Newspaper Page Text
REMARKS OF MR. MERIWETHER,
f Putnam counttf. in the House oj Representatives of
the Stole of Georgia, o.i the Sub-J'rcusuryr resolu
tions, in December, 1833.
?,lr. MeriWBTHER said, t'nat it seemed to be u-ntal, in
this debate, for gentlemen, who claimed the paternity, to
off r aa apology for the introditciimi of their resolutions,
lie had offered a substitute, but be bad no apology to
make for the act, either here to* eisewlir re. His resolu
tion^ contained tbe trull:, and nothing but the truth. 1 b. v
contained iiis sentiments. lie Lad avowed them at home,
a id thus 1 who know him there, knew them to be sum
The question had been mooted hoia#lii:d those who should
::nv bear him. would know wiiiil his opinions were; and
t rise who tniiht think enough of hint to inquire niter his
sentiments, V ho possessed no other menus ol informal ion,
won id iind those sentiments spieud upon tne 'Journals ol
tais House.
Ho was somewhat unlike his fiend (Mr. Howard) from
Muscogee, who h id declaimed :-•> loudly against the inll'i-
r.n't 4,f party. It was too late, note to talk about, to to
eb-prec tc its existence. I he dictation ol party L.id be
rime a part of the common law or the land lie was a
par ty man—bad been elected as sin'll laid m ti d thus . i.
h: such, and should continue to act ns such throughout.
He cant" into this debat'i ns a party man, and he appie-
I•ended that iris Union friends over the way*, after tuis can-
di 1 avowal, would not think him any more a party man
la;,,, bis friend from Muscogee. They certainly would
Joel themselves under no more obligations to th it gentle
man for his compliments, than they would to him for
t rose ho'should oiler. Tliev were both party nu*n—had
acted together tint whole session as such, and :n many in
stances, very 'much to their mutual gratification.
Mr. AI. said that lie came into tins debate liic uncom
promising o >prunml of the Sub-Treasury sc cine, us pre-
soiifci! to'!be people of the United States. Ii was nothing
but tiie conremptible juggling c f n heartless politician at
YYashingon, by which to procure votes ill the next l re.-i-
dcutiul election. It w as n mere humbug to gull and de
ceive the people—a scheme to subserve party ends, and
• agitated here alone for the purpose ..f dismembering the
political party of which lie waft a member. I he original
resolutions were introduced into this House for party ends
alone. T he new spapers of tiie paity announced their
debut be forty we hud assembled. Scarce bad we reaclicn
0 ir scars before these resolutions, nr coded before hand,
were simultaneously introduced ii.tu ImifrUrarnrhcs <( ifa>
1 egi.Injure. The eorni'o:ant appetite, however, ol those
lor w hose benefit thev had been ptepared, had octroyed
th.ir purposes. Tiie loss of power, ned the hope of re-
gait iog it, pressed with too much anxiety, to admit of the
exercise of a sound discretion. It was not enough mat
tre should support ‘'the Tub Tteasury art, as presented to
Congress at its last session,” but we wore required tuere-
for, to "rally around the present administration ol the
Camera! Covcroment.” Tt was not enough that we shoitid
commend the virtues of the panacea, i ut it was exacted
of n that we should receive the nostrum under the s-ience
of no otlur medicator, save that of your own political
K- 'ulapius. This was requiring too mi-fa of us ut one
it no. lie cobid infirm the advocates of these resolutions
that they had failed in th ir object; that the dibit bad
fallen • till-bor:, fiom the wonioof its conception, arid »e>
now a lifeless mass, capable of exliling-uo other feeling
t : roi pi tv for the weakness which had conceived it, and
ft.-ora aid c mt-onpr. fi,r the littleness of purpose w liich had
given birth to it. It had sunk lo the grave, “ unwept, tt..-
koaored and unsung,” even hv the plaintive sir ins ol the
iionorabfc gentleman front Houston, who stood *s god-
fa'her at it, biith. No. sirs, the apple of discoid which
v.ai have thrown us we s nd back-—die fire-brand which
von had hoped was cast into our midst, is harnticss s. o
powerless; we will extinguish its finin 's w art the snme
facility that we would quench the flickering flames of the
expiring taper. If gentlemen, however, slum d think the
*• piny worth the caudle,” they’ mi? repeal their efforts,
T assure them we shall never disturb their harmless p:u-
* "s'wii:- of my political friends who have preceded mein.
tYs debate, have deprecated the agitation of tins question
Vi re, fearing that it might distract and divide us. l or
0 e, I harbor no sucli gloomy forebodings, not no I regr t
the discussion, only as it interferes with, and postpone*
to; more important business of the session. Ti at there
ace differences of opinion in our party upon this subject,
w*e all know and feel proud of. VY bo would claim mem
bership in ft political party, the members of which c.an-
c oTi-.l throughout, upon a question like the present ? A
matte? of e.'oodiencv, what given number ol minds emi d
b < thrown toguther,’ Laving precisely the same views ir,
fverv respect, so as to unite upon any given acl.en.e
out Jivisi.iS T The thing is impracticable, ar.d a genera!
rii-'q tlescetico shows a slavish submission to the dictation
of others, who manage to acquire or perpetuate power.
What independence or honest', id sentiment can be main
tained by those who give up their judgments into the keep
ing of others, and .ike mere automata, move and act at
the will in' the wire-workers? No, Mr. Speaker, differ-
e of Old,linn are always tolerated among independent
a „■! hone it politicians, li is the slavish ar.d abject dema
gogues, uijTiccustonaod to free llmughr, who mice having
broke the barriers which confine them, forget their ii-
r.fiiso, a id imitating the tyranny cf their own degrtid d
condition, prose,ibe others, ami in turn, are proscribed.
Parlies formed of such elements, rise and fall with Jhe ex-
citainofi! of popular error. But sir, our party is formed cf
purer and sterner stuff. It withstood the storm, and a.s a
little band, rallied upon its prin -iples, braved ;be fury of
the combined influence ol beta State and Federal power
rejected alike the peisiiasiotfs of interest, the allurement*
of ambition, and the threats of dominion; gradually sn ug
gled .n.i uuiil it has tmumolied most gbm.ai-d? in toe Con
quest of its principles. Cult such a party as that be dt-
vitl 1 by ’. question of dollar--at,d cents/ Askyoursclvc*
the question—are you willing to divide / And ma o your
own answer,.that, of those around you. li you w ere to di
vide, with whom would you unite? But give your fears
rn the winds—ai honest dif.eietice of opini n never yet
dcid-d honest men—those who are dishonest, d-serve
sc; >n ration.
The Stnta Rights party yet present one unbroken, un
divided phalanx in support of the principles which your
p.titicJil chieftain, Mr. Speaker, wits the first to trample
in rite dust. We vet rally to the opposition of that un-
ba'lio.ved combination of Bonk and State to which he gnvo
bu ilt, in the late exploded Pel Bunk system. Nay, wore
—some few of our members, in their at dent yet mistaken
e -xi to exterminate the last vestigo of tuat political curse,
,, y. : c bner. willing to titl-.pt in its stead, the still more odious
a n! unholy " Sob-Treasury scheme, as presented to Con-
gr.ss at its last session.” I*.it for all this, do not believe
1 iat we will over rally to the present administration of the
Federal Government. Believe me whet. I tell you, that
n! res roil call on the great Presidential parade day, the
r?c, .its who will come up front our ranks will be ‘‘like
singfria visits, few a id fjr between.*’ Wherever we shall
s- ■ trie sruis and the stripes we shall rally, but do not bc-
ii vc that fur this we will rally around every inter! - per,
who shall leap upon the ran puts, find seizing our stand
ard, may erv, “ ecce signum."
In vain will you sound the rally to Martin Van Buren.
The days of his political existence are numbered—the
fans; of Balshazar has boon bud—the snored vessels from
the ultur have been luuclasd by impure lips- the holy tem
ple has been desecrated by the h iolol’s riot—the band
writing is upon tho wall, ‘*he at, been weighed in the
L iiae.ee and found wanting —consternation has come upon
tiie prophets, tne magicians, and the soothsayers; and
though iu ti.'‘ir phren/.y and devotion, Jawy may cry out,
•‘On King, live forever,” yet his destiny is fixed and un
alterable. ar.d the spouse whom ho !us recently wed, in
tiie person of the “ Sub-Treasury scheme, as presented to
the inn session of Congress,” will prove the harlot that
f nil! betray him lo his ruin, through the lasciviousness of
her ii.du'.gcucios.
