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B V GRIEVE & O R M E, State Printers.]
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JUNE 16, 1S40.
[NO. 22—VOL. XXI.
rjie Recorder is published weekly, on Hancock
-street, nearly opposite the Masonic Hall, at Three Dol-
t \it? per annum. payable in advance, ot Four Dollars
.?■ jnt paid before the end of the year. No paper sent out
0 f the State, to any new subscriber, without being first paid
for in ADvasc*. , , ,
ADVERTISEMENTS conspicuously inserted at the usual
-atea. these sent without a specification of the number of
insertion*, *rili be pabl'islied until ordered out, and charged
"TaSof land and negtoea, by Administrators Etsecutors,
,r iuar,liana, are required by law to be held on the first
Tuesday in the month, between the hours often wfhe fore
noon and three in the afternoon, at the Court-house ef the
• > intv in which the property is situate. Notices of these
; ,!es must Ire given in a public gazette sixty days previous
to the day ef sale. . .
Notices for the sale of personal property must be given
• n tike manner, rettTY days previous to the day of sale.—
-\'so, notice to the debtors and creditors ot an estate must be
vibfished for FORTY days.
1 N - otice ^at; application will be roadeto the Goirrt of Qixiina-
:-, r ; eave to sell laud, mu-st be published for FOUR MONTHS.
A u business m the line of PRINTING, will meet with
irmnpt ittei.tion at the Recorder Office.
Letters (on business) must be post paid. _ _
V Our readers, in requesting the direction-of tirf-ir pa-
r -Uar ,T ed from one PostOffice to another, are desired, in
...rv instance, in making such requests, to inform us as well
'111 name of the Post Office from which they desire it
• 'landed, as that to which they may thereafter wish tt sent.
4 x ACT to alter llieUd ,Ttli aud 12th sections 61 the first
\ avtirle, and the 1st, 2d and 3d sections of tlie 3d article,
nd the lath section of the 1th article of the Constitution of
'whereas a part of the 3d section of the 1st article of the
’onstilution is in the following words, viz: The Senate
nail be elected annually; and a part of the 7th see«on of
,e 1st article, is in the following words: The Representi
ng shall be chosen annually; and a part of the 18th sec-
n of the 1st article is in the following words: The meeting
f the General Assembly shall be annually -, Attrd whereas a
a-t of 'he 3d section of tlie 3d article is in the following
ords • There shall be a State’s Attorney and Solicitor ap-
) llt ed by the Legislature and commissioned by the Gov-
,.,',0- who shall hold their office for the term of three years ;
n d a part of the lfith section of the 4th article is in the fob
ivving words: The same shall be published at least six
„,mhs previous to the next ensuing annual election, for
ipintiers of tlie General Assembly: And whereas the before
edited clauses require amendments—
SECTION 1- Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre-
■ntattres oflheState of Georgia in General Assembly met. and
herebg enacted by the. authority cfihe‘s<me, That so soon as
,is act shall have passed, agreeably to the requkmons of
> e Corstitution, the following shell be adopted in lieu of
foregoing clauses: In the 3d section of the 1st article,
1C following? to wit: The Senate shallbe elected bi-annually.
Her the passage of this act; the first election to take place
n t ( ie first Monday in the year one thousand eight hundred
nd forty-three. In lieu of the 7th section of tbe 1st article,
le following: The Representatives-shall be elected bi-an-
ually after°lhe passage of this act, the first election to take
lace fin the first Monday in October, in the year one thou-
and eh'itt hundred and forty three; and in lien'ef the clause
‘ [j ie i I'll; section oflhe 1st artice, the following : The meet-
,,, 0 f tire General Assembly shall be bi-annually, aftei the
assa'ur of this act, on the first Monday in November. And
j heu of the clause in the-Td section of the lid article, the
illowiim, to wit: There shallbe a State’s Attorney and So-
■itor elected b v the Legislature, who shall bold their office
„• the term of lour ye are; and in lieu of the clause in the
v L h section of the 4th article, the following: The same shall
e published at least six months previous to the next ensuing
i annual election for members of the General Assembly ;
ie provisions of this act net to go into etiect until the year
ne thousand eight hundred and forty-three.
