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nasaanoKMi*
13
y GRIEVE & 0 R M E, State Printers.]
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JUNE 9, 1840.
-r> The Recorder is published weekly, on Hancock
■ ‘ . nearly opposite the Masonic Hull, at Three Dol-
" Voer annum, pavable in advance, ct Four Dollars
p-id before the end of the year. No paper sent out
nf the State, to any new subscriber, without being but pai
’"‘Vdv-kkV'SKMESTS conspicuously inserted at the usual
I’hore sent without a specification of the number ol
insertions, wdl be published until ordered at* and charged
accordingly. , Administrators, Executors,
.nies of land and g ™ be heW ’ on lhe fi r *
,,r .j .lardiana, • 1,-twecn the hours of ten in the fore-
Tues lay in the month lhe Court-house of the
nn .n and dircc m ,.<e afternoon, at . 0 'f th»se
,-nnlv in "-hick the property .3 situate. o. tnt?se
Vl '"s must be give® in a public gazelle sixty days previous
"'iewthe sale of personal property must be given
1,-ne- forty days previous to tire day of sale.—
A ,,? aotice to the debtors In* creditors of an estate- must be
'Vied for FORTY days. ,.
P 1 arl Miration v? ilibe made to the Court of Orama-
v for eave to sell led. mast be published for Four. ROXTH5.
y i’l fcu,fr.-3 in the line of PMI»tiiw». brill Meet with
vjr impt itcet tion at the Recorder Office.
‘ r k r r s for business) must be post paid. _
•r a 0 ., r readers, in requesting tue direction 6ttW^-
„.r hansel from one Post Office to another are deaireo, in
^ in making such requests to mformUs newel
A ftc pqJt Office from, vhtch they desire it
;£2yS? £ZJm* *«?
a N ACT to alter the 3d.7tb and 12tb sections of the first
\ ar irie and the 1st, « 1 and 3 1 sections of the 3d article,
'and th e 15th section of the 4th article of the Constitute of
tU Whereas a part of the 3d section of the 1st article °f the
Cons 'fu ton is in the following words v.z: The Senate
si a"l be elected annually; nn.l a part of the 7th secon of
Ut arti-de, is in the following words: The Represent*.
n-.. s sVdl lie t'hoson nnnnally : ami a part of the 1 -th sec-
t i i. C the 1st article is in the following words : The meeting
General Assembly shall be annually; And whereas a
ar . , ,1,., :),1 section of the 3d article is in the following
!. v „, Is : There shall lie a State’s Attorney and Solicitor ap-
i). tiled hv the Legislature and commissioned by tlie Gov-
. . w ;,:, shall hold their office for the tenn of three years ;
• r- J i part of the 15th section of the 4th aiticle is in the fol*
words: The same shall be published at least six
months previous to the next ensuing annual election, for
members of the General Assembly; And whereas the before
recited clauses require amendments—
Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Rcpre-
enit'it res of the Stnte of Georgia in General Assembly met and
), j s hereby enacted by the authority of the same, ibat so soot, as
this act shall have passed, agreeably to the requisitions of
the Constitution, the following shall be adopted in lieu of
tb»* forpooin" c’anses: In the 3d section of the 1st article,
the folio wing? to wit: The Senate shall be elected bi-annually.
the passage of this act; the first election to take place
on the first Monday in tile year one thousand eight hundred
and forty-three. In lieu of the 7th section of the 1st article,
the followin'*: The Representatives shall be elected bi-an-
lMiallv, after the passage of this act, the first election to take
pl'icenn the first Mondav in October, in the year one thou-
Ln.i eignt hundred and forty three ; and in lieu of the clause
in the U»th section of the 1st articie, the following : The ineet-
ino- of the General Assembly shall be bi-annually, aftei the
.,?< ^ ,f this act, on the first Monday in November. And
in li. u of the clause in the 3d section of the 3d article the
P,;],,win<r, to wit: There shall be a Stati’s Attorney and bo
ll, iror elected by the Legislature, who shall hold their office
to the tenn of four years; and in lieu of the clause in the
ivh section of the 4t.h article, the following : The same shall
be published at leas- six months previous to the next ensuing
bi-annual election for members ol the General Assembly;
the provisions of this act not to go into ellect until tlie year
one thousand eight hundred and forty-three. .
SEC ° And be it further enacted bg the authority aforesaid,
T li at whenever it shall so happen that the term of office of any
of the .1 udoes. State’s Attorney or Solicitors, shall expire at
„,v time during the recess of the General Assembly, then
a ml I,, that case it shall be the duty of his Excellency the
Governor to fill such vacancy, by appointment, until the
next General Assembly thereafter to be held, when suco
vacancy shall be filled by election by the Legislature, until
the next election of Judges, Stale’s Attorney or Sohcitois
shall take place. JO SEFH DAY,
Soealter of the House of Representatives.
ROBERT M. ECHOLS,
President of the Senate.
Assented to, December 23d, 1839.
CHARLES J. MCDONALD, Governor.
March 31, 1840. 11 —
LAW NOTICE.
rtnrlE undersigned has renewed the practice of Law—he
1 may be found and consulted at all times on prolessiona 1
business, at the office of Messrs Rockwell
Milledgeville, April 28, 1840. 15 tf
JOIIIV L. STEPHENS,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
Hamilton,
Harris Cocsty,
May 7, 1840
Georgia.