T.urt su jport which the Sub-Trc usury Fcin-mc receives fit
the Iran is of the Administration party in this House, is
wiiollv iirecoiicdeuble with their past, professions of prio
ri-dc.' It may be that that party have recently expel ieuced
tiie influences c( conversion—to the fact, that new con
vert* are alwavs the most zealous, may bo attributed the
extraordinary enthusiasm of gentlemen, when they cry out
Tic “ deliverance and liberty,” h-ap rmates upon n Na-
ional Ba ik ; invoke the aid of Divinity to save Georgia
from tho imputation of being a 'Tariff Sidle, Bi d in con
clusion of their rhapsodies, chant Lozannas to their own
imiuiv exemption from the charge of Federalism.
These ecstucies are no: unusual with gentleman. Thrice
us the world witnessed two honored rites perfumed at
••lie hvm neal altar, between them and their principles,
ihricu has it seen them in all the blissful feeling of that
hallowed union, a.id yet thrice has it beheld them torn
from the object of lueir fundesi low, bv tin- ruildcss policy
t. f “Divorce.’' Fiona the enchanted lover they nre sud
denly furned to the most d.tidly enemy. Their love is
ar.denl, but iaconslanl-r
“ They bow at every shrine,
But lay the heart on none ;
They think all other charms divine,
But those they just have won.”
May not gentlemen then distrust the purity, nay, even
• he probable conthiuance of their affection for the “Suh-
Ti'Casurv scheme, ns presented to Congress at its last ses-
sion?” 1 he fliriiiig ceqnettc, however, never rstiinu'cs
1.. r own inconstancy. May 1 not invoke gentlemen to
n’n, the ardor of their zoti!—to curb the rage of their en-
> i.iidiasin ? It nmy yet prove, that their present ecsl,ivies
f„ r the Sub-Treacury, art- nothing but tbe iiifluences ol the
excited indulgeucies of ut,oilier i.oney-moan, on which
they just have entered.
Willi the consistency of gentlemen, or their party, T
have nothing to do. For llteir principle*, if honestly con-
evived, I emertuiii every respect, though differing from my
"•.l. Upon questions of the character like the present, I
desire not to indulge iu crimination or recrimination, hut
ik* original resolutions cn„l some severe, unnecessary and
u. ki i.'ided aspersions upon the principles and motives ol
’.i- political friends- Every man who does not support,
tne "Sub-Treasury scheme, as presented lo the last ses-
of Congress,” is denounced ns the “-advocate of a Nu-
;hi.;al Bonk, and the friend of u monied aristocracy.”
Since gentlemen then Lave been pleased U) make a Na
irn! u! Bank an epithet so odious, the Sub-Treasury scheme
1., e harbirigCE of so muck good, and given to its opponents
tj unludluv. d an ussociatiou—since they have invited
coniparis-iti', aud have set tlutnselves up ns th-e cvusiits-
ji.uia.n of tin! political world, 1 that! olter no tij 'dugy to
i'_h House, while 1 detain it, it. looi.i. g iulo ike spotless
ctwu'actej-s of our ao -us-Y . In tnq’-iiiog vlnj wrre tbe
first friends <d' a National Bank in Georgia ? \Y ho "v*v
the must embittered foes of the “ Sub-Treasury scheme,
as presented to the last session of Congress,” and wlmt
party, if any, ileserve* lo be ranked among the ” friends of
a ‘rlionied aristocracy ’” If this iuvostignlion simuld
prove u.ipleusnut to gentlemen, they alone must rvp< ni
their foilv, iu nssnmii.g uu iiitilmie which might provoke
it. They should r. collect that while they assume the
light to censure, a due regard for public opinion req,tin's
that, upon such points, they should themselves be faultless.
- In 13-11, the rent iva! of the charter of ti.e United States
Bank was a subject of discussion before this House. Ti c
line was then clearly drawn between the friends and the
opponents of ihat institution. Its friends then, Mr. ri; > ak
er, were, with a few exceptions, .our political trieials;
its enemies, mostly, your political enemies. My fiend
from Muscogee, and myself, with one rn two more, I.attir'd
against your legions here. I he question was lu.lv dis
cussed. The Constitutional question, the expediency and
usefulness of the institution, were d< fended at length by
youf political friends, A Bank was dcrlarrd by some of
tbem to be tiie greatest pecuniary blessing ever sent to
inn:!. A member from Richmond, since Speaker ol this
House, niid now a representative in Congress, defended
tiie Bank at length—a representative from Henry county
Sallowed in lits culog.es—others of your patty joined in
die huzant.as of praise. Never shall I forget the taunting
question of a member from Franklin, (Mr. Icrrcl,) the
hosuni friend of my schoolboy days, twice aliri'Wunls the
candidate of voiir party for Congress, once riveted, w hen,
after lira wing ltirgelv upon the able sjieech of the late
Judge Crawford, in the United States Senate, ill favor of
tfie Bank, he asked, ‘ have you abandoned the Radical
Chief anil his principles ?” Upon such a subject atulat
suclt a time, such a qu stian and from such a quarter, w as
deeply mortifying to us.
My political -Tii-Iiil- had taken tl.etr staml against the
Ba— i heir views had been embe,tii-<i in a report slid I ('So
lution, which were then the subject of rang 1- - -'ration. 1 hey
had ileclmvd in that res ■lulion: *' Tiiat"nr Senators in
Con.-re s ! e, and lh'-~ are hereby instructed, and our Rep
resent-lives r< quested to use their united ai d strenuous
efforts to prevent onv ennclincnt to renew tBe chartir ol
the Bank of'tin- United States.”
A respectful consideration was refused this resolution.
It was indignantly placed upon the table tor tbe balance
of the session, upon the motion of a couth rn-m w-b.n is now.
as lie was then, an United Sion-.-' Bank man. .among tbe
names of those who noted with him upon that question. 1
discover that of one of your recent nominees for Congress,
(Judge Warper.) I likewise see there that of the gentle
man from Wilkes, v;l:o inis figured in the present, contest,
by way of resohillms and | vamble ; and a litti*: bather
down tint list, I find the name ol another old acquaintance,
Mr. Speaker, one Joseph Day, from the county of Jones,
witIt w hum, 1 presume, sir, you hare some acquaintance.
At the same session of the Legislature, resolutions were
offered. declaring in favor of ti National Bank. ,.i hose
resolutions were presented by a member of your party
(Mr. Harris) from Liberty.
Since the period to which I have referred, oilier instan
ces of devotion and support ol ihc “ monster.' by yourpar-
ty are to be found cn record. President .lac -toil, in his
Veto Message, admits the (-anstitntioiin’ity-ol a Bank, and
expressed his tegrets that, the “ net before him, ’ did not
contain such “ modifications of some of its provisions,
which were nueosssrv, in his opinion, to make it compati
ble with the Constitution,” declaring at the “nine time that
had he been app'.i d to, lie would have furnished the draft
of one which was constitutional. lie entertained the opin
ion. and fto expressed it. ll.nt a Bank was, “in many ro-
5certs, convenient for tiie Government and useful to the
people.” Upon the j-nldiration of this message what
i-oio'se d!d voor party pros* mho? The “Federal Union”
d-nounci d i: in urKpcalifiei! in n s, and raised the standard of
the Bank. d. fin cling it upon ali tiie grounds resorted to by
ihc President, for attack. Most, if not ali the objectiona
ble features of the ro-ehnrUrrd Bank had been engrafted
upon the original charter. II»w far the sincerity of the
l’roaident is to he rredifed, may bo learned from lito fa-t
ti nt he has. since the cm rrise oftlte \rto power, appointed
to his Cnbir.cl fc meinlrf rs of Congress w ho voted for tlie
original charter, and have never retracted their (pinions.