“4EC 2 And be it farther enacted bg the authority aforesaid,
’hat whenever it shall so happen that the term of office of any
f the .1 udges, State’s Attorney or Solicitors, shall expire at
nv time during the recess of the General Assembly, then
rid in that case it shall be tbe duty of Sir. Excellency the
rovemor to fill such vacancy, by appointment, until the
ext General Assembly thereafter to be held, when such
acancy shall be filled by election by the Legislature, until
le next election of-Judges, State’s Attorney or Solicitors
iiall take place. J0SE PH DAY,
Sp“ak°r of the House of Representatives.
ROBERT M. ECHOLS,
President of the Senate.
Assented to. December 23d. 1839.
A CHARLES J. McOONALD, Governor.
March 31, 1640.
LAW NOTICE.
r HE undersigned has renewed the practice of Law—he
may be found and consulted at all times on professional
‘S^tvSlAMS.
Milled geville, April 28, 1840. 15 tf
JOHX L. STEPHENS,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
Hamilton,
Harris County,
‘Georgia.
lay 7, 164C 17 eow3m
JN©. 31. ASnrRST,
Attorney at Law,
S7"ILL p’-actice . in all the Counties of tire Ocmulgee
▼ Circuit. His office adjoins the Store of Slade & Tripp,
tontoti, Ga.) Ar.y business left with him wdll.be promptly
tided to.
larch 24,1840. 10 gCt
S3*
Attorney nt I.jvti,
Hamilton, Geo.
; 20 eot 4t
June 2, 18445.
CAUTION.
?OREV/AEN all persons from harboring or waking any
contracts with my wife, SUSAN Ann PERRY, on my ac-
it as sire has left my bed and board without ray consent'
GREEN PERRY,
ublin. Laurens Cc. May 21.1840 19 3t
Highly Important! $19,000
raio any one who will make all owing the undersigned,
i. pav up. He. would further remark, that he is receiv
er more NEW GOODS, arid the best judges say the prices
will do. ISAAC NEWELL.
Milledgeville, May 25,1840 19 3t
NOTICE.
I HEREBY forewarn all persons from trading for a Pro
missory Note, made payable to John Day, for one hun
dred and eighty dollars, from me, falling due some five or
-ix months ago; unices they find one hundred and seventy-
eight or nine"dollars, and ninety-five cents, credited on said
note, as I conceive that much to be paid on said note.
LURE ROBINSON.
May 13, 1640. 18 tf
LAIYD8 FOR SALE.
T HE following valuable property is now offered for sale,
to wit:
Half Lot No. 289,
4th district,
Wilkinson county.
Fraction No. 3,
5th
do
do acres.
227,
13th
de
Lee.
255,
do
do
do
256,
do
do
do
52,
3d
do
do
241,
12 th
do
do
100,
3d
do
do
161,
14 th
do
2d section Cherokee.
1086,
3d
do
1st do do
Seven hundred and twenty acres, Tattnall county, on tbe
Alrainahaw River, adjoining lauds of Ambrose Gordon and
others. . .
These lands are offered to be sold ct private sale,
but if not disposed of in this manner to our satisfaction, tney
will be sold to the highest bidder, on the first Tuesday in De-
i f 4 iiber nex , at the Court house door in me city of Milledge-
ville, oue-tUird cash, the balance in two equal annual pay
ments, with interest, and undoubted personal security.
We offerfor sale also two splendid settlements of land, in
Baker county, one containing 12.10 acres, the other 2230 acres.
Tlie first settlement embraces the following lots: Nos. 26
and 3, 8th district Baker; Nos. 19, 20, ar.d 22, 7th district
Baker—1250 acres.
The other settlement contains the following Lots of Land,
to wit: Nos. 225. 256. 265, 295, 294,266, 267. 229, 252—2250
acres, and all in the 2d district. Baker county.
In regard to tbe character of these two last named settle
ments of laud or plantations, it is sufficient to say, they have
been pronounced by competent judges to he inferior to no
body of land north of the Sabine River. Their location, fer
tility, and production,for coin and cotton, cannot be surpas3-
edfthey lie between the Chattahoochee and Flint Rivers;
a section of our State that is rapidly attracting public notice,
and in a very few years will stand unrivalled as a cotton
.growing section of the Southern States. There were select
ed with great care and expense, by one of the best judges of
such property Ie his life time, far bis special use aud acconi-
modatinn.
