privileges
and powers which a few years since was asked as a great
boon, and for which in return great and endicss benefits
were promised to the people 7 They speak to you as if
they were the exclusive benefactors of the people, and as
it all their operations were from pure!} patriotic motives.
Mr. 11. here stated, that while he was willing to award
as much patriotism to the members of these companies as
to other citiz.- »* 1 •— hr ttirmgnt. ii jitoohWc Unit
they had been actuated us much by their interest as by
their patriotism.
He w ould speak again of this hereafter, but, said be, let
their motives be wlmt they may. selfish or disinterested
and patriotic, or mixed, one thing is certain, they assume
a most lofty tone. It is no infantile cry, but the voice of
a nuin—a full-grown man, powerful and able to will and to
execute, to demand, and to have. Sir, I speak plainly,
because 1 believe it my duty to do so. These selfsame
Railroads and banking companies have the legislation of
tlie t'tnte under their thumb, if they only maintain unity
of action. Let them combine and they can carry any mea
sure. And are not all men apt to combine when it is their
interest to do so ? Before they were so strong, they were
humble suppliants; now they demand even enormous privi
leges. Will you hear a short history of our legislation in
which those companies have been interested 7 lien they
first applied for their charters, some five or six years ago,
if they could only lie ini orporated into companies and giv
en the right to go over nnd through tiie lands of other citi
zens (a very questionable light to say the least of it) it. was
all they nsKi d. This obstacle was the great impediment
in the way of the speedy completion of their proposed works.
Well sir, ns questionable ns was the power to give this
right to others, yet so captivating was the idea of those
splendid works, the legislature granted it. Sonie of our
best-informed jurists were even then of opinion tiiat al
though the State possessed herself the power to run roads
and consttuct railways over the lands of her citizens, for
the public good, yet tiiat.she had no powet to say to one set
of her citizens you shall have the right to disturb the pre
viously vested rights of other citizens.
But this question is not now to bcdehaltd, nnd would not
have been alluded to, but for the purpose of giving you the
history, and show ing that much was done for these compa
nies even in the beginning. In less than a twelve mouth
it was discovered that it wa* utterly impossible to progress
with these work* on foot, unless in addition to the powers
already granted, we also gave them banking privileges.
This was done to an extent which at lhat time—even un
der the extruvngar t calculation of the session of 1335, was
deemed amply sufficient, for all their purposes, and the peo
ple were soon to reap the great advantages and benefits so
long promised. The banks in connection with railroads
went into successful operation—ii tea* no unsuccessful expe
riment—had only to issue their hills whether to stockhol
ders or to whom it is not for us now to determine, and just
about this time most fortunately for them, the banks gene
rally suspended specie payment; w lietherthe Railroad, and
Bnnhiiig companies began it in Georgia lie did not recol
lect, but it was done, und if they did not begin it, they soon
joined in vv ith those that did. \\ oil now sir, was not this
most lucky for them 7 Bills out. promissory notes in the
vaults, and public opinion sustaining the suspension. It
was smooth travelling ; nothing to do Lul sit und hold.
This fact of their suspension is not mentioned to their dis
credit, hut barely to show that they have not rally been In-
vored bv our legislation, lull lucky into the bargain. But
the most liberal legislation and the luckiest turns of dume
fortune’s wheel bad not satislii d their craving. Railroad
Convenri«fl<s. more recently called Commercial Conven
tions, began to he held by, as a matter of course, totally
disinterested citizens,and it is solemnly determined and
agreed, that it should be recommended to tbs legislature
to construct with the public funds a splendid main trunk
Railroad from the Chattahoochee in D. Kalb county to the
Tennessee River. This was done you know fur the special
benefit ofCherukee hoy*. The railroads had no sort of inte
rest in it y although it w us determined to make the terminus
of the road equi-distanl us near as could be from each of the
then existing companies, so that they might join it if they
choose to do so, at about an equal expense to each. It was no
sooner asked than the legislature with liberal hand com
menced a work, mid it is to be hoped since she has cum-
menevd, she will carry it out in good faith to those Com
panies, that will cost tier ut least four millions of dollars ;
I)’#: you know w c have done but little fur them. They are
very modest, and as a proof of it, thi!? - now ask you f >r an
additional increase foi .the Cent i a! Railroad of her Bank
ing capital to the amount of four millions of dollar*; but
we must not draw our conclusions too soon. A word or
two about the main trunk railroad through the Cherokee
country, mid then to our history again. It wms predicted
Mr. President, that after your millions had been expended
upon that work, you would be compelled, to build these
arm* or branches ut Ivst, or that this great work would bo
a totally profitless expenditure— would be a standing monu
ment of the folly of the Slate. He hoped it might never be
*Oy but let ua see.' Your main trunk kegins'vo where, and
ends m where. I certainly moan no disrespect to the cit
izens of DeKalh in using these terms. I mean it begins at
no city, and ends in the woods.