How fir the Union party of Georgia nre to he credited for
their sircrrily in oppnsirg a National Bank, may be infer
red from t! e fact, that both their present Senators in Con
ger ss voted for lhe Lank charter of 1816, ai d that their nom
inee for tbe Vice Presidency, (Mr. Forsyih,) made since
we assembled here, was n member of the snme Congress
n id voted for tbe Bank. The gentleman who beaded their
iar-t Congressional tb-ki-i, avowed upon ibis floor, bis sup
port of a National Bank. These, with many others, w ho
have received and yet hold office under the party, have
a sowed thrirsuppor; of* National Bank, r.nd have n.'verycl
retract d those opinions. \> hat are we to think of ft party
winch selects ns their instruments, to carry out !heir prin
ciples, men wbo-hold'to the opposite of those principles,
which the | ally pretend to support? In an enemy’s roun-
Iry ilo Aou select vmir fiieifds or your foes fur tho sentinels
of your army? ihc commander who was indifferent be
tween them n u-u ben ttni’.orto bis cause, or falsely pretend
danger where none existed. No one can confide in the of-
tei repeated piotestations of tho opposite party, as to their
sen tint ’tit* upon this question. Their denunciations would
induce the belief of ttieir deadly hostility, w f ile their acts
show their indifference. Scan their conduct aud every
one will s*e that they agitate the question for party pur
poses, whi'e for pai ty ascendency and the preservation ol
their party’s hni tr.onv, they c-lerate to office without regard
to principle. If the epithet of being called an “ advocate
of a National Bank,” is lo i>c applied ns an odious distinc
tion, a term conveying reproach and censure, 1 woo’d sug
gest to those w ho have sought its application, in the agitu-
i on of the present question, a leview of their own past
sentiments in reference to it. They should cast out the
beam from their own eyes, bttfore they p tick out the mole
from that of their neighbors.
But gentlemen have expressed a wonderful affection for
tho exitiiordinnre virtues of the" Sub-Treasury scheme,
as presented to Congress at its last session.” Bray, when
did that uffoctioncoTumenrc ? In 183-lii was first agitated in
Congress, and upon a vote given upon the mcasuic, as pre
sented bv n gentleman fiom Virginia, out of all (l.e num
ber of your purtv who now chant hnznnnas of praise to
to tbe great question of *' deliverance and liberty,” but cnir.
cast his vote in favor of the schema! and he was at our*
denounced by the faithful ns a “ deserter and traitor to the
cause. “ See,” sail! they, “ he unites with the Nnti.uinls
and Nullificrs, to break down tbe illustrious Chief Magis
trate. 11c has left the democracy and united himself with
Bank Barons, Federalists ami Tories !” These were the ac
cusations, sir, hurled at Sub-Treasury men in 1834, from
Maine to Texas. But we have a more unequivocal expres
sion of sentiment from the very Iliad of your party, than
this even. The official organ of General Jackson, the
Globe, which uttered no sentiment but with his approval,
w hich thought nothing that ho did not suggest, anil which
dec lari d no opinion that the party did not echo Lack, held
this language and these sentiments—sentiments which
Mr. Y mi Huron derived from his predecessor, and which
be pledged himself to carry out—
“InSepli mber, 1334,in a letter addressed 1 y Mr. Leigh
of Virginia, lo a number of the citizens of Richmond, who
in a written communication had inquired ol him “ the tru*
meaning” of r. certain passage iu oneol his speeches in the
SoijRtr, ai.d his future course lov.nids the Bunk of tho
United Stales, that gentleman expressed the following
opinion:
“ Iu my opinion the framers of the Constitution liad nc
thought of asy Bank .agency whatever. Stale or 1 ederul,
either far facilitating the operations of ihc treasury, or for
regulating the currency ; and that, lo administer the gov-
rrutnent iu ihc true spirit of ihe constitution, and accord
ing to tiie intention cf its found rs, the Treasury ought to
be divorced froni oil connexion with banks, Slulc or Fede
ral.”
The doctrine is precisely that of Mr. Van Buren ! Well,
the Globe—yes. the Globe, after quoting this passage, from
Mr. Leigh’s letter, exclaims :
'• What then ? YVhy the public moneys, from the time
of their rcc ipt to the lin.e of their disbursement, nmouut-
iag as they often do to ten or twelve millions of dollars,
mud remain in the hands of individuals: appointed by
the. President and. removable at his trill! and this comes
from tbe man who has leagued with scores of otheis to de
nounce the President ns an usurper and contemner of the
Constitution and laws, because i:e claimed lor i(jc Execu
tive the custody of the public money in a much more lim
ited sei se ! He lias never claimed that it should be in the
actual keeping of Executive officers, but only that it must
be ut thc-ir credit, and with their control, under such rc-
striclions as Congrcssmay impose in some hank or banks
or other places ol deposite. But Mr. Leigh thinks, that
according to the “ true spirit of the constitution,” it ought
to be kept in their pockets, chcsls. or vaults, w here lltey-
ctm approach it every day, and use it without the checks of
warrants diawn, countersigned, registered and recorded,
nod passing through many hands, without which not a did--
iar uu now Ik* touched by any public officer, not even the
I’le.-idc-nt himself! We do not agree with Mr. Leigh in the
opinion iluit it vtas the intention ol tiie constitution to leave
with the Executive this most dangerous control over the •
public, moneys, lfwedid, not having the flexible political
conscience of this wise Senator, we should be obliged to in
sist, that on tliis subject also, tbe Constitu ion should be
restored to its original meaning, and tbe authorized con
st: actions which has been engrafted upon it, lopped oil.
But Mr. Leigh feels himself under no such necessity. Thus
does Lo excuse hiiuscllTor abandoning his reading of the
constitution, viz
“ ‘ At liic same time I have no expectation that tliis prin
ciple. will ev 'r he acted on to its full extent. The friends
ol tho State Banks, the friends of a National Bank, and
the supporter* of the Executive claims to power, will com
bine against it ; and the r.atiouf moSt probably w ill never
agree, that the immense sums yearly paid in • n revenue,
shall, between the time of payment and the time of dis-
barsemeut,.be wholly unemployed aud unproductive.
“ If Mr. Leigh has reference to the friends of Presi
dent Jackson when he speaks of “ the supporters of the
Executive claims to power,” he may be assured they will
toti man be vtii/ed against any such THonstrous accumu
lation of power over the public money, which such a plan
would throw INTO THE HANDS OF THE EXECUTIVE. Atid
wo xculuFe to allege, that had such a suggestion come ftum
General Jackson it would have keen rung, through the
Oi<^ Dominion with the reiterated falsehoods about the
l'roclamalioii and the l o.ti sl, as conclusive proof of ail
-tiie asoirution* that haie bc-tit churg''d lo luc Uoro ol Oi
lcans ! Sea, (thev would say) how ks wishes to pit the
public money directly into lie Palms q) his friends and
partisans, instead. t-J keeping it on deposits iu souks,
whence if con not be drawn jfn any other than public pur
poses without certain directions. In such a ease we
should feel that the rEoPLK had jusi cause foK ai.akm,
and ought lo sice their west watchful attention lo such
an effort to knlakgk executive p .Ivku and cut tv ns
HANDS THE MEANS Or COltKL’PTlON. And are tiiCiC the
principles upon w hich Mr. Leigh expects 10 return iO the
Senate from the laud of Jefferson.
Two davs ulierw aids tbe Globe again fecinird to the
subject ol Mr. Leigh’s I rea.-uiy scheme, iu the loliowing
language:
••And does Mr. Ltixh conceive tLm the power of the
Executive over tiie public money would be ditni.,ishcd tl
in lieu of one Treasurer, as at present, appointed bv the 1 rea
dout, with the c-.icurrctice of the Scuttle, who j'r.ui.oli.tin
sel f touch a dollar oI the public money while in his. legal
custody, v principal Treasurer, and as many assistant I ic«-
“iire as might be appointed by tbe President alone, or
the head of the Treasury Department, who should bold
all the millions of the Ticnsury in thc-ir nuluul possession ?
i the
opposition of no one, but the ^
Bank, and tiie advocates of w monied anstocim y, ’
“ sub-treasury scheme presented lo Congress ut its last
session be has made the issue between Federalism and
Republicanism upon that sl.cn.e: lie has sounded the rally
of bis uni ty upon it. and un de, it tiie citadel ol l.wdclcuce.
* Jill fir I
f.l mV of a National mer, w ho foils through rah. and «oM, receive. id. 1,
5avs M r. Lcigl
•The.
effect of the scheme would
he, to take tho public Treasure out of the custody and con
trol of the President.” On the contrary, it is us palpable as
the sun, that the effect of the scheme would he tobring the
public treasure much nearer the actual ‘custody and con
trol of the President, than it is now, and 1-XJ’osk ii to be
PLUNDERED BV A HUNDRED HANDS, WHERE ONE CANNOT
NOW REACH IT.”
Really, I consider these objection*, urged by tbe Gtobo
ill 1334. to ti Sob-Treasury st henic, iinui.swrruble. V. but
say our Van Buren friends .on the other sice ol the aisle .
In another part of his letter, Mr. Leigli hud said t..at
he would “never vote for any measure whatever, that
would tend toiuenase tha patronage, power and influence
of the Executive ; ’ upon which the Globe rental ken. *' c
are glad to boar this, because ir. is a declaration that he
will not vote for tbe let id and dangerous scheme ho him
self suggested.”