The undersigned are very desirous to dispose of these two
bodies of land, in two seperate plantations, and will do so
at private sale, to a fair purchaser, and on good time. But
11 not so arranged, they will be offered at the same time and
place, and on the same terms, as the first mentioned scatter
ing lands, lot by lot, aud thev are offered to tlie public at this
earlv notice, in the hope of their receiving the strictest per
sonal examination.
R. S. WILLIAMS, )
J. J. WILLIAMS, > Ex’ors.
N. G. WILLIAMS. )
In regard to tlie character of these lands, reference may
he made to Gen James Hamilton, Charleston. S. C.; J.
Cowles, Macon, Ga.; Thus. B. Stubbs, Milledgeville,
Ga.; and WILLIAM Dennakb. Baker county, Ga.; and
the last named gentleman will show the land to any person
desirous of a personal examination. All communications on
’his subject, addressed to either of the Executors, or Joseph
T. Williams. Milledgeville, Ga.
Milledgeville. March 3, 1840. 7 mlOm
DCF” The National Intelligencer, Raleigh Register, and
Charleston Mercury, are requested to publish the above
once a month for ten months, and forward their accounts to
the Recorder Office.
TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA,
and especially the state rights party,
[concluded.]
On the 4th cl July, 1833, at Cheviot, in Ohio,
before an audience composed almost entirely
of men opposed to slavery, and many of them
Abolitionists, he gave utterance to the follow
ing patriotic and noble sentiments :
“There is, however, a subject now beginning to agitate
them (ilie Southern States,) in relation to which if their
alarm iia3 any foundation, the relative situation ii which
they may stand to some of the States, will be the very re
verse of what it now is. I allu ie to a supposed disposition
in some individuals in the non-slaveholding States to inter
fere with the slave population of tlie otherStat.es, for the
purpose of forcing their emancipation. I do not call veur
ntteniion to this subject, fellow-citizens, from tlie appre
hension that there is a man amongst you who will lend his
aid to a project so pregnant with mischief; and still less
that there is a state in the Union which coo'd be brought
to give it countenance. But such are the feelings of our
Southern brethren upon this subject—such their views, and
tlieir just views, of the evils which an interference of this
kind would bring upon them, that long before it would
reach the point of receiving the sanction of the States, the
evil of the attempt would lie consummated, as far as we
are concerned, by a dissolution of the Union. If there is
any principle of the Constitution of the United States
less disputable than another, it is, that the slave popula
tion is under the exclusive control of the States which
possess them. If there is any measure likely to rivet the
chains, and blast tlie prospects of the negroes for eman
cipation, it is the interference of unauthorized persons.—
Can any one, who is acquainted with the operations of the
human mind, doubt this ? We have seen how restive our
Southern brethren have been from a supposed violation of
their political rights . What must he the consequence of
an acknowledged violation of these rights, (for every man
of sense must admit it to be so,) conjoined with an insult
ing interference with their domestic concerns ?
“1 will not stop to inquire into the motives of those who
arc engaged in this fatal and unconstitutional project.
There may be some who have embarked in it without
properly considering its consequences, and who areaclu-
aled by benevolent and virtuous principles- But, if such
there arc, I am very certain that should they continue
their present course, their fellow-citizens will, en long,
“ curse the virtues which have undone their country.”
“Should I be asked is there no way by which the Gen
eral Government can aid the cause of emancipation, I an
swer that it has long been an object near sty heart, to see
the whole of its surplus revenue appropriated to that ob
ject. With the sanction of tlie States holding the slaves,
there appears tome to be no constitutional objection to its
being thus applied; embracing not only the colonizationof
those that may be otherwise freed, but the purchase of the
Ireedom of others. By a zealous prosecution of a plan
formed upon that basis, we might look forward to a dnv,
not very distant, when a North American sun would not
look down upon a slave. To those who have rejected the
plan of colonization, I would ask if they have well weigh
ed the consequences of emancipation without it ? How
long would the emancipated negroes remain satisfied with
that? Would any of the Southern States then (the negroes
armed and organized) be able to resist their claims to a
participation in all their political rights ! Would it even
stop there? Would, they not claim admittance to all the
social rights and privileges of a community in which, in
some instances, they would compose the majority? Let
those who take pleasure in the contemplation ofsuch scenes
ns must inevitably follow, finish out tlie picture.