Suppose your incorporated Railroad companies, refused
to join with you at the eastern terminus, your four milliuns
or more, gone for the completion of the State work—your
w ork-useless and decaying—bringing no income. The
debt you have created by burrowing money to complete the
work, running on interest, may you not sir, be at lust co.n-
interesls. Fortunately for the country they fell out among
themselves, about a certain blanch which was imposed
upon the Georgia Unilresd to he built before she sheuld be
allowed to participate in liicLct.efits of the act. With this
rider on the Georgia Railroad, she did not run well, back
ed her ears, kicked up. could not threw the rider, and w ould
not vote for it; the result, Mr. President, observed Mr. H.
(in tlie brs: f clings lor my triei.ds of the Railroad interest,
for many of them are my personal friends) remindid me of
the old adage that wien ** Rascals full out honest folks
got their due” this remark you know applies to them onit
in their corporate capacity. This l.istorv Mr. Ii. said,
lie felt it his duty to give, by way of correcting Senator*
when they talk of tlie right of the Central liaibond or any
other Railroad to demand an increase of their banking capi
tal, at least fur the prisent year.
In the recent Convention held in this place, it wa* open
ly avowed, that the 11 jeel was to forestall legislation. Bv
whom are they held ! by the cities and the counties deeply
interested in Kailruuds and Bunks. At one time they re
commended to you to take stock, connect Slate and incor
porations, at another the increase of theii bunking capital,
at another the State Load system Arc. Sir the people w id
loose nothing by watching these conventions, unl< ss held
by a general representation of all the counties. Their re
commendation are not to be taken as tfie voice of the peo
ple of Georgia, but mostly of these corporations. But ict
them have all the force they can enlist, what is recommen
ded 7 why sir, that there should be an increase of banking
capital in Savannah—for what purpose? to encourage direct
importation. If the establishment of a new bank in Sa
vannah, could effect this great object, he would vote for it
most cheerfully ; but there was a great difference iw his
mind, in the creation of entirely new banking capital, and
increasing tiie capital of banks already established. He
would always vote for banking capital whenever it mi^ht
be necessary for the purposes of trade, hut wa* fond of ^C*
ing the privilege equally divided. If imvei d, hunk stock
be so great a boon, and from the anxiety with which it is
asked, it really seemed to be so considered, let it be distri
buted to as many as possible. He said he had been ask
ed whether he was opposed to all banks. He answered
the honorable Senator no, but that be was opposed to
these exclusive j«mtcgr*, am* keeping the thing ib the
same family. Fie would now announce that if the General
or Free Banking law ns n is called, could lie placed on a
footing suited to the circumstances of the people of Geor-
gi _ ■ ; r_ <•:. .. . ;
be
Sa
nnd
seuboa
is so desirable.