In a speech delivered by Mr. Leigh at a dinner given to
him by the citizens of Petersburg!! iu Uctobwr Ioo4, l.e
expresses himself thus :
“ Let a general Treasury office be established at the scat
of Government, under the management of tbe lreaouici,
and local Treasury offices established in each of ll e t imes,
ns nianv -as should be convenient, under the nianagv inent
of Assistant Ti easurers ; icquiring bend and seem ily limn
lbe Treasurer and Assistant I reusurers lor the tuilLlu.
performanco of tlirir trust—let therevenue be deposited
in tlie.se offices, as it should be collected—give power to tho
Secretary of tbe Treasury to remove rcdundanL loads lioni
one office lo another, when convenience should require
them to he disbursed—give power lo the 1 reasurrr to draw
on any office he should think proper, guarding the j.owci
by suitable and efficient checks—make it eixbrzzK Oier.-t
and felony in him willfully to issue any warrant, except
under authority of law, at tbe bidding of any person what
ever : and make it embezzlement and felony in any Assis
tant Treasurer, to use for his ow u purposes, lend to others,
or pay away any money, except lo warrants drawn by the
Treasurers in cine form of law.”
Here is the very srhrmc now iccctnrnem.ed by Mr. Y an
, Buren! But vvhatdiii the Globe sny then l hy, niter
i quoting the foregoing passage, it broke forth iu the fol.o»\-
1 ing commentHTj :
j “ This is the nojable plan by which Senator Leigh would
I di.iiinish tho power of the Executive over the dcposilo-
i ries of public money. Instead of suffering the President
to appoint one Treasurer, as bodies now, he would
have him “appoint as rt nny cs should be convenient!
Or if the appointment was taken out of the hands of the
President, with the concurrence of the Senators, it
must be vested in the Head of the J REASUUT Depart
ment, to be made without their concurrence. And when
appointed, these officers must necessarily !,s alt-other
Exs.cui ivje officers now are, subject to icinnval si the will
of the President. Air. Leigh attacks the Constitution it
self, when he controverts these positions, ns we shall here
after show. And these Treasurers, ail appointed by the
President, nr.d removable at his will, with a.I the public
money in their actual possession—in their pockets, desks,
trunks and vaults—are, in the opinion ol Air. Leigh, the
constitutional depositories of the public monies, in prefer
ence to tbe State Banks, which guard the public-Ueusurt
ns they do their own, over which the President ha* no
control, and to one Treasurer, who, instead oi having
tiie money in h s actusl possession, cannot possibly gcL ft
dollar of it into his own bands, for any other purposes than
lo pay hi* own salary and ordinary office expenses. It is
fortunate for General Jackson, that ite does not entertain
Mr. Leigh’s opinions. If he had suggested such a sys
tem, what peals of | utriotic indignation would have bmsi
from cloqnen' Senators against I be usurper arid tyrant w ho
dcsiicd to get the millions of the Treasuri into the very
hands of his partisans and parasites.”
To Honorable gentlemen who have so much patriotic
indignation against a National Bunk, and are so firmly
wed to the “ Sub-Tnv,<urv scheme, a* presented to the last
session of Congress,” 1 especially recommend a review of
their sent iissents in 1834. The scheme then proposed, was
almost identical even in detail, with the one which you
now so much admire. There was tho gohl nr.d silver for
the office-holder ; there were the sub-treasureis todisbur.-c
aid keep this gold and silver; then you denounced it as
increasing Executive patronage—us exposing! lie money of
tho paoplcso “ he plundered 1>\ a handled hands, where
out cannot now touch it”—as putting it into the “ palms
of Iris friends and partiznns then yon thought the “peo
ple would have ju»t cause for ahum,” for the “ eftort to en
large Executive power, at d [ ul in its bands tho means of
corruption;” then you thought it mails the President a
tyrant and usurper,” and now you nsk the people I ogive
the Biesident all this power, to make him a “ tyrant oral
usurperto put the money of tho people v hero a ^ hun
dred hands can <-..nitoJ it,” when before cue could not
reach it; to increase his patronage as tf.c u.«ii].*-of oxter d*
ing corruption ; to put tho “ money inta tha paiins of
friends and partiznns/’ and riiis you call a “ measure truly
republican,” and denounce all who cannot Lclieve every
thing which von believe, and cannot change that belief, as
often as you do change it, »s the friends of a “monied aris
tocracy!” One thing i* certain, gentlemen, either that
yon were wrong in 1834, or now. if rig.'i the: 1 ., you are
undeserving confidence now : if urr.ns. then your course of
conduct renders you unworthy of belit'l at this time. I
leavo gentlemen to take which horn of the dilemma they
like best.
I have no pleasure, Mr. Speaker, in awakening reminis
cences which ure painful or unpleasant to gentlemen. But
the alternative has been forced upon trie, cither to do this,
or to submit, that mv political friends should l.e assailed
unjustly, lo cover the ridiculous inconsistencies of their
opponents. Neither justice, nor courtesy, require mo to
adopt tho lutLor. Ar.d while I defend my friends, that
defence will not be without its instruction u» our oppo
nents, that
" Those who live in hoercsof glass,
Should never throw stones as they pars-!’
Having seen, Mr. Speaker, w ho have been the fnrfv and
fast friends of a National Bank, and the uncompromising
opponents of the “sub-treasury scheme as presented to
Congress at its las! session,” lot us see w ho those tire, if
nr.v, who deserve tho name of “ friends of a monied aris
tocracy.”
Bv such designation, wc arc to understand in the popu
lar sense, those w ho favor large accumulations of money
at.v where, hut more especially in banking institutions,
those mighty monsters that shackle the industry of the
country ! 1 find no other test of determing the friendship
which mav exist with tegard to them, than to inquire as to
those who have given them being. \\ hen the friends of
the oiiiina! resolutions on the table, ettrne into power, they
found tbe banking capital cf our Stale *7,000 0C0. In
tbe short period of six years, they have swelled it to
UG.000,000, making an increase of 9,000,000 during their
continuance iu power. Bi.cs litis look most like friend
ship, or hostility to a “monied aristocracy 7” During
this session gentlemen cf the same, party, have asked iu
the Senate for an additional increase af capital of
4,000,000, and in this House* of $35,000,000. Ar.d the
gentleman who introduced and claimed the (mternity of the
original resolutions, introduced two hilis, proposing to ere-,
ute two banks in our Stale, w ilh a capital of only $15,000-
000 each!!! I put these facts together, that gentlemen
when sketching hateful images of “ghosts and goblins
damned,’’ may not delineate w ith too much exactness,
their own features. Aud I leave them in the midst of their
voluntary associations to convince whomsoever they can,
of their enmity, rather than their, friendship for a “ mo
nied aristocracy."
1 now come, Air. Speaker, to the consideration of the
principles, as they are called, of the original resolutions.
And asthev propose to be specific, ns to the “truly repub
lican measure” “ presented to the last session of Con
gress,” lest I may d.o those principles injustice, I will
yield the floor to the gentleman irom Houston, while he
tells us w hat lie means by tbe “ sub-treasury scheme as
presented to the Inst session of Congress/’
Air. Kelly—! moan the Sub-Treasury Bill ns present
ed to the House of Representatives, by Air. Cumbreleng.
Mr. Meriwether—Then T understand what this “tru
ly republican measure” is. And that the House tuny like
wise understand its principles, I will read the conclusion of
20th section of that bill; “ and that from and after the
31st December, 1843, nil sums accruing, becoming paya
ble to the United States, for duties, taxes, sales of public
lauds, or other debts, and also till sums due for postages,
or otherwise, to the General l’ost Office Department, shall
be paid in gold and silver only, or in Treasury Notes, or
other evidences ol debts, issued under the authority of the
United Stales, us may be directed to he received by law in
payment of the puplic dues.”
Mr. Kelly—Is that Air. Cnmbrolcng’s bill?
Air. Meriwether—I most assuredly is.
Mr. Kelly than asked that the whole section might be
read, which was done. He then said he was not particu
lar about his resolutions, that he was willing to take those
offered bv tbe gentleman from Wilkes, as a substitute, as
he I relieved he liked them better thau his own..
Mr. Meriwether—Do {'understand the gentleman to
have backed out from his own resolutions / If ®o,.l will
pass to the consideration of the substitute, to which he
seems to have taken a fancy.
Mr. Kelly—No, Sir, I have not backed out; but I pre
fer the substitute.