“'If 1 am correct in the principles here advanced, 1
repeat my assertion, that the discussion of the subject of
emancipation in the non-slaveholding Stales is equally
injurious to the slaves and their masters, and that it has
no sanction in the principles of the Constitution,. I must
not be understood to say, that there is anv thing in that
instrument which prohibits such a discussion. I know
there is n it. But the man who believes that tlie claims
which his fellow-citizens have upon him are satisfied by ad
hering to the letter of the political compact that connects
them, must have a very imperfect knowledge of the prin
ciples upon which our glorious Union was formed, and bv
which aioiie it can lie maintained.”
The following extract ot a letter from an
intimate friend of Gen. Harrison, places his
conduct on that occasion in a striking point of
view:
“But his speech at Cheviot affords still stronger proof
on this point. It was delivered, you will recollect, on
toe 4th of July: it. was delivered too before the very men
who had opposed him because of his slavery views. Sureiy,
then, he would not now touch this dangerous topic. The
occasion did not require it; the occasion, indeed, would
hardly justify it. Besides, this was the first opportunity
which tlie General had enjoyed since 1822 of addressing the
people; and how-easy, how natural it would have been, to
improve it fur his own ends; to seek, by talking of oid
li nes, of his feats of arms, and tlie glorious West, to kin- i
die afresh those friendly feelings which onceburned strongly
in his favor? Why not so embrace it ?—Why, at any rate,
discuss a subject which was full of excitement, which
might rouse against him passions that were even then only
slumbering, which had before, and on tiiat v< ry spot, mar
led his political prospects? He did it, it is evident, be
cause a foul spirit was about him. which if allowed to
spread, would peril ail that was noble in the land; and he
forgot himself, ami thought only of his country, in the
effort to destroy that spirit.”
Afterwards, in a speech at Vincennes in
1835, he used the following language upon this
subject:
“ I have now, fellow-cilizens, a few words more to say
on another subject, and which is, in my opinion, of more
importance than any other that is now in the course of
discussion in any part of the Union. I allude to the soci
eties which have been formed, and the movements of cer
tain individuals, in some of the States, in relation to a
portion of tlie population in others. The conduct of these
persons is the more dangerous, because theirobject is mas
ked under the garb of disinterestedness and benevolence,
and their couise vindicated by arguments and propositions
which in the abstract no one can deny. But however fas
cinating may lie the dress with which their schemes are
presented to their fellow-citizens, with whatever purity of
intention they may have been formed and sustained, they
will be found to curry in their train mischief to the whole
Union, and horrors to a large portion of it, which it is
probnble some of the projectors and many of tlieir sup
porters iiave never thought of; the latter, the first in the
series of evils which are to spring from their source, are
such as you have read of to have been perpetrated on
the fair plains of Italy and Gaul, by the Scythian hordes of
Attila and Alaric; and such as most of you apprehended
upon that mcmoroble night when the tomahawks and war-
clubs of the followers of Tccumseli were rattling in your
suburbs. I regard not the disavowals of any such inten
tion, upon the part of the authors of these schemes, since
upon the examination of the publications which have been
made, they will he found to contain the very facts and very
arguments which would have been used if such had been
tlieir object. I am certain that there is not in this assem
bly, one of these deluded men, and that there are few within
the bounds of the State. If there are any, I would ear
nestly entreat them to forbear, to pause ia their career,
and deliberately consider the consequence of tlieir con
duct to the whole Ur.ion, and to those for whose benefit
they profess to act. That the latter will be the. victims
of the weak, injudicious, presumptuous, and unconstitu
tional efforts to serve them, a thorough examination of
the subject must convince them. The struggle, (and strug
gle there must be) may commence with horrors such ns I
have described, but it will end with more firmly riveting
the chains, or in the utter extirpation of those whose cause
they advocate.