It was only Inst year that we were told, ihnt the law to
authorize limited partnerships would have the effect in u
great degree of encouraging direct trade w ith foreign coun
tries and would have a tendency to introduce foreign
capital. How far these result* have been, attained, others
could judge of as well as himself. \Ye have, u* vet how
ever heard of no more shil at Savannah, Darien Bruns
wick or St. Marys. Nor have nut- merchants ceased to
trade with the Northern cities. This incident in our legis
lation is mentioned only for the purpose of showing that it
will not do to believe every thing wc hear. Bui even if
there was an increase ol banking capital nt Savannah,
would it increase the facilities of our merchants, and is it
necessary to the commercial wants of that place 7 Near
ly one third of the banking capital of the Slate, rj wielded
and controlled in the city of Savannah, and amid the erne
linuiil increase of it, she lost her trade, and almost censed
to be an exporting and importing city. Again sir, If an
increase of her banking capital be necessary, how is it,
that her Planters Bank located these has not increased 1 her
stock to the limit awtlimized in her charlei ; Whv is it
sir, that the Lank ol the State ol Georgia, has sent her
Branches all through the centre of the State, at distances
from 25 to 3U- mile* apart from each other, up sir, in iU<-
country and w here there is-nothing, bet the farmers and
the country Merchants to operate upon, and where, if vve
feclieve wiiat wc hear from Savannah, the commercial wants
of rhe people are not so great. As it. not strange sir, that th. v
do not call in some of those branches, if so greut demand
for capital really exists there# Wherever the demand is
greatest for money, tiie Capitalist uses it to tlie greatest
advantage. Bank* are like shavers, they mn-ke ns nmch
as they can. and make it out of the w ants of the communi
ty ; they operate to make money, ami a re not to be blamed
for it is their business, and it is a feeliug ii* common with
most tneu ; and if there was all this demand for increas
ed banking capital ill Savniinulqof w hich yon have beard
some of these branches would be call, d in to supply lhat
demand.
The Central Railroad and hanking company, whose cap
ital is sought to be increased by the Bill on vour Table,
has a capital of three millions of dollars already, one half
of w hich may he applied exclusively to banking purposes
making according to the report of that hank about n mil
lion of bank capital, yet not subscribed for. How is u
then necessary now to increase it. It would he a reflection-
upon the liberality of the people of Georgia nml most un
like their previous legislation to suppose, that a future le
gislature, vv ill not do w hat may he necessary to be done for
this company, to enable them to carry ous the work which
they have commenced, whenever they shew that they
have subscribed foi and properly applied, according to the
provisions of the charter, the capital a ready authorized.
How it is necessary to the completion of the road docs not
appear. If it is intended thus to induce capitalists from
uCruad, to become interested, it is still of questionable poli
cy. Il is not necessary to enquire iuto that subject, as
there ate other sufficient reasons for not voting for the bill.
Bank capital should be placed uloue, in those situations
where it is needed, and then not more than is necessary to
the commercial wants of the people. It ought to be dis
tributed among the people wherever it may be needed, and
not too much cotifmcd to one phicu or section. Money
is said to* he power. Banks are the same. By the sud
den expansions and contractions of their accommodations
and fucilili .-*, they control the worth of money, and the
consequent price of property. They w ho are interested i"
them, and acquainted with their operations ran take a |b
vanfagfrof it r others cannot. They are powerful machines
for speculation, and for political purposes. I?e was ,m *
willing to see thi* institution, with a capita? «f nearly seven
millions of dollars, standing on your seaboard, and with
one hand grasping all the land, and with the other reach
ing over the wide-spread waters. If more Bank capital i»
necessary to induce direct trade with foreign markets, let
it be brought into existence by the creation ot new Banks.
Those who profess to be acqjuuinicd with their operations,
tell u* that they are the best checks npon each other.
Again, we have been- told too, tiiat our works of Internal
Improvement arc to stop, unless you give this aid and that
aid, and the other aid, anil all the aid, and this is what vve
are constantly hearing. Those who now arrogate to them
selves, to be the exclusive friend* of internal improve
ment in the State, have greatly mistaken their policy.
They will loose all in asking too much; it is already but
loo plain that they cannot he satisfied ; the more you do for
them the more they ask, and the better able they are to
get it. Since the principle is now to he settled, let □* see
if we are still to be controlled by them in these Halls.
HEGULS GENERATES.
Baldwin Superior Crrnr, f
December Adjourned Term, 1839 (
ordered, that the following Rules ol 1’radical*
and the same are hereby established in referi nre tu *'
credings iu Chancery, in the Superior Court* ol ;U\T
mulgce Circuit, viz:
Rile 1st. It is ordered, that nil motions for the
lution of Injunctions in term time, upon the ren ii-g i,, 0 f
the answer, shall he in all rases on motion, and Lc f ou ,.^
on rules nisi causa.