Air. AIeriwether—I shall nut permit tbe gentleman
to evade tbe issue. He lias heralded forth for this truly
“ republican measure,” which was capable of exciting the
party upon
I meet him, now, Sir, upon Ids own assumed
join his issue, and give him the protection which Ins bul
warks afford him. . ,
\Ve have boon taunted with an unwillingness, ray wjih
fear in meeting this question. 1 was unwilling to ui\e
consumed the time ol tbe house iu this discussion, when
it wax wanted for more important purposes, i oesC ft so
lutions were introductld the second or third day <>■ th°”
sion, and though they contain tho principle* of “ deliver
ance and liberty;" and though, according to their author,
it is neccssnrv to puss them to-day, to stive the character
of the State, and to redeem ii from the “ foul aspersion* ol
being a Bank State, yet he pei .pitted them to lie live
weeks on tho table, qnict.y reposing in their dignity.
Their agitation now, under all tlierirciimsttim es, Iofteeme
to be for ulterior purposes, and to subserve party « m
flence, I was unwilling to be dragged into this discussion.
Tkis was the extent of my unwillingness, and no moie.
Th« gentleman fr.un Houston is the last, however, wl.o
should have made an insinuation as to “fear." e *'
fort which he seems to be making to get clear of Ins ow n
resolutions, indicates either fear or dislike e.l them. Judg
ing from the restlessness he evinced, when 1 pul my ni>t
interrogatory to him, and tint i iidrarrassment which sue
cc.dti.a parley between us, I feel justified in believing,
either that he did not comi ichend the import of his own
resolutions, or feared the effects of the avowal he was
called oB to make. I should suspect that my friend from
Houston confided more in the hope of our unwillingness,
than in the convict,on of at.y fear on our part to inert the
question. Confidence based upon hope, soon betrays its ex
pectation*.
Without *to] ping to rsti’i am the useless rxreruiluie of
millions of dollars in building strong vault*, in w hich to
keep the public money, in erecting mansions lor your sub-
ticasincrs, in the sn'aiios of ut'diliui a! ..flic rs, ai.d in the
increase of edict rs thi nischrs, nil of which every South
ern man must condemn, I pass to tbe consideration of liic
effects of lids “ truly republican measure,' upon tho in
dustry mid instiluiions ol our t r unny.
The people of the Fr.otii ore tiln.i st exclusively an ag
ricultural people ; their wealth i.- marie tip t-f property anti
not money, and as money is the standard of value tor all
property, ns von t Irr a*.t* or lowr r that standaid. so do you
increase or diminish that wealth. 'I liar standard is chanc
ed as \i u expand or contrat I the circulation, every expan
sion or contraction tin n of the tairreuey materially and
immediately ailects the r xtent ol Foull-r rn wr aith. As
money is rendered senreo or plrr.ly , so is that value ren
dered less or great. Oil*, r sections of the Union, howev
er are not situated altogether likeottrseives. In the North
ern at.d East, rn Flairs the monied capital approximates
nearer ..quality to the properly capita!, and hence such
fluctuations cannot, and .to cot, affect to so h an extent,
their aggregate wealth.
Again, u large portion of our wealth consists in our la
bor—that labor is rendered the more or less valuable as
the facilities of credit, hy which its products may be anti
cipated, arc increased or diminish, d. J hat system of leg-
islaliun then, which daninisl:. s th. value of our property or
our labor,is one which not only robs us of so much of our pro
perty as is thus diminished, Lut trntsfrrsil ns n gratuity to
the Northern aud Eastern sr.ciiorsof the Union. And ns
the course of trade has trt.dcrcd the Foc.tl. almost entirely
dependent upon these sections of the Union for a market,
in w Inch to purchase its supplies nr d sell it* pr. ductions, ad
ded to the advantages width surh dependence creates, will
be the-stil! greater, that the capital to which we are mow trib
utary, will he then wholly unembarrassed, ardabsolutely
gaining power by leaser, of every cause whirl, embarrass
es us,’to increase its capacity at overy moment, still fai th
ct to add to our emliBrr.isjincnls.
1 hose principles being andcr.iably true, vrbnt must bo
the effects of the “ Sub-Treasury scheme as presented lo
Congress at its last session.” By ii* provisions gold and
silver only arc to be received after a particular time, iu
payment of public dues, ar.d the hills of r.o hanking insti
tution whatsoever, however solvent, are lo be received.
One of the effects of tliis regulation will be,.to diminish
to an alarming extent, the ciiculatirin of the South, to re
duce the value of our properly, and unnecessarily lo in
crease tbe pecuniary embarrassment* of our people.
By reference to the Reports of tbe Secretary of the
Treasury of tiie United Siat'-s, it will be sern that the
average annual balances on hand for the last ten years were
something more ihar,$ 15,000.000, exclusive'.^ monies col
lected, but not received into the Treasury, and of monies
draw n from it, but not disbursed hy the officers, all.ofw hicli
amounts, when added ;og. llirr, are properly estimated at
$20,000,000 per annum. During the same period-it is es
timated ir.ut lhe average an.crrl jin nr.p.i.m, of cold and
silver in the United States, did not exceed $60,030,000 ;
so that had the Fub-Tri a-ury scheme, ns presented to the
last session of Congress-,!’ beer, in for. t» for i+io Iasi ten
years, iis operations would have locked np annually in the
Treasury $20 000.000, being oi.c tliiul. f the w hole amount
of gold and silver iu the L rated Stales. Now- this gold
and silver which the Government must use, v ill be drawn
from the banks, where, it is now made n basis fi r the issue
of bills—suppose it withdrawn from the banks, w hat think
you would be the effect upon the circulation of the country ?
Confiding ourselves to the history of our own State, jcur
bank reports show that tbe ratio of sprric in banks, to
bank bills in circulation, is a* one to two. To preserve
this then, foi every dollar cf specie draw n from tbe banks,
there must l.e two dollars in paper withdrawn fir.ni circu
lation. Applying this rule toourown banks, at this time,
wo find that our specie rapilal I t ing |2 COC.COO, and our
circulation $4,000,000, and m r eontrihmive propni lion of
specie tor the use of the Federal Gcvrn.rrer.t not less than
$.006,000. the consequence f. hows, that our banks must
reduce their circulation over $ 1,300,000, ar.d instead of
circulation then, m now, of $4,000,000, it must be less
thou $2,700,000. What must be tiie effect upon the value
of property iu our State, produced hy this system ? What
uacallcd forinjuiy vvouiu be inflicted, more vspecally upon
thal class of oili citizens shese only property is lheir la
bor, upon the enliie labor of ihe country ii*c!f. ar.d upon
those who are now pressed by pecuniary nmb*rrasstrenIs.
prod need by* that, spirit ol »j c< elation nr.d imprudence
w hich were induced bv the electioneering policy ol the
very administration party in ll.e Gi verrinent, which r.uw
seeks to establish ibis iriir.-heortrd d. minion over our
rights, our persons, and nur properly.
Assuming the value of labor lo be rett per annum *200,
the average value of your slaves $400, *hen the rir. illa
tion is at $4,000,000, ihe merest lyro in figure* ran tell
you the depreciation, when tint cirriilnii n shall he re
duced to $2,700,000 ; wc-sustain a clear loss of one-third
of our whole estates. These position* are r ot assumed as
approaching, to absolute cert;»:ri?y, but they are approxi
mations to it, which show the op« rations of general prin
ciples. The amount of specie w hich' will be required for
tiie use of the Givm-mment, ui.rfrr ibis “great nirBsiire. of
deliverance and liberty,” is not qniio so great as l as been
assumed for the part annual baiaroiy nr, bard, I • . what
ever amount shall- be required, will proportionable pro
duce the effect here antii ipatrd, and r.o one doul ts that a:
least 25 percent, of the whole Miiouid of specie in the
United States will be required. I.ul wlnH-vcc per cent,
reduction it siinil produce in the value i f t or property, that
reduction will prove it confiscation of each citizen’s estate
to that amouni, and that too for the ln ni f.tof capitalists at
the North aud East, ai.d money ki.deis and usurevx at
home.
Suppose tin* C'ungress of the t’niird S ates slnm'd pass
n law compelling each citizen In rleliin up oi.c-tliiid, or
any other portion, of iiis estate, would the gentleman irom
Hon jinn, call ii a “ measure of deliverai ce and liberty ?”
and yet, where is the difference, between that law and the
*ub-trcasuiy scheme, which he eulogize* so much? The
effect upon the country is the same—the object of the one
is insidious, while that of tho other is open and fearless.