“ Am1 wrong, fellow-citizens, in applying the terms
wcak,presvmpluousa,nd unconstitutional, to the measures
of the emancipators ? A slight, examination will, I think,
show that I am not. In a vindication of the objects of a^
Convention which was lately held in one of the towns of
Ohio, which I saw in a newspaper, it was said that no
thing more was intended than to produce a state of public
feeling which would lead to an amendment of the Consti-
fution?authorizing the abolition of slavery in the United
States. Now, can an amendment of the Constitution be
effecte without the consent of the Southern States? What,
tlien, is the proposition to be submitted to them ? It is
this: 1 The present provisions of the Constitution secure
to you the right (a right which you held before it was
made, which you iiave never given up) to manage your
own domestic concerns in your own way ; but as we are
convinced that you do not manage them properly, we want
you to put in the hands of the General Government, in
the councils of which we have the majority', the control
ovei these matters, the effect of which will be virtually to
transfer the power from yours into our hands.’
“ Again : in some of the States, and in sections of others!
the black population far exceeds that of the white. Sorm *
of the emancipators propose an immediate abolition. What
is the proposition, then, as regards these States and parts of
States, but the alternatives of amalgamation with the
blacks, or an exchange of situations with them 1 Is there
any man of common sense who does not believe that the
emancipated blacks, being a majority, will insist upon a
full participation of political rights with the whites; and
when possessed of these, they will net contend for a full
share of social rights also ? What but the extremity of
weakness and folly could induce any one to think that such
propositions as these could be listened to by a people so
intelligent as the Southern States? Further: the eman
cipators generally declare that it is their intention to effect
their object (although tlieir acts contradict the assertion)
by no other means than by convincing the slave-holders
that the immediate emancipation of the slaves is called
for, both by moral obligation and sound policy'. An un
hedged youth, at the moment of leaving (indeed, in many
instances, before he has left) his theological seminary, un
dertakes to give lectures upon morals, to the countrymen
of Wythe, Tucker. 1’endietot: and Lowndes; and lessons
of political wisdom to States, whose affairs have so recently
been dire< tt-d by Jefferson nnd Madison, M aeon and Craw
ford. Is it possible that instances of greater vanity ami
presumption could be exhibited ? But the course put sued
hv the emancipators is unconstitutional. I do not say
that there are any words in the Constitution which forbid
the discussions they are engaged in—I know that there
are not. And there is even an article which secures to the
citizens the right to express and publish their opinions,with
out restriction. But in tlie construction of the Constitu
tion it is always necessary to refer to the circumstances
under which it was framed, and to ascertain its meaning
by a comparison of its provisions with each other, and
with the. previous situation of the several States who were
parties to it. In a portion of these, slavery was recognised,
and they took care to have the right secured to them, to
follow and reclaim such of them as were fugitives to other
States. Tlie laws of Congress passed under this power,
have provided punishment to any who shall oppose or in
terrupt the exercise of this right. Now, can any one be
lieve that the instrument, which contains n provision of
this kind, which authorizes a master to pursue his slave
into another State, take him back, and provides a punish
ment for any citizen or citizens of thut State who shou’d
oppose him, should at the same time authorize the latter
to assemble together, to pass resolutions and adopt ad
dresses, not only to encourage the slaves to leave their
masters, but to cut their throats before they do so ?