17 eow3m
JNO. ill. ASIH KST,
Attorney at Law,
-5 "5/"ILL practice in all the Counties of the Ocmulgee
\l ? Circuit. His office adjoins the Store of Slade & Tripp,
Ga.) Any busitie&s left with him vv ill be promptly
attended to. ._ „„
March 24.1840. 10 26t
m, 3. ©W&WiPDM;,
Attorney at l.arv,
Hamilton, Geo.
June 2, 1840.
20 ect 4t
CkCTION.
T FOREWARN all persousfrmn harbo ing or making any
§ contracts with my wife. Susan Ann Perry, on my ac
count as she has left my bed and board wi linut my consent’
GREEN PERRY.
Dublin. Laurens Co. May 21.1840 • 19 3t
13iStilly Important! §10,090
rniO anv one who will make all owing the undersigned,
_I pav'up. He would further remark, that he is receiv
in'- move NEW GOODS, and the best judges say the prices
w fl! do . ISAAC NEWELL.
Milledgeville, May 25,1840 19 3t
no ricE,
T HEREBY forewarn all persons from trading for aPro-
Amis-tory Note, made payable to John Day, for one hun
dre 1 m 1 eighty dollars, from me, falling due some five or
six months ago; unless they find one hundred and seventy-
eight or nine dollars, and ninety five cents, credited on said
note, as l conceive that much to be paid on said note.
LUKE ROBINSON.
May 18. 1840. 18 tf
LANDS FOR SALK.
HE following valuable property is now offered for sale,
to wit:
4th district, Wilkinson county.
T
No. 3, 5th
do
do (194$ acres.
227, 13th
do
Lee.
255, do
do
do
25fi, do
do
do
52, 3d
do
do
241, 12th
do
do
100. 3d
do
do
101, 14th
do
2d section Cherokee.
1086, 3d
do
1st do do
Nos. 23 fc 30, Starksville, Lee county, fTown Lots.)
Seven hundred and twenty acres, Tattnall county, on the
Alt nnahaw River, adjoining lauJs of Ambrose Gordon and
others. . ,
These lands are offered to be sold at private sa.e,
hut if not disposed of in this manner to our satisfaction, tney
will be sold to the highest bidder, on the first Tuesday in De
cember nex , at the Court house door in the city of Mil.edge-
ville, one-third cash, the balance in two equal annual pay
ments, with interest, and undoubted personal security.
We offer for sale also two splendid settlements ol land, in
Baker county, one containing 1250 acres, the other 2250 acres.
The first settlement embraces the following lots: Nos. 2fi
and 3, 8th district Baker; Nos. 19, 20, and 22, 7tU district
Baker—1230 acres.
The other settlement contains the following Lots of Land,
to wit: Nos. 225. 256, 205, 293, 294,268, 287. 229,232—2250
acres, and all in the 2d district Baker county.
In regard to the character of these two last named settle
ments ol' land or plantacons, it is sufficient to say, they have
been pronounced by competent judges to be inferior to no
body of land north of tlie S ibine River. Their location, fer
tility, and production, for corn and cotton, cannot be surpass
ed ;*they lie between the Chattahoochee and Hint Rivers;
a section of our State that is rapidly attracting public notice,
and i„ a very few years will stand unrivalled as a cotton
growing sec.ion of the Southern States. There were select
ed v,- iik great care and expense, by one of the best judges ot
such property in his life time, for his special use and accom
modation.
The undersigned are very desirous to dispose of these two
bodies of landj in two seperate plantations, and will do so
at private sale, to a fair purchaser, and on good tune. But
it not so arranged, they will be offered at the same time and
[dace, and on the same terms, as the first mentioned scatter
ing lands, lot by lot. and they are offered to the public at this
early notice, in the hope of their receiving the strictest per
gonal examination.
R. S. WILLIAMS, )
J. J. W ILLIAMS, > Ex'ors.
N. G. WILLIAMS. )
In regard to the character of these lands, reference may
be made to Gen James Hamilton, Charleston, S. C.; J.
Cowles, Macoiij Gu.j Thus. B. Stuuhs, Milledgeville,
Oa.; and William Densard. Baker county, Ga.; and
tue last named gentleman av.11 show the land to any person
desirous of a personal examination. All communications on
this subject, addressed to either of the Executors, or Joseph
I- W'illiams, Milledgeville, Ga.
Milledgeville, March 3, 1840. 7 mlOm
LC? The National Intelligencer, Raleigh Register, and
fharle6tou Mercury, are reouested to publish the above
once a mouth for ten months, and forward their accounts to
'he Recorder Office.
TO THE PEOPLE OP GEORGIA,
AND ESPECIALLY THE STATE RIGHTS PARTY.
Fellow-Citizens :—
1 have read with imFeigr.ed regret the Cir
cular Letter of the Honorable Mr. Colquitt.