Suppose the tax gatherer should come In demand the tri
bute, think yoqi.ot a fi lon’s faH? would be his? And if
an armed legion should he sent to enforce the demand,,
how many bristling bayonets would weir omc their ap
proach ? And yet the gentleman from Houston thinks lo
force this gilded pill down our throats with such hateful
ingredients for its constitution, under tbe garb of “deliver
ance and liberty.” Yes sir, ii will la- a gicat n.easuie of
“ deliverance and liberty such “ deliverance ' as the
Sheriff give* to the debtoi fn m his property ; such “ lib
erty" as bankruptcy cntuies to its victims, fiom tbe care
ai.d toils incident to the p»ss< sriori of lullunr.
And for whose benefit is tlie South called upon lo make
tliis immense sacrifice? For tl.e hei.rt.f, ,-ir.ol office hol
ders anti government dependents, lifur-tci.lhs of whom re
side North of the Rotor,.ac rivri : of that class of citi
zens who receive the public money, feast sumptuously every
day, and leave tin? Government 'nothing in return hut tbe
recollection of their appointment, to office : of the tlmn-
saadsnhoare employed in the National armories, ship
yards, public factories, anil other places. And these are
the men who arc to become the beneficiaries of the losses
the South must sustain.
Why, sir, shore! these losses he sustained by us? 1 be
President has given the reason in his message to Co- grass,
that if another suspension of specie payments should
lake place, the Government may not be compelled topay
its debts in the bills rf nrn *7 ocie paying banks ! ! ! In
other words, that the office holders ui.d dependents-of tho
Government, thould not he paid in tho bills of banks be
low per. Now, I a?k tire gentleman from Houston, to tell
me by what rule of right, he causes tbe laimcrs- cf the
country to lake depreciated bank bills for their- labor, and
yet tuxes those very men to get a currency above par, ia
which topay the office holders of the Government, for lliuir
labor ? I say that you compel the farmers to receive such
banks bills, because both tbe State and federal Govern
ments have created hanks whose bibs have become the cir-
•eukit'ng medium of thecouutry, and without them not one
‘dollarin tea of thedebtsdue by individuals-could be paid;
they are therefore forced, by necessity;, to receive these
bills, aud’at times they become depreciated.*
But yet this system by which “ one currency is made
for the people and another for the government,” the gen-
tleman says, in his resolutions,.!* “ truly republican.” For
one, sir, I support no such republicanism. Aly principles
of equality have taught me that the government and the
people should share the same fate, ai d when the pecuni
ary embarrassment* of the country arc so great as to shut
up the banks, that government officeholders should receive
tne same mqncy in payment for their labor that the far-
should be neither bettor nor worse. Ihc gentleman,
should he act upon the principles of his resolutions, w ill
pjlieu me nniougthe “ advocates of a monied anstocraev,
tor these scutimeats. Be it so—the world may decide fic-
teen us. The gentleman has declaimed loudly against tlie
TariiT. Has it ever occurred to him that hri truly “
publican measure” was an auxiliary to the hateful Tariff .
1 would ask him if an increase iu ti.c value of the curren
cy, ia which he pays the revenues of tho government, is
col an increase to the con-timer of the cost «:I tiie article
taxed? Does not the importer add to the pricoil his
good*, all costs, » belli, r of freight, insurance, dunes, or
the premium liu pays for a particular cuuenry, in which to
pay these duties ? And who pay* that increased tax but
the consumer 7 Assuming for illustration, lire value ol
gohl and silver to be five pel rent, premium, w hat is tiie
difference to the fat mer of Georgia, between paying this
increase as u premium upon the funds paid to the govern
ment, aiid paying it as an increase of Tariff duties? And
w hat is the difference to the Northern manufacturer,in the
increase of his protection, whether it arise* from an in
crease of Tariff duties in name, or in the value of the
currency in which the public dues arc paid ? Gnu the
gentleman be sincere in bis opposition ttj the luriff, when
he advocates a measure w hich directly increases these du
ties 1 1 cannot so understand him.
It is said thal this sc! .mu is in “ accordance with the
principles of the Federal Constitution.” Me have, of
late had so many abuses of Federal pow er to contend with,
that the mini is led almost involuntarily, w lien any measure
is proposed, however unimportant, to square its oxislence
by the principles of the Constitution.” And so deserved
ly popular has every measure of that Government b« come
which conforms lo the provisions of that instrument, that
politicians, w hen seeking popularity for their notions and
1‘iiims, or driven from one position to another in defence
of l hern, no longer able to sustain them by reason or argu
ment, tiv to the r ‘ principles of the Constituiitiou, as the
onlv shelter (or their discomfiture. V» ben this segis has
been assumed, they seem to imagine themselves within
the protection ot some sanctum sanctorum, where no com
mon footstep dare intrude, and w here the sacieilneas ol
the invocation repels uil sciutiuy into th* truth ot the as
sumption.
So much is the world the slave of names, arid so credu
lous as lo principles, that it you hut assume, the associa
tion, one half will take it for grained licit you are right ns
to vimr position, and under tbe profession of acting m
accordance with, you have unlimited license to oppose
to tbe utmost extent, the principles ol the Constitu
tion.” Now sir, it is altogether n gratuitous assumption to
declare that the Sub-Treasury scheme is in accordance with
the principles of the Federal Constitution.” i hat iusliu-
rnr r.t is wholly silent upon the subject. I here is not a
clause or word in it, which cither directly, or indirectly,
prescribes the maimer, time or place, ol collecting, keep
ing or disbursing the monies of the b ederai Government,
the agents which shall be employed in it, or l c kind oi
currency to be received. It is true that the Const.lut’-ot
some parts of th® gentleman’s resolution* I admiro .
much. That portion which declares a National B*!^
al, 1 particularly
“any shape,” Ip be unconstiiuiion
mire ; buitl
cy Notes, founded upon the revenue* «,f i| le (; 0v
1 estt em lo Lo very objectionable, ai.d as contradirtii 'l
principles lo which I have ksl alluded. 1 shall not
upon the argument of the first proposition. M v
from Bibb, (Mr. Lamar,) ha* ant icq aud all I | i;i[ j (
upon it, and I adopt his argument as my own, , v ja s, 7
exception. An objection against the expt ((| I’'™
tioiial Bank, assume d by him. was, that it woij|,| ‘ a ‘
the local hanks. It this were true, I would say ^
the hank: provided the constitutional difficulty Wai
way. These bank* need some control; if t/"iey djj '''
we would never have been discussing this quest in, " U1,
Leaving the subject of the Bank, 1 will prorttfi' h ' «
to consider that ill-adrisod sent in.cut of the subset,',''
which I have before referrtd, to wit; il 1( . •* -j *•
Note” scheme—and as 1 entertain the opinion,
gross has in* power lo authorize their issue, and il at 7"
scheme converts tl.e Treasury into u “ Government !> I1(l j/"
before I proceed any farther, I will yield the floor , u /
of its advocates, tiiut they furnish mu with that porii,,* 1 ?
Constitution of the United States, w bich authoriz^',.
act ?
Air. Howard said, that it was not contended th* t
power was expressly delegated, lo issue Treasury '*
checks—but, it was a power necessary to cam ii n, s ^
tbe delegated powers. * * “ kfiwt
Mr. Meriwether resumed—Mr. Speaker, mvfr.
■. d myself pride ourselves upon our couuecliun «u|,.|
political paity, who reject lhu doctrine of construct^
relates to the Federal Constilniion. 1 fear very niuj,*
that lie will find it very difficult to reconcile our" notio,*
upon that subject, with the {*vrtensions he m.w sets uu |
tbe Treasury Note system. ut
Y\ hat delegated power is it to which this scheme is no-
ecssury to cany it into effect 7 is it the power to born,,,
money upon the credit of the Government 1 That cam,,
be; the Government needs no loan of money, berai.^
the system supposes a given utuout.t already in the 'i re ^
Bury, upon which, and in lieu of which, these Notes ary,,,
be issued. 1 he Government is only to issue its paper J „
place of the silver dollars in its vaults. Iirnr»,i...
1 race ib*
i po«.
lars, in place
idea of “ borrow ing money’ by the exercise of suck ,
cr, is utterly fallacious.
Is it the power to levy and collect taxes ? Taxes ar»i„
the nature ot lines—tr.»-y are to he •s.-essed equally u «.
cers are. appointed to collect tin m—a penalty tnlluw, j ur
disobedience—and ibe hffmmer of the Flic, iff may fi* ,i,
instrunwet of enforcing their collection. Can auv raii UL .
al nitfn conceive how the issuing of Treasury Notes
funds in tire 1 reasury can be nesessary to carry ihlo eflott
the power of levying and collecting taxes ?