Rule 2d. It is ordered, that the party defendant in
Chancery, shall ar.d may, if the nature of the case »|.»1|
require the same, demur, plead and answer to the bill
the same time, and the same shall he roiiscritfivelv ar tUl #i
awl considered, without the plea or answer overriding d,,
demurrer. But the defendant may. if he shall so eWt„
the return term of the bill, di-jnar thereto alone.
Rule 3d. It is ordered, that no rau#e in Chancery *ha'
be considered ripe for trial until the term subsequent tu
the entry of an older serfing the same down lor trial.—
And that no cause in Chancery shall lie so ret down for
trial until the pleading* lire made up and general replica
tion file.,, unless the filii g ot such general replication shall
be expressly waived by the complainant.
A true extract from the Minute* of tlie Superior Court
of Baldwin county, this 24tii January, 1839.
YVM. S. MITCHELL, CLik.
Corresjvudvnre of the New-Y'ork C’eurier.
YV ashingtox, Jiiniisrv 14. 1839.
No movement has ret been made, towards bringing „ p
the Sub-Treasury bill for discussion, tv. me time rii.r.
the subject was casually referred to, and the Y\ big* wer*
called upon to present a counter project, ,T ti.ev 1,«W „ lT
Mr. Johnson ol Maryland, said—” If „o otUr memU r
doe. present such a project, I w ill. The YYl.igs as a ,„ r .
tv, in my opinion, will ..tier no plan. They w ill judge e*. h
for himselt. of the feasibility of such projects as mav b*
offered. All however concur iu opinion, that the SlIc
Treasnry scheme W ould form the very focus of corruption.'’
1 learn that on to-mnnow or next day, Mr. Johnson of
Maryland, will present to the House liis' bill, providing fur
the sale keeping of fft« j ublic money, and will give norirs
that when the snbjert comes np foi consideration, in Com
mittee of tke Whole, ho wiilmovoit es a substitute |„ r
the fiaL-Tri asnrv hill.
Mr. Johnsan's bill is very short. If consists of only
five or six sections, simplv providing that all dues to lbs
Government shall be paid to tbe credit of the Treasurer,
mm a deposit- } ank, seln trd by Congress. That tU
Secretary of the Treasury may transfer these drpnnilr.
from one bank to anoihrr, for disbnrsi n ent, but for no
other purpose. That all r. yenne bonds, w ben taken, shrJI
be forthwith dej osit.-d for safekeeping in, and shall! u
made payable at such bank. That a!! di.bursen.enu in
pav merit of debentures, Ac.. Ac., shall be made by draft*
ol the Secretary td the 1 reastiry on the T reasnrer. Such
aro the outlines of the bill a* it'will be offered. I know
that I have slated them correctly.
The Spt ix YYashingtox.
In the Hnftse of Representatives of the United State* on
Tuesday, Mr-Frank Thomas rise and said, after a ffntir-
ish or two, tuat his *j*oerh the in her day bad attract*! 1 ,
tlie notice of three very h-ortied gentlemen, (Monefee, of
Kentucky, Legate, of Sotit.h-CaiohiiM, nnd Hoffman, of
New-York.) Before he proceeded further, he wished to
inquire of the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mcnefee,) vvh*-
lliet he had intended by bis remark* tiie other day to offer
him (Mr, T.) a personal indignity !
Mr. Mem-ft-e was on his fe. t iu n moment. Dees rim
irsntjsm-n frem, Alorr/ond (said hr J wish to force me to
express my opinion ofhi.u—and the Kentuckian appealed
perfectly rendy to go on.
right to knurr
«nnl indignity by bi*
nefee, wilh a loud
lemnn ought to h*
, Of erHirso no such thin— enahi
have been intended by me. The gentleman's deportment
and looks must have been drawn into the discussion i. -i-
dent,. ly. My object wn to disarm bis argument of th*
superhuman authority which they might fmv« imparted to
Mr. Thomas declared himself satisfied with the result
of Ins emll lor explanation; and he proceeded Jo-rontend
timr Ins argument had not been weakened or touched.—
Ol course he demonstrate <] to his own satisfaction that Lis
position huj invulnerable.