If I mistake not, he will ere long experience
this same feeling in a greater degree lhan I
do now. When he comes to see the univer
sal reprobation which it has received from
those with whom he has been hitherto polit
ically associated, and the shout of exultation
with which it has been welcomed by those
who have heretofore denounced him, he will
be constrained it: his moments of retirement,
! calmly to review the course which he has pur-
I sued. Such a scrutiny cannot fail to awaken
! feelings of poignant regret, that he has thus ex-
! posed himself to the reluctant, but decisive
censure of his friends, and to the still more un
welcome approbation of those, by whom the
party to which he was attached have been
j heretofore denounced as tlie advocates of trea-
| son. As one of the State Rights’ Party of
Georgia to whom this letter is addressed, I
make the remarks which follow, lather in sor
row than in anger. Mr. Colquitt is a man of
respectable talents—as I have always under-
will limit it, to the present and preceding ad
ministrations of the General Government.—
I hey, indeed, have acted upon the principle,
publicly proclaimed by one of their partizans,
that the offices of a free- people are spoils,
which belong to the victors in political strife.
But the concession stops here, and in making
it, I must remind him that this very abuse of
Executive patronage is one of those enormi
ties, which have at length awakened our coun
trymen to the necessity of their interposition.
It Mr. Colquitt will consult the Executive
Journals again, lie will find 1 vol. p. 269, the
nomination by Mr. Adams, to the office of
Governor of the Mississippi territory, of that
gallant soldier of the Revolution, who was
presented by Gen. Washington to the French
minister, as a man that was proof against bay
onet wounds. I refer to Gen. John Matthews,
of Georgia. Was he a federalist] If he will
refer to page 244, of the same journal, he will
find the nomination by Mr. Adams to one of
the highest offices in his gift, of Eldridge Ger
ry. Does Mr. Colq litt know the character of
that distinguished statesman] Does he know
that he was a leader of the Republican party
in Massachusetts, the competitor and rival of
Governor Stronjr, who was the champion of
stood, of private worth—and, as I have had the Federal party in that State] If Mr. Col-
j some occasion to know, zealous in the asser
tion of his political opinions. How such a man,
j representing the State Rights’ Party of Geor-
! gia,in the Congress of the Fnited States, could
have brought himself to avow to them, his de-
; termination to support Mr. Van Buren for the
! Presidency, is a mystery which I pretend not
to solve. I only know, for the evidence is
before me, that in tlie letter in question, he has
dealt unjustly with his political associates, and
has evinced a want of candor, or a misconcep
tion of facts, which it is painful to notice, but
impossible to overlook.
The avowed object of Mr Colquitt’s ad
dress to the State Rights’ Party of Georgia,
is to announce his secession from them on the
Presidential questron.and to assign the reasons
for his course. His purpose is to convince
them, that they are wrong in supporting Gen.
j Harrison, and if this may not be, that with his
! views, lie is right in opposing him. Such a
1 purpose pursued in a spirit ol frankness, is
| perfectly unobjectionable. It is however not
i merely open to scrutiny, by tho^e to whom it
| is addressed—but it invites it. In the effort
1 to establish his own consistency, Mr. Colquitt
necessarily imputes its opposite to those with
i whom he lias heretofore acted. Confining
j himself within the limits of legitimale self
| defence, it is therefore the right of each mem-
| her of that party, however humble his position,
for himself and his associates to repel the
charge. In doing this, I do not propose to
offer an elaborate vindication of General Har
rison’s qualifications for the Presidency. That
would occupy an undue portion of a daily
paper—and more appropriately belongs, so far
as they may deem it necessary, to the Consen-
tion, which is shortly to assemble at Milledge
ville. I have another reason which, with me,
is even more influential. The People of
Georgia have taken tihs matter into their
own hands. Aroused by the calumnies which
had been circulated among them, against a
citizen grown grey in the public service, and
whose patriotism and integrity, even his ac
cusers did not venture to question, they have
come to the rescue. They have learned the
story of his eventful life, from the moment
when in the spring-tide of youth, he first drew
his sword against a savage foe, to that in which
! he now reposes in retirement, a peaceful cul-
i tivator of the soil which his valor had defend-
i ed. They have traced him through more than
forty years of public service, and have found
j no single blot on his escutcheon. They have
consulted our public annals, and have seen the
| recorded evidence that he has uniformly en
joyed the confidence of those, who themselves
{ stood highest in the confidence of the country
—and yielding to the just and generous im-
! pulses of their nature, as a meet reward for
’ deeds of noble daring in the field, and for
faithful and efficient service in the cabinet,
they have hailed him bv acclamation, as the
people’s candidate, determined to confer
upon the patriot soldier and sage,
“The proudi-st meed which freemen may accord,
The unbonght hum ise of the brave and free.”
quitt will car efnlly examine this same journal,
he will find other instances besides that of Gen.
Hat rison, and those which I have mentioned,
in which Mr. Adanr3 appointed Republicans
to office. Let us recur now to the specific
case. The proof of General Harrison’s Fed
eralism is that he was twice appointed to
office by John Adams. To ascertain this, Mr.