“ I insist, that if the citizens of the non-siaveholding
States can avail themselves of the article of the Constitu
tion which prohibits the restriction of speech, or the press
to publish any thing injurious to the rights of the slave
holding States, that they can go to the extreme I have
mentioned, and effect any thing further which writing or
speaking could effect. But, fellow-citizens, these are not
the principles of tbe Constitution. Such a construction
would defeat one of the great objects of its formation,
which was that of securing the peace and harmony of the
States which were parties to it. The liberty of speech and
of the press was given as the most e ffectual means to pre
serve to each and every citizen their own rights, and to
the Stales the rights which appertained to them at the time
of their adoption. It could never have been expected that
it would be used by the citizens of one portion of the States
for the purpose of depriving those of another portion, of
the rights which they had reserved at the adoption of the
Constitution, and in the exercise of which none but them
selves have any concern or interest. If slavery is an evil,
the evil is with them. If there is guilt in it, the guilt is
theirs, not ours, since neither the States where it does not
exist, nor the Government of the United States can, with
out usurpation of power, and the violation of a solemn
compact, do any thing to remove it without the consent of
those who are immediately interested. But they will nei
ther ask for aid nor consent to be aided, whilst the illegal,
persecuting, and dangerous movements are in piogress, of
which I complain; the interest of all concerned requires
that these should be stopped immediately. This can only
be done by the force ot public opinion, and that cannot too
soon be brought into operation. Every movement which
is made by the abolitionists in the non-slaveliolding States,
is viewed by our Southern brethren as an attack upon
their rights, and which, if persisted in, must in the cud
eradica.e those feelings of attachment and affection, be
tween the ciiizens of all the States, which was procured
by a community of interest and dangers in the war of tlie
Revolution, which was the foundation of our happy Union,
and by a continuance of which it can alone be preserved.
I entreat you, then, to frown upon tlie measures which are
to produce results so much to he deprecated. The opinions
which I have now given, 1 have omitted no opportunity ioi
the last two years, to lay before the people of my own
State. 1 have taken tlie liberty to express them here,
knowing that even if they should unfortunately not accord
with yours, they would be kindly received.”
Gen. Harrison’s views in relation to aboli
tion, and the power of Congress over slavery,
are now before its, and each man can judge
for himself whether Mr. Colquitt is right or
wrong in the conclusion to which he urges us
to come —whether a man who has so spoken
and so acted as Gen. Hanison has done, can
as President of the United States, minister to
the views of the abolitionists ] Let us bear in
mind that he was announced as a candidate
for the Presidency in 1835, and that he was
before the people and voted for, for that office
in 1836. Then let us remember his efforts
in Indiana, as early as 1802, continued while
he remained the Governor of that Territory,
to procure the repeal of the ordinance which
prohibited the introduction of slaves there ;
and that in 1820, when Missouri was admitted
into the Union, though a representative from
the non-slave-holding State of Ohio, he again
advocated the rights of the South by voting
against the prohibition of slavery in that State.
Let us pause here a moment to consider the
magnitude of the interests which the South
had at stake when Gen. Harrison thus fearless
ly stepped forward as our advocate. ”1 he im
mense territory known by the name of Lou
isiana, (embracing all except the Floridas)
which formerly belonged to Spain, had been
ceded by that government to France, and by
France to us. New States were to be cre
ated out of it. The question was whether
they should have a community of interest with
the North or with the South ; and that great
question depended upon another, whether
slavery should he permitted or prohibited
the/e ] Missouri, Arkansas, and Louisiana
are now Southern States in feeling. What
would they have been if the Missouri Restric-
tiopists, who weie opposed by Gen. Harri
son, and supported by Mr. Van Buren, had
prevailed ] They would have swelled the ma
jority against us in Congress, and we should
have been bound hand and foot, by the North
ern members of the confederacy. Such wa3
the magnitude of our interest. Let us see
under what circumstances, and at what sacri
fice Gen. Harrison became our advocate. Ho
was a representative from a non-slave»holdin^
State. His constituents were in favor of the
Missouri restiiclion—of prohibiting slavery
there—but they did not instruct him. Hq
knew, for he had been repeatedly warned, that
by voting in favor of the South on that ques
tion, lie would lose bis seat in Congress—but
he did uot falter. One of his associates on
that memorable occasion, has recently told us,
that on the repetition of these warnings, the
very night before tlie final question on the
Missouri restiiction was taken, he fearlessly
replied, if I have often risked my life in
DEFENCE OF MY COUNTRY, I WILL NOW RISK MY
POPULARITY IN DEFENCE OF THE UNION.” He
did risk, and did sacrifice that popularity for us
—a popularity the result of his many valua
ble services in the West, which was greater
than that enjoyed by any other man at that day.
He was left out of Congress at the next elec
tion, for this cause alone.