This scheme, of collecting the public revenue* in f*;j
and silver, hoarding it iu the Treasury vaults, and issuiu-
Treasury Notes upon it, is nothing but a National Bank ia
disguise, under the fa.-t innting name of the “ iudepei,,L C!
Treasury”—** divorce of Bank and Flat*.” If Conrr.,,
Joes declare that tho " States shall make nothing hut gold j has ihe power to authorize the issue of Treasury Non
and silver a lawful tenderhut who, in the exetci.-e of a j dollar foi dollar, 1 ask. gentlemen, to show me the Co lots
sound and disposing mind, would understand this simple I rational restriction upon that Department of Govcranou,
negative upon the power of the States to be an express j from issuing tcu to one—and- with tliis power thus in full
delegation of power to Congress, and an injunction to txor- j exercise, how much short ol a National Bunk does y,.ur
cise it, to receive nothing but gold and silver in the pay- I Sub-Treasury scheme full ?, a hank dependent upon" i| :e
meiil ol public debts ; who could understand it as pointing ; will of tne 1*resident*,• to barter for, am! corrupt th* elso
out the mode of collecting and disbursing that money by | live franchise of the country l
sub-treasurers, aud as prescribing the custody ot it, ns eon- j _ I have another objection to these resolution*, whirl: »j-
find lo the vaults of suet: sub-treasurers? 1 on might as j plies to them en-mossc. They are not what they prole*
well seek in the holy and self-denying precepts cf the B;- I to be. Mi ike out the Treasury Note feature from th.ra,
bin for authority to support the voluptuous and lascivious j and there is not a Fub-Treasury principle in them. Tru*]
faith of the Hottentot, as to seek in tho principle* of the j they declaim loud and much about tbe “ Fub-Trrasurv”—
Federal Constitution,” for authority to sustain the piinct- j “ divorce of Bank aud Slate”——'* dcliveracgand liberty”
pies of the sub-treasury scheme. There is no sanction for , and “tbe principles of tbe Constitution”—but all il,«j r
it there. The truth is, thal that scheme is nothing hut a ■ professions ure but a “sounding brass, auJ u tinkli,-
pnliiica! increment attempted lo be las toned upon our in* i symbol.’’ 1 bey base neither the " form nor the tuid,”
slitutiors, by the corrupt ar.d corrupting excesses of the J they ure but an “emasculated skeleton”—will,our tb u
government, in its unhallowed efforts to filch (coin one sec- snblnnce, nnd no one who desires sincerely a ■* divorce of
tir.n of ihc Union the materials to h.'.nl up another. \A lien Bank ami State, 1 ' Cuu lor a moment venture upon lh* §xy-
thc Federal Constitution was formed, that scheme was- port of them.
never di earned of. The cetrmprrar.eou* history ot that) The object of this “divorce,” has been fully toldtiio
instrument, furnished hy the acts'cf the very men who I American people, by their 1? resident. It was ti* pwvmt
were inost active in its toinialion, prove this incontcslibly. j the Goverument from being throw n upon tJia bill* of baak-
Afler the govern merit Lad gone into open lion, ar.d before ing institutions, when general distress bad stopped iiis
the Constitution hud beta rat .lied by ali the Slates, the j banks from specie payments, and to effect this, nothing but
public revenue was collected indiscriminately, in pi; per and j gold and silver was to be received in the pavnienl of [iuit-
llit metallic currency. It v. a.- deposited in banks and nth- J lie dues. Can any man tell bow much better off the Guvom-
er safe places, under the direction <4 the Secretary jf the
Treasury, and so continued until 1809, without ary legis
lation en the subject. In that year, and for the first tia.e
Congress required that “ public moneys in bands of disburs
ing officers,” only, should be kept “ w hereverpracticable, ’
in some ''incorporated bank,” to be “designated by the
1’rcsident.” T he drp.ositrs of public officers were, how
ever, left untouched, by ibis act, and in 1794, a committee
of the House of Representatives, in a report upon tbe con
dition of the Treasury, rorr.arkrd that the “Treasurer,
pursuant to general dirert’ons from the Secretary of the
Treasury, keeps tho. i*ubhc moneys under bis control, in
the several Banks." (a . Docs this early practice undrr
li e Constitution, by such men as Washington, Jefferson,
Aladisan, Randolph, and many others, alike honored, en
courage the belief that no other scheme but the Sub-1 rea
sury, was in accordance vv ilh the principles of the Consti
tution, or that that scheme itself accorded with those prin
ciples? If these practices are to be received as evidence
of the opinions of the framers of tho Conslituti m, wiih
regard to its principles, tln*y contr.nlii t mo»l fully ihe high
pnigiB claimed for the principle*- ol the sub-treasury
scheme, by its advocates.
Away then with this attempt to gull the country into tho
belief, that the sufi-T rcn.-ui v *rl:< m* is in nccordaree with
the principle* of liic Constitution.” Tell li.om, that it is
bur an untried cupedirnt lo krep safely the public. Binary,
which now stands inconstant danger of being plundered by
tl.osc faithless officers to wbose’ctislody ilis confided! fell
them this—let it be judged by its merits, nnd in* longei
make your Constitution liic constant resort tor authority
for ait common purposes. You degrade the sanctity ol
its sanction, hy an application of it to sach mean uses. Ii
you are in earnest about this work of “ deliverance and
.liberty,” and your professions are uol ihe shallow pretexts
for gaining power, and gratifying your ambition—go ai
once to the root of all tiie evils which are beseltiig your
imaginations. Disband, sir, nl or.ce, your legions rt i ir.ee-
holdcrs; mnovr frnni their places, fiom the higl;r>i to the
lowest, every incumber.i, that the sciti.ee of public frauds
shall if practiced bo learnt over tv their.— fill their places
with more honest men, even if you draw them from the
rank* of the same political party—bring your revenue
ilown to the immediate w ants of the government, anilcon-
fine those waids to absolute necessities—do all this, sir,
and you w ill gain our confidence in the sincerity of your
cry for “ deliverance ar.d liberty ”—do tbisaiid then wc shall
find you acting in nccordam e with the principles of the
Constitution,” anil our countrv will be no hu ger annoyed
with your hallelujahs to the sub-tieusury scheme—do this,
ami it the gc.vrri ment, in its reckless, wayward course
should ever again single out ore section of the country as
the victim of the avarice of another, when the groans ol the
oppressed begin to ascend, ne ver enccruragr the oppressor
in bis ii.i.ftiiiyx ai d stifle the humble prayers ol the help
less, hy proclaiming the edicts of ni:o!her accursed “ h on e
Bili and Rroclnmoiion,” but l.uiuLle the tyrant, ar.d de
fend and protect the weak.
This Sub-treasury scheme is the first overt net of the
government, to establish a rr.oniid aristocracy among us,
and to prostrate all other interests for the benefit of that.
YYe complained loudly of the exactions and oppressions ot
the Tariff—that scheme was unconsituliona! and unequal
in its operations particularly to the Soutli—circumscrib
ing its benefits by geographical bounds—yet there was some
equality ir. its benefits. It extended protection to the la
bor of the laborer, w hile it protected the employer. It
protected the credit and-wealth of the favored sections of
the country, ai.d scattered its blessings alike to tiie poor
and the rich, who were within its reach. It was a mea
sure mostly local in its character and so-tnined by i.o other
interests, than those which were local. It arrayed against
itself all other local interests,and found its condemnation
in the opinions of ihe liberal and just, every where. The
sub-treasury reberoe has no claims, to equality jn its effects.
It v. ais upon labor nnd credit every where. It oppresses
the weak and elevates and sustains the strong. It make?
the “ rich richer, and the poor* poorer.” It sacrifice* all
interests, pursuits and business of life, and luxes al! class -s
- f society, to foster the wealth of the monied .capitalist.