Colquitt has refer!ed to the Executive Jour
nals. In the same volume, pp. 85 and 132,
it will appeal that this same Gen. Harrison
was twice appointed to office by President
Washington—at page 411, that he was ap
pointed to two distinct offices by President
Jefferson—at page 44, of the second volume,
that he was again appointed to office by the
same President Jefferson—at pp. 130, 300 and
329, that he was three times appointed to office
by Piesident Madison. Here let us pause for
a moment. In a deliberate appeal to the
people of Georgia, on a most momentous and
exciting question, Mr. Colquitt adduces as a
fact, which he deems important in its decision,
the chaigethat Gen.Harrison was a Federalist,
and in proof of it he refers to the Executive
Journal of the Senate, to shew that he was
appointed to office by John Adams. Did he
not know that the same Journal would prove
that he w r as twice appointed to office by Pre
sident Washington, thrice by President Jeffer
son, and as many times by President Madison !
Looking to the argument which he was urg-
o o # o
ing to tlie people of Georgia, was it right to
suppress these facts ] Now that the excite
ment under which I trust this appeal was pen
ned may in some degree have subsided, does
he himself think that he has made a fair
statement of the contents of the Executive
Journal! Mr. Colquitt was not ignorant that
Gen. Harrison had been appointed to office by
other Presidents besides the elder Mr. Adams.
He proves this, in a subsequent parr ofhis ad
dress, in an attempt to correct an alleged error
of the committee of the citizens of Macon, in
doing which he falls into a much greater error
himself. They had stated that on the forma
tion of the Indiana territory, Gen. Harrison
had been appointed its Governor by Mr. Jef
ferson, and Mr. Madison. Mr. Colquitt asserts
that “ instead of having been appointed by
Mr. Jefferson, he was appointed by the elder
Adams.” He says, “ Mr. Jefferson found him
in office, when he came into the Presidential
chair, and did pot remove him; so did Mr.
Madison.” And he proceeds to say, “ this
ccirutnstance cannot weigh a feather favorable
to his being a Republican.” The plain and
direct assertion here is that Gen. Harrison was
not appointed by Mr. Jefferson, or Mr. Madi
son—tint they found him in office, and only
suffered him to remain there,not removing him.
Now mark the facts. The appointment which
Gen. Harrison received from Mr. Adams ex
pired on tlie 13th May, 1803, the office being
held for three years, 1st Executive Journal,
p. 441, and Mr. Jefferson appointed him for
three years more. That appointment expired
in 1806, when Mr. Jefferson again appointed
him—and his third term of office expired on
the 16th January, ISiO, when Mr. Madison
re-appointed him to the same office, 2d Ex
ecutive Journal, p. 130. If Mr. Jefferson or
Mr. Madison had desired to get rid of Gen.
Harrison, it was not necessary to “ remove”
him. His term of office expired twice under-
Mr. Jefferson, and once under Mr. Madison,
and they recalled him to ofp.ee by new appoint
ments. Thus the Macon Committee are sub
stantially correct, certainly more so than Mr.
Colquitt.
But this is not all. Both Mr. Jefferson and
Mr. Madison, gave him original appointments
vantage o^hi^offi- to which had not been conferred upon him
; to tlie State Rights’ j h 9 Mr ‘ Adams. Will that “ weigh a feather !”
’a on,.on! climiLl ho O'* the 4th February, 1S03, on a distinct and
Even while I write, thousands of our coun
trymen on our mountains, in our midlands, and
along our whole Atlantic border , are proclai
ming theii high resolve. It would he worse
than idle, therefore, for a humble individual
lik3 myself, before a people thus awakened,
to enter upon a labored detail of Gen. Harri
son’s qualifications for the Presidency. They
know them by heart already. And the attempt
to ch inge, or to resist the current of popular
feeling and opinion, which is bearing him on
in triumph to the Presidential chair, is a still
more bootless task, even to one enjoying, as
Mr. Colquitt does, the adv
cial station. Still, it is due
Party, that Mr. Colquitt’s appeal should be. T a-
met. Justice to t hem requires, that it should | separate original nomination by Mr. Jefferson,
be weighed in the balance, with the frankness j was a PP« l,,ted a commissioner to enter
with which it professes to have been written, i lnto an * m ? al - v or treaties, which may be ne-
a • Htir.ni I cessary. with any Indian tribes, Noithwest or
As an associate in seasons or past political t j „f*u tt
strife, and with the feeling of auld Lang syne,
which that association recalls, I sincerely hope
that the process may not be entirely useless
to himself. _ |
Mr. Colquitt’s address has two general di
visions. In the first he specifies the reasons
vvhv he cannot support General Harrison, in
the"second, he states the considerations under
the influence of which he has endeavored to
reconcile to himself the support, which after
many qualms of feeling, if not of conscience,
he has resolved to give to Mr. Van Buren. We
have now to do with the first.
Mr. Colquitt’s first charge against General
Harrison is, that he is ‘‘a Federalist.” I do
not stop to weigh the degree of criminality
which this charge implies, but proceed di
rectly to an examination of the proof. By a
reference to the Executive Journal, Mr. Col
quitt has found that Gen. Harrison was ap
pointed Secretary of the North-Western Ter
ritory in 179S, and Governor of Indiana in the
session of 1799, and 1800, and that both these
appointments were made by John Adams.