And this is the man whose fidelity Mr. Col
quitt would now persuade us to doubt. This
chivalricsoldier,thisliberal high-minded states
man, who so nobly sacrificed himself for us,
is to be told that we—we the people of the
South, who are at this moment reaping the
benefits of his generous self-devotion, that we
cannot trust the gallant veteran.—My tongue
would cleave to my mouth in the effort to utter
the ungenerous, the unmanly sentiment.—
Mr. Colquitt has mistaken the character of his
constituents. They are men and may be de
ceived, misled, goaded into the commission
of wrong, but they cannot be induced to with
hold the tribute of grateful hearts from servi
ces like these. In 1833, he delivered his
speech at Cheviot before an audience com
posed almost entirely of men opposed to sla
very, and many of them abolitionists.
Thus had Gen. Harrison committed him
self, by word and deed, on the subject of
slavery, before he became a candidate for the
Presidency. In 1835 his name was announced
as a fit person to fill that office, and he took
the earliest occasion to promulgate his views
on that question. His speech at Vincennes,
delivered in June of that year, is before you.
From that time, and down to the present year,
he has shunned no occasion to declave his opin
ions. What are they?
That there is no principle of the Constitu
tion less disputable than that the slave popula
tion is under the exclusive control of the States
which possess them.
That the discussion of the subject of eman
cipation in the non-slaveholding States, is
equally injurious to the slave and his master.
That it has no sanction in the principles of
the Constitution.
That the conduct of the abolitionists is the
more dangerous, because masked under the
garb of disinterestedness and benevolence ; is
injudicious, presumptuous and unconstitution
al, and carries in its train mischief to the whole
Union, and horrors to a large portion of it.
These are the sentiments of Gen. Harrison,
expressed and acted on with noble fearlessness
in the midst of abolitionists. Can you with
hold your confidence from such a man ? Can
you be persuaded (I care not who shall play
the orator) to believe that this man will tarnish
the laurels he has won, by the fearless inde
pendence which he has manifested on this mo
mentous question for the last thirty-eight
years, by an act of perfidy now] He goes
into office, if elected, under a pledge to retire
from it at the expiration of the first four years.
Can you believe, that in this last closing scene
of his political career, he will, by betraying
your interests which he has thus pledged him
self to support, proclaim the insincerity and
disingenuousness of his whole political life ]
I have said T would show to you that we
could secure all the benefits which would re
sult from Gen. Harrison’s election to the Pre
sidency, with a perfect guarantee for the pre
servation of our own peculiar institutions —
Have I fulfilled the declaration ] I have told
you I could prove that Gen. Harrison could
not favot the movements of the abolitionists in
Congress. Read and judge for yourselves.—
After declaring that the “ course pursued by
the emancipators is unconstitutional”— after
arguing to show that although not expressly
forbidden by the Constitution, it is clearly in
hibited by its spirit, by a comparison of its va
rious provisions, and of the situation of the
several States who were parties to it—after
adverting to the laws passed by Congress, au
thorizing the reclamation of slaves escaping
from one State to another—after expressly
declaring that Congress has no right to abolish
slavery, either in the States or in the District
of Columbia, he proceeds to inquire whether
an instrument (the Constitution) which con
tains such a provision, would authorize tlie
citizens of the non-slaveholding States “to as
semble together, to pass resolutions and adopt
addresses, not only to encourage the slaves to
leave their masters, but to cut their throats
before they do so 1 He then insists, if under
the clause which secures the freedom of speech
and of the press, “they can publish any thing
injurious to the rights of the slaveholding
States, they can go the extremes that I have
mentioned. He adds, that the freedom of
These views, it would seem, oughtto silence
all cavil on the part of those who are opposed
to a bank, unpalatable as they may be to its
friends. They are the views of Jefferson, in
his report to Gen. Washington, in 1791—and
of Mr. Madison, as President, in 1816. If the
friends of a bank should be induced to with
hold their support from Gen. Harrison, in
consideration of these opinions, their conduct
would be more reasonable.
So much of Mr. Colquitt’s address as pro
fesses to assign his reasons for prefer! ing Mr.
Van Buren, though it covers a good deal of
space, is so scanty in matter that it need not
occupy us long. Mr. Van Buren’s claims to
the support of the State Rights party, when
they have been carefully garnered up by Mr.