Lexington, (K'v.) Jan. 9. 1839.
AnoLITtos.—The resolutions op,,., the subject of Al-o-
I it mu, which firsi passed ihe Senate, have been adopted bv
the House of Representatives of tbe Kentucky Legislators.
It will Ire remembered tbit one of the provisions of the re-
sofiitiwis, i* that two commissioners shall be appointed by
a joint vote ,»f the two houses of the Legislature, to pnij
ceed to Ohio, lay before the Legislature of that State tlie
view, of Kentucky in regard to this question, end ask ar
its hand the enacTtnenr of such l*n s»s-wiH>»eitrf the sup
pression uf the evils growing out of rhe interference i»f cer
tain fanatical individuals in Ohio, with the Slave popul*-
tion of Kentucky. The individuals selected are James T.
More bead, Esq. of FramkKn. anil John Speed Smith, Esq.
of Madison. YVe presume that these gentlemen will ac
cept the appointment, nnd proceed forth with to execute the
trust confided to th-m, in a manner worthy of the State
whose representatives they are, and of their own dislin-
gmsiied reputations.
London Police.—A letter from London, to-tshe Jonm«F
of Commerce, has the following paragraph touching, tiiw
po;ic*p establishment of *‘ Rnbvlon the Greut
The report of the Metropolitan Commissioners of Po
lice, has just been printed, from which it appears that tho -
force consists of 29(59 constables, 342 sergeants, 70 in
spectors, 17 superintendents, 2 commissioners, and a re
ceiver. Tbe pay of an ordinary constable is 19 shilling*-
a week, n sergeant £l 2s. 6s., an inspector £ 100 a year,,
and n superintendent £200. The diameter of the police
districts is Irom 12 to 14 miles, and their patrol, or tra
versing pace is two miles and a half an hour. Robberies
in dwelling houses have diminished one third.
Goon News for Somk.—A grocer was fined two dol
lar* and costs, yesterday afternoon-,, for dunning * cus
tomer. He professed to have a charge of $1 IT cents
against the plaintiff, and “ rang or caused to be raag,” bix
••licll” daily and rightly for some months, calling out nt
the same lime—*’ Pay that dollar nnd seventeen reals!””
Finally the dunned called in the watch. The grocer
thought il confounded hurd that lie could neither nut a man-
in jail, nor torment him to death in his own house, for *urh
a trifle. His Honor humanely informed him, that he bad
mistaken his rights—and t fiat there was a limit toail thing*,,
even to donning a man that don’t ewe and won’t pay, or a
man that doc* owe and can’t p-y.—Boston Gazette.
Abernethiana.—The’’ate Mr. Abernethy would never
permit his patients to ««lk much. He could not sucrrrd
in silencing a lotpu'vious lady, but by the following expe
dient Put your tongue, Madam.” The lady com
plied. o keep it there till I have done talking.” An
old Indv. wry much inclined to be prosy, once sent To him
nml b|.j,s , nl , y saying that her complaint commenced when
,was only three years old. The professor rose abiupt-
ly and left her house. It was observed to Mr. Abernethy
that he appeared U» live much like other people, and by nn
means to be bound by bis own rules. Tbe professor re
plied, “ That he w ished to act according to bis own pre
cepts. only he had such a devil of an appetite.”
A Beast,—On Thursday an individual named Nichol
son, residing at Appleby, better known bv tbe cognomen
of “ The Marquis of Rockingham,” undertook for d wager
tu eat a roasted goose, basted with a pound of tallow cbl-
dles, together wilha half peck of potatoes, hut without any
drink ; after which repast he was to run a steeple chase > f
two miles against a horse that was bought at Brough
fair, for tlie exorbitant sum of seven shillings and *\*p enrF '
The first part ol tiie undertaking, us our renders nmy r *’ a “
dily suppose, come off famously. Many bets »' ere " e *
pending on the issue of tbe match, which wa* won by
“ The Marquis” in a very superior style.—Keadal Me*
We cannot account for the rise in the price of lea
ther.—Lynn. Record. '
Wo can. The teg-treasurer* are using op shoc-ieatoer
so fast a* to keep the market in a state of almost comp» l *
cxluaslion.—Lonimlle Journal.