Mr. Colquitt thinks these afford such decisive
proof that Gen. Harrison is a federalist, that
“no man can doubt ithe is so convinced o,
tins,that he considersit unnecessary to produce
any other evidence, and onlj does so, “ as it
is convenient.” The proposition with which
he affronts the intelligence of the State Rights
Party of Georgia, is that a man appointed to
office, must, necessarily, have held the same
political opinions with the President who ap
pointed him. I may concede to Mr. Colquitt
the truth of his proposition, if he will limit
its application, as the annals of our country
the Ohio, and within the Territory of the U.
States, on the subject of their boundary or
lands”—one of the largest commissions ever
granted to any individual and from which im
portant benefits have resulted. 1st Executive
Journal, 441.
Mr. Madison did more. In 1812, while
Gen. Harrison was still Governor oflndiana,
under Mr. Madison’s own appointment, he
nominated William Henry Harrison to he a
Brigadier General, and in 1813, to be a Major
General in the Army of the United States.—
2d Executive Journal, pp. 300, 329.
The questions heretofore proposed, now
recur. Adverting to the statement made by
Mr. Colquitt, and the argument which he
founded on it, was it right to suppress these
latter facts!—Calmly reviewing that statement
and argument, does he himself think that he
has dealt fairly with Gen. Harrison, or with
the State Rights’ Party of Georgia, in this re
gard ! Has he acted in conformity to that
golden rule, which in private life, he would de
light to exemplify ! Nay, has he not in his
remarks on the statement of the Macon com-
mitiee, fallen (unintentionally of course) into
a plain and palpable error of fact!
The statement which we have thus examin
ed, seemed so conclusive to Mr. Colquitt, that
he thought no man could doubt. He deemed
it unnecessary to produce any other evidence,
but as it was “convenient” he calls “our at
tention to his (General Harrison’s) own admis
sions in 1826.” I enter upon this part of the
subject with great regret. The object of Mr.
Colquitt here is, to prove that Gen Harrison
was by his own admission, “ a zealous, open
and frank supporter of the Sedition law, and
Black Cockade ad ministration.” I am not going
to speak now to the question of fact. That is
settled beyond controversy, by the testimony
of Judge Burnett, who being himself a Fede-
ralist.and in habits of frienoly intercourse with
Gbn. Harrison, has given the most direct and
unequivocal testimony of the fact, that he was
the uniform supporter of what was called the
Republican party, at the head of which was
Mr. Jefferson. The knowledge derived from
such intercourse, could not deceive, and Judge
Burnett is incapable of deceiving. If Mr. Col
quitt has not read that letter, I recommend its
perusal. If he is unacquainted with Judge
Burnett, there are many around him vyho will
satisfy him that the Judge’s character for ve
racity, is as unquestioned as it is unquestiona
ble. Meantime I present the following extract
from the letter. Speaking of this charge of
federalism against Gen. Harrison, Judge Bur
nett says: “ It has been asserted entirely at
random, that he was a federalist of the black
cockade order, in the lime of the elder Adams.
A more unfounded falsehood was never in
vented. My personal acquaintance with him
commenced in 1796, under the administration
of Washington. The intimacy between us
was constant; and from that time till he left
Cincinnati, I was in the habit of arguing and
disputing with him on political subjects. I
was a federalist—honestly so, from principle,
and adhered to the party till it dissolved, and
its elements mingled with other parties formed
of different principles. I can therefore speak
on this point with absolute certainty, and I
affirm most solemnly, that under the adminis
tration of Washington, and the administration
of the elder Adams, William Henry Harrison
was a firm, consistent, unyielding republican
of the Jefferson school.—He advocated the
election of Mr. Jefferson, and warmly main
tained his claims against Mr. Adams.”
But to Mr. Colquitt’s argument—he refers
to the second volume of Congressional de
bates to prove that Mr. Randolph charges
Gen. Harrison with being “ an open, zealous
and frank suppoiter of the Sedition laws, and
black cockade administration,” which charge s:,me speech to which Mr. Colquitt has refeir-
he says Gen. Harrison admitted. In proof of e< ^» he have ventured to say, that General
j which he quotes a part of the reply rn ivhich 1 Harrison has admitted himself to have been
, General Harrison says Mr. Randolph may j advocate of the Sedition Laws and of Mr. Ad-
have heard him express sentiments favorable ams administration! Most certainly not. Did
j to tlie then administration, and adds “for I j he then overlook the concluding part of the
certainly felt them, so far at least as to the l i' at which follows after the question
• coutse pursued by it in relation the Government P ut M*'- Randolph ! I trust so—and will
; of France.” This Mr. Colquitt says is an ad- j therefore dismiss this part of the address with
mission of the charge made by Mr. Randolph. | ^ ie expression of the hope that in the spirit of
Gen. Harrison, in common with Gen. Wash- singleness of heart, and sincerity of pur-
ington, and the most distinguished patriots of j P°_ 6e which Mr. Colquitt has endeavored to
that day, approved of the conduct of Mr. Ad- ^ring to the discussion of this subject, he will
ams’ administration in relation to the Govern- not on ^y cease to urge upon others, but will
ment of France—and this Mr. Cnlnnirr sav< P^use himself in adopting conclusions which
is an admission that he was a supporter
Sedition laws, and of the black cockade ad
ministration. Does he deceive himself when
he resorts to such an argument ! But Gen.