It is circumscribed by ro local habitation. li raises up
advi.cates every where,and calls to its aid the powerful
and rich. It stands in the defence of wealth, and in op
position to competency and poverty. It is wholly aristo
cratic, and anti-rrpabli* in every feattirr nnd * ffe< r. And
this is tbe system which find* an advocate in tiie Chief
Magistrate of the United Slates, aud the political party
which sustains i.in:!
merit will be in reference to that evil ; how mm-l* usin«r
the “ divorce” will be reacin d, under tbe scheme p.-np*,.
cd in the resolutions of receiving Bank Bills, and luchin-
them up in the Custom House vaults, that und*r the ] vt
Bank system, of receiving Bank bills and locking litemt:p
in Bank vaults? Ae.Mr. bpeuker, there is no “ ilivwsc*’'
of Back ar.d Slate, unless you receive onlv gold aiul silwr
i(i payment ot public dues, as the original resolution? de
clare. Now I want those who believe in that built—v4u>
I talk and dream of nothing hut “ ueJivrraure nnd liosrtr,"
to rally around their specie standard. It was for tliis rea
son, that I joint d issue wiih you in the resolution^I ufi»r-
cd. 1 have litefedenounced your Fub Trrasnrv, and ha**
been willing to leave the rr.tull with the people." I dare y*n
to maintain your faith, and lo adhere to vuur pro,'staid
principles. But if gentlemen shall prove recreant>oli:fir
faith, and shnil submissively receive uric at the Lands of
my friend from Muscogee, surely I would hr iii*-.'*»l tu
conipli.:--!, that the Liiiou, Democratic, Republican, ?t»t*
Rights, and United States Right* party, should be faasd
following the lead ol a " Nuilifier,” in matter* of polne
cal faiih!
Firikc from these resolutions the name, and who would
ever conceive that they inati.tair,. d tl.e political errsd of
" divorce of Bank ami Flatt 7 My frirt.d front Musco
gee, seems lo he partial to the name of Sub-Titrasury.—
Doubtless that pai tiaiily arises from the generous svir.pa-
tliies of his ttniure,. which lead him to a “ fulhrr iu It.*
fatherless,” and the protector of the “ discotisolnle.”—
For surely since the days of political strife, no :r,«i4*ir»
was more bated for iis principles, both by friends ar:df»*s,
ll.an tiie Sub-Treasury si be me—white the name w»»*
broader shield to cover a greater diversity oi p«iiu l]>l«»,
opinions, ai d tiolions than ibis. Ar.d though mv irirml
from Musergee, stands prominent in the defence of tin
scheme, ar.d reckons l.imst It among ti e foremost of its ad
vocates, yet I fear that were he to seek admission into lf.i»
new political church, upon u ronfessinn rt Li* faiib, fs
would stand rejected as * stiff-necked, ar.d inti actable hsr-
e;ic. And should hr, with my friend from BiLh (Mr. L»
maij from * common designation, nlirmpl to congrcgsw
with those w ho hold the great political liwigc of th® Fairs?,
they would be foiceil beyond tiie outer wal!,.
“ For lliey ne'er cou)d divine.
The word nortlierigu.
AYliirl: makes ihe lice and aecepied Maton.”
But I w ill not complain, that ihese, my friends, sliunU
designate themselves by such a title. 'J brir principi**
arc strictly true, and those alone upon which the Govern
ment ought to be administered. There ism* patriotim* io
that government, w hich, by its policy and iis action, shuts
it: If up from all the vicissitudes which afflict its constiiu-
et.ts, mid tvlien it the hour of bankruptcy and distress,
paralyzing the whole n.oin taiy world—rests securely upon’
it? ample resource*., taxed upon tl.e vary si.ffeiiig* which
shake ihnt constituency to its very centre. No Govern
ment can be free, w bicli cannot participate in all th« f*el--
ings of weal or woe of the people. And my friends ers
rLlit when tliev have declared their ur.eom; remising bos'
tiiity to the p iiyiiieiit of public dues iu “ goal and silver
only ,’" and have mui:mined tbe receipt of such money, as
is usual arid customary among the people. And though 1 do
dislike it, yet I shall never quarrel v illi them, for assum
ing li.e name, while they eschew the principles of the Suit—
Treasury scheme.
And 1 cali upon my friend from Museocec to nlxcdon
his resolutions and unite v ilh us, in tilt- support of* shesub-'
sTitute I have offered. True, 1 have no captivating narrw
by which to allure you ;. no patented title to herald the vir
tues of the specific. It is (.fieri d as the plain, old-fash
ioned principles of tHtr political lathers, those for w hich fie
and 1 have battled here together in davs gone by, and in
tho defence of which, I feel assured,-we shall ever stand
shoulder to shoulder, notwithstanding he may fancy for
himself, a distinction by name, which I can nevt’F-assume,,
unless 1 could consent to take along w ith it the principiss-
it professes to embody.
Air. Howard—Air. Speaker, the gentleman ftorn I’ut-
nam, docs not argue this question fairly. lie knows th s’?
I am as good a Sub-Treasury man as can be lt«m.i; ar.d 1
thal my principles are these of the Sub-Treasury sehrmr.-
fle is ignorant of w haT is meant by the Sub-Treasury
scheme, or is unwilling to meet its merits ftirly.-
Air. Meriwether—I leave to those s who hear me, to
decide the latter assumption of the gentleman: to tl.e'
charge of ignorance I plead guifiv, and I apprehend that
no one will think that 1 am alone in this mat;* r. As*
vet, I have heard no two advocates of tbe measure agree
upon its character. The gentleman from Houston, swears-
I have anolhr r objection to the original resolutions, be
sides the many advanced. They uu w here affirm tbe cm- J p” g ' ( ,M aid silver oij.v ” a« The true faith to be received
OHisluutiiu nitty of a National Bank. Much is there said | j,; { | 1P d.scipli s. The gei tlcn.an from Wilkes, perf. ctiv
agamst its expediency; but I base :nv opposition to it up- , i ; inH . on , n . l5l {. llt B11Rrnll * pfc f a i,h upon the “ President's
on higher and bfttrr ground?. A9 to ihe substifute of ihe - -
gei.tleman from YYiikcs. I know of r,o-u®e whatever, to
which I coitld appropriate it. fis direct contradictoiy
priuciples should render it unacceptable lo any—tintwith
ing my friend from Houston bus expressed a preference for
it. Upon tiie subject of a National Bank, it occupies the
same grounds assumed by Alexander Hamilton, the
gicat leader of the Federal party Having been opposed
to the views of that gentleman, I must stand opposed to
.those of that substitute. As to tbe question of tbe Sub-
Treasury, it is marvelous}' reserved. As to the substitute
of my friend from Muscogee, 1 entertain more aflcctiou:
at least for some parts of it.
“ The good is very good indeed ; tl;e bad too sour for pigs. - ’
Mr. Howard—Mr. Speaker, the gentleman says be is
not a National Bank n:an,m*r a Sub-Treasury man : will
he have the goodness to tell us what be is ?
Mr. AIeri wether—The gentleman shall not complain
after I have taken my seat, that he does not fully under
stand me. In 1831, he and I, on tins floor, opposed a
National Bank. Were we “ Sub-Treasury men” then?
or even Pet-Bank men ? Who then had beard the name ?
The gentleman has certainly forgotten or mistaken the
whole issue before the country.
At the time to which I refer, the gentlemnn and myself
did not think our principles so doubtful as to be forced to
tiie adoption of some new- fnngled name, to give them cur
rency. I have not changed my opinion iu reference to that
matter yet.
] was proceeding to remark when interrupted, that
Message,” which mav or may not naan the old Pet Bank
system. The gentleman from Muscogee, plant* himsclt
upon ih c bills of specie paving Banks, will* Treasury notes'
based on them as a circulation, and swears most devoutly
th a t t}.; s is in accordance with the principles of the Fede
ral Coiistitulion ; while the genii* *r.an fixun Bibb, demurs
to riio-constilutiooality of the T rt usury notes—but sustains-
tbe oilier member of the proposition. Now liere are four
gentlemen advocates of the ShIs- 1 reasury scheme, and tw>
two "agree together ;-cou!d it be expectid of me, that I
should understand what they cannot reconcile?
Mr. Howard—Mr. Speaker. I wish the ge-r.tleman t<»’
answer me unequivocally, whether the principles set
fi*rth in mv resolutions, are not those of the Sub-Treasury-
scheme ?
Air. Meriwether—I w ill answer tbe gentleman very
candidly, that his resolutions do not conlnt® the first one
•of tl.use principles. Fie lias the name, but nothing else
of tbe scheme in them, unless the appendage of’tlic Trea
sury notes is a part of the scheme. Before 1 was !Ut *^
rupted, I was about commenting upon the ridicuL’”* a
tude, the Administration party occupy in re ference to t its
matter. War, exterminating war has heeo _ *' c 81
against the Bank over which-Mr. Biddle pres- L ' s - ”
one could wear the livery of republican-km* 0 '
not join in the crusade; aud now, that same P a '*y> w ,
have recently proclaimed a ‘divorce of Bank and &tat .
are actually employing that very ‘ monster as one o
disbursing agents, have deposited the Cvaveriunen () .
,i» it, aud. opened an aeeount tut teat on Ms *-uo»s..