Colquitt 8avs P ause himself in adopting conclusions
upporter of the are not me *'tdy ** ( »t sustained, hut which are
refuted by the very references which he makes
to support them.
Thus far Mr. Colquitt is evidently at fault
Harrison was guilty of the inexpiable sin of in his attempts to fasten the charge of Fede-
arknowledging that lie felt the greatest respect | ralism on Gen. Harrison. His references to
for a revolutionary patriot, one who did not! the Panama question, and to the administra-
merel> sign, but nobly sustained the Declara- tion of the younger Adams, are equally futile
tion of our Independence, and who was then j and may be more briefly disposed of.
as our Chief Executive Magistrate repelling j if Mr. Colquitt withholds Lis support from
the aggressions upon our rights of Revolution- Gen. Harrison in consequence of his vote on
ary France. He approved Mr. Adams’conduct the Panama question, he will be equally em-
in relation to that Government, and therefore barrassed in his new association. The pre.s-
was a zealous supporter of the Sedition law’, en t Vice President with whom he is about to
and ofhis whole administration. Is this fair!
Can such an argument deceive any body !
W hen the movements, on our Canadian border
threatened a short lime since to involve us in
difficulty with Great Britain, I, in common
with many other opponents of the present ad
ministration, approved of the conduct of Mr.
Van Buren, and freely expressed my approba
tion. I pray to be protected from the infer
ence, which according to Mr. Colquitt’s sys
tem of logic, may bedrawn from this fact, that
lam therefore a zealous supporter of Mr. Van
Buren’s administration, sub-treasury, abuse of
patronage, and all. But Mr. Colquitt in refer
ring to Gen. Harrison’s admission, that he had
expressed an opinion favorable to Mr. Adams’
administration, which we have seen was limited
to its conduct towards Revolutionary France,
omits to quote the following sentence which
immediately follows it. “Nor was 1 unsup
ported in that opinion by those,who hada right
to control my actions if not my opinions. In no
part of the country, were those measures (re
ferring to the measures of Mr. Adams’admin
istration in relation to France, which he, Gen.
Harrison, had approved) more decidedly ap
probated than by my immediate constituents,
as the address of that body to the President
during that session will shew.” Here in this
sentence, in the same speech from that which
Mr. Colquitt quotes, Gen. Harrison says that
the limited approbation of Mr. Adams’s ad
ministration which he felt and expressed, was
in conformity to the expressed will ofhis own
immediate constituents. YVhydid Mr. Colquitt
omit this sentence ! That which immediately
precedes, and that which immediately follows
it, are inserted in his address.—Standing by
themselves, they may be misinterpreted, as
Mr. Colquitt has proved. Taken in connec
tion with the sentence which he has omitted,
the misinterpretation is corrected. Thus taken,
the declaration of Gen. Harrison amounts sim
ply to this : I did express sentiments favorable
to Mr. Adams’ administration, so far at least,
as to the course pursued by it, in relation to
the Government of France—and in doing this,
I uttered the expressed opiuions of my own
immediate constituents.
If this view is unfavorable to the argument
jrgpd by Mr. Colquitt, and founded on Gen.
Harrison’s own admission, that which follows
is more so. Let this assertion be borne in
mind, that General Harrison in 1S26, admitted
that he was a supporter of the Sedition Law,
and black cockade Administration. To prove
this, he quotes so much of General Harrison’s
speech as he supposed liable to this interpre
tation, omitting that which would entirely have
refuted it. Those who will refer to the Re
gister of Debates will find at the point where
Mr. Colquitt’s quotation ends, the following :
“ (To the question asked by Mr. Randolph,
whether Mr. H. recollected a conversation be
tween Mr. Nicholas and himself in relation to
the negroes and politics of Virginia, Mr. H.
answered) —1 recollect it perfectly well, but
can this be adduced as an evidence of my favo
ring the sedition law l Mr. Nicholas was my
relation and intimate friend ; the conversation
was entirely jocular, and so considered by that
geutleman at the time, and ever after.
“I will never, said Mr. H. resort to any one
to support an assertion of mine on a matter of
fact. But if I chose to do so, the geutleman
from Maryland, who sits opposite to me (Geu.
Smith) and who was the brother-in-law of Mr.
Nicholas,knows the undeviating friendship and
ally himself, voted on that question with Gen.
Harrison, though unlike him, he joined with
the opposition in lhe effort to defeat it, by
voting with them on all the preliminary ques
tions, but ranged himself under the standard
of the administration on the final vote, at the
Executive Journal will prove.
As to the administration of the younger
Adams, it is known that before he came to the
Executive chair, he had quarrelled with, and
as they said betrayed his federal friends, that
he had made his peace with Mr. Jefferson—
had been appointed Minister to England by
Mr. Madison—was the Secretary of State of
Mr. Monroe, and that he placed at the head of
his own cabinet the great champion of the
Republican party in its strife with Federal
ism. The truth is, the administration of Mr.
John Quincy Adams, like his mind, was of
the composite order, a medley of parlies, and
was supported and opposed indiscriminately
by all. Nothing is to be inferred thereof in
proof of Gen. Harrison’s federalism from his
support of that Administration. It was prob
ably owing to the belief, that Mr. Clay would
give tone to its measures. That gentleman
had long been the champion of the Republi
can party, the supporter of Mr. Jefferson and
Mr. Madison. Between him and Gen. Har
rison there had been an early and continued
community of political opinion, and of private
feeling, and to this cause the younger Adams
was indebted for the support which his ad
ministration received from Gen. Harrison.
Mr. Colquitt’s next evidence of the Fede
ralism of Gen. Harrison is his approval of the
proclamation issued by Gen. Jackson. On
this subject, there ran, with the State Rights’
Party of Georgia, be no paltering. For one,
I would not yield my opinion of this measure,
to effect the election of Gen. Harrison to the
Presidency of the United States, as highly im
portant to the interest and prosperity of the
L T nion, as I consider it to be. If Gen. Harri
son entertains the opinion expressed by him
in his Cheviot speech, 1 differ with him toto
ceelo, but 1 do not believe it. The prophecies
of an anonymous writer have little claim to
public confidence, and yet I will venture to
predict, that “ the sober second thought” on
which Mr. Vuu Buren so much relies, will in
duce Gen. Harrison to recall the approbation
expressed on that festive occasion, if he has
not already done so. At present, however,
we must deal with facts as they now appear.
Giving then to Mr. Colquitt, the full benefit
of his quotation, 1 invite his attention, and that
of the reader to the following considerations.
This Proclamation was issued by Gen. Jackson
at the moment when Mr. Van Buren was the
man of his counsels. If it did not originate
with him, it received his cordial concurrence.
Its real origin is to be found in the deadly
hostility of Gen. Jackson to Mr. Calhoun, in
which feeling Mr. Van Buren cordially sym
pathised with his “illustrious predecessor.”
The Union party of Georgia, those with whom
Mr. Colquitt is on account of Gen. Harrison’s
approval of this Proclamation, about to unite
thesuppot of Mr. Van Buren, were so far
from taking umbrage at this act of despotic
power, that they joined in the exulting shout,
which emanating from Mr. Forsyth in the Se
nate Chamber, was re-echoed by the whole
rank and file of the party. The Proclamation
notwithstanding, they continued to be the de
voted supporters of Gen. Jackson, up to the
moment of his retirement to the Hermitage.
[NO. 21—VOL. XXI.
support, which I received from Mr. Nicholas
through his whole political life. Mr. Jefferson
was at that time Vice President of the United
States, and was upon the most intimate terms
vyith Mr. Nicholas. He took his seat as Pre
sident of the Senate within fifteen minutes
after the conversation had passed. If it had
been considered in any other light, by Mr.
Nicholas, than as a joke, Mr. Jefferson would
certainly have heard of it, and he would as cer-
taintly have withheld those evidences of his
confidence and regard which I received from
him during the whole course ofhis subsequent
administration. But sir, said Mr. H. my oppo
sition to the Alien and Sedition Laws was so
well known in the territory, that a promise iras
extorted from me by my friends in the Legisla
ture, by which I was elected, that I would ex
press no opinions in Fhilidelphia, which were in
the least calculated to defeat the important objects
icith which 1 teas charged. As 1 had no vote,
I was not called upon to express my senti
ments in the House. The Republican party
were all in favor of the measures I wished to
have adopted. But the Federalists were the
majority. Prudence therefore, and my duty
to my constituents, rendered it proper that I
should refrain from expressing sentiments
which would injuriously affect their interests,
and which if expressed could not have the least
influence upon the decisions of Congress.”
Now, remembering that Mr. Colquitt refers
to this speech for the purpose of proving that
Gen. Harrison, by his own admission, was a
supporter of the Sedition Law, ar.d of Mr.
Adams’ administration, how does he justify
himself in the ommissiorr to quote those parts
of it, in which General Harrison denies the
charge, and not only asserts his opposition to
the Alien and Sedition Laws, the prominent
measures of Mr. Adams’ administration, hut
moreover declares that this opposition on his
part, was so well known to his constituents,
as to induce them to exact from him a promise
that he would not injure them by the expression
ofhis opinions in Congress, where the friends
Mr. Adam3 had a majority. In the face of
these declarations, which are contained in this
When in obedience to his mandate, his mantle
was cast epon the present incumbent, who
was lot and part in the original concoction of
this measure, and pledged to tread in the foot
steps of his predecessor, they gave in their
adhesion to him. Still Mr. Colquitt declares
his determination to unite with theUnion party
in support of Mr. Van Buren. He refuses to
act with his political associates who are rally
ing around Harrison, because lie has expressed
an opinion favorable to the Proclamation—
and throws himself into the arms of his politi
cal opponents, to unite with them in tlie sup
port of one of the original contrivers of that very
measure. Of such a course, under the influ
ence of such motives, I can say, truly non
eqidcm invideo, sed miror magis.
Such in relation to this Proclamation, has
been the course of the party with which Mr.
Colquitt is about to unite. That from w hich
he is separating himself, has not been without
its own difficulties. The hostility of the
State Rights party of Georgia to the Procla
mation of Gen. Jackson is abiding, universal
and uncompromising. Mr. Colquitt cannot
express his own feelings in relation to it, too
strongly to find a cordial response in the bo
som of every State Rights’ man. He cer
tainly finds it in mine. If that party could see
among the candidates for the Presidential
chair, one who would faithfully carry out their
principles of State sovereignty, they would
fly to his standard with all the enthusiasm of
their revolutionary sires. That is indeed a
consummation devoutly to he wished, but for
which they have hitherto looked in vain—
W hat then—must they thenfoie disfranchise
themselves 1—forego their rights as American
citizens, and leave the Republic a prey to the
spoilers ? Every consideration of patriotism
forbids it. If we may not infuse into the Ad
ministration of the Federal Government, our
own peculiar principles of State sovereignty,
let us still strive to have it administered by
honest men. If we cannot proclaim from the
Capitol at Washington the sovereignty of the
States, let us at least unite with those who are
likeminded with ourselves, in cleansing the
Augean stable. If we cannot obtain all which
we desire by the election of Gen. Harrison,
it would still be unwise to refuse the good
which is within our reach. We can by united
efforts secure an honest admi ristration of the
Executive power. We can stop the abuse
of Executive patronage. We can stay the
waste of the public treasure. We can restore
public confidence. We can restablish the
credit of the nation at home and abroad. We
can put an end to an incessant tinkering with
the currency, which operates a heavier tax
upon each of us, than would suffice in the ag
gregate for the liberal support of the Govern
ment, properly administered. We can purge
the National Councils, and restore to the Halls
of Legislation that spirit of decorum without
which the high powers delegated by the peo
ple to their Representatives, are incessantly
liable to abuse. Finally, we can practically
assert the rigut of the people to select
their own chief magistrate in opposition
to that Executive Dictation, by which
Martin Van Buren was foisted into the
PRESIDENTIAL CHAIR, ALL UNWORTHY AND UN
FIT AS IIE WAS, AND IS, TO BE THE RULER OF
j A free people. We can do all this and more,
j if we are true to ourselves in the approaching
Presidential contest, and we can do it, as I
i will hereafter shew, under the highest and
most solemn guarantees for the preseivation
of our own peculiar institutions. Shall we
refuse the accomplishment of all these desire-
able objects, because General Harrison may
differ from us on a question of power between
the States and the confederacy which will not
in all human probability again arise until we
are all slumbering in our graves ? And for
what ! lo promote the re-election of a man
who has brought countless evils upon the
country—who, unlike Gen. Harrison in all that
we desire, concurred with him in this very
doctrine of federal supremacy which we ab
hor. 1 he State Rights’ party of Georgia have
not heretofore so thought or acted. At the last
Presidential election, when the sufferings of
the country were but a tithe of those which
we now endure, we gave a cordial, united sup
port to the venerable Judge White, differing
from him as we did on this important question
of Constitutional power—under the influence
of the considerations which I am now urging,
and with far less favorable prospects of suc
cess, we gave the vote of Georgia to the Sena
tor from 1 ennessee. Where then were the
scruples which have driven Mr. Colquitt from
his party now l And how does he reconcile
his acquiescence in the support of Judge
White who had voted for the Force Bill, with
his refusal to vote for Geu. Harrison, who at
the most has merely as an individual citizen
expressed an opinion in favor of the Proclama
tion, and when too there is reason to doubt if
that opiuion be still entertained by him ?
Let it ever be borne in mind, that the State
Rights’ Party, in the present crisis of our af
fairs, are called to decide, not merely whether
they will support Gen. Harrison, but whether
by refusing to support him, they will indirectly,
but practically and efficiently support Mr. Van
Bu ren. They cannot if they will, be neutral in
this coutest. If they abstain from voting—if
they tiirovv away their votes—if they do uot
immediately rally to thesupport ofGen. Harri
son, the Electoral Ticket of the administration
party will prevail, and the vote of Georgia will
be given to Mr. Van Buren. If they rally as a
party in favor of General Harrison, it is already
abundantly evident that many of our Union fel
low-citizens disgusted with the measures of the
administration, wiil flock to the standard. State
Right’s men who are ready like Mr. Colquitt
to vote for Mr. \ an Buren, w ill of course re
ject Gen. Harrison. But, if with a more cor
rect view of their own best interests, both as
individuals, and as a party—if in the exercise
of a sounder judgment upou passing events,
and above all with a more accurate knowl
edge of facts than Mr. Colquitt has given tc
them in his address, they cannot bring them
selves to take the nauseous draught which he
has already quaffed, then let them come to the
rescue, inscribing on their banner, Harrison
and Reform !
The next suhject presented by Mr. Colquitt
to the consideration of the State Rights’ party
and people of Georgia, is that of Abolition, a
fruitful theme, and onewthicb, with the excep
tion of Executive patronage, has afforded more
political capital to Mr. Van Buren than every
thing else besides. Mr. Colquitt maintains that
Gen. Harrison is an abolitionist, that he is the
candidate of those fanatic?, and that if elected
to the Presidency, he would favor their views.
To support these charges, Mr. Colquitt re
fers to calumnies so often refuted, 8» to make
it almost a waste of time to repeat the refuta
tion. It would be inexcusable, except to en-