Colquitt, are found to consist of the following
particulars .*■
Mr. Van Buren was supported by tlie State
Rights party as Vice-President, in 1824 and
1828.
He has promised to veto any bill which may
be passed for the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia, against the wishes of the
slaveholding States—and to resist the slight
est interference with it in the States whete it
exists.
He has declared himself an enemy to a
United States Bank.
This is the sum total of his claims. Mr
Colquitt can appeal to no acts of distinguished
public service. He can recall to our recollec
tion no great public measure, on which Mr.
Van Buren has stamped the impress of his
name. The record of his life is destitute of
all those brilliant incidents and efficient public
services which adorn tlie annals of Gen. Har
rison’s eventful career. He came to the Pre
sidential chair, not called there by the people,
not by force of his own merits, or as the reward
of a life of distinguished public services, but
as one, the measure of whose glory was filled
up by having served under the “illustrious
Chief,” whose appointee he was, and in whose
footsteps he was pledged to walk. Far, very
far, be it from me to deprive him of the pre
cious recollection of it, which will accompany
him ia his retirement.
But to Mr. Colquitt’s bill of particulars—
The State Rights party of Georgia voted
for Mr. Van Buren as Vice President in 1824,
and 1828, and therefore ought to vote for him
as President in 1810. The conclusion seems
hardly legitimate. Mr. Colquitt, 1 apprehend,
voted against him as President, (the State
Rights party certainly did,) at a more recent
period, in 1836. Would it not b’e much more
fair to contend that for that cause Mr. Colquitt
should vote against him now. But does Mr.
Colquitt not know that tbe support given to
Mr. Van Buren by the State Rights party, in
1824, was so given less with a view to his
claims than to propitiate N. York, by the sup
port of one of her citizens for the Vice Presi
dency, and thus to advance the election of
Wm. H. Crawford? Has he forgotten that
the prominent competitor of Mr. A'an Buren
was the bitter enemy of Mr. Crawford, and
not then a favorite with any considerable por
tion. of the State Rights party of Georgia. And
when he appeals to the vote of 1S28, is he
not perfectly aware that under the influence of
hostility to Mr. Calhoun, the vote of Georgia
was thrown away upon Mr. Van Buren, not
with a view to elect him, for no other State,
speech and of the press was given to secure j I believe,voted for him, but to express the feel-
to the citizen his own rights, not to enable him j ing which the State Rights party of Georgia
to invade the rights of others, and utters this j entertained to Mr. Calhoun. Every man who
emphatic declaration, that “ neither the States j will recall these circumstances toliismind, will
where slavery does not exist, nor the Govern- j at once perceive how very slight are the claims
meet of the United States, can, without usur- which Mr. Van Buren can derive from them
pation, and a violation of a solemn compact,
do any thing to remove it, without the consent
of those who are immediately interested.” In
the opinion of Gen. Harrison, then, the asse?n-
blages of the Abolitionists, to pass resolutions,
adopt addresses, prepare memorials, Osfc., are un
constitutional, and Congress cannot counte
nance these proceedings, they cannot enter
tain these memorials, they cannot “do any
thing” to promote their object, which is the
removal of slavery, “without usurpation and
the violation ef a solemn compact.” Would
such a man, so pledged by the acts and de
clarations of his whole life—who in a private
station has bearded the Abolitionists to their
faces, by denouncing their conduct as violative
of the Constitution, and hostile to the peace
and harmony of the Union—could such a man
be brought, by any counsels, to favor the nefa
rious views of these fanatics, when elevated by
the suffrages of his countrymen far above the
reach of their malignant influence] Would
he wait until their vile purposes had been so
far matured, as to assume the foim of a bill
which could only be prevented from becoming
a law by his executive veto] No—the im
pulses of his feelings, tlie convictions of his
judgment—his respect for the rights of his
countrymen — his devotion to the Constitution,
all would unite to induce him to frown upon
these disturbers of the peace and harmony of
the Union. He would seize the first occasion
to mark his reprobation of their conduct; his
earliest communication to Congress would
contain so decisive an expression of his views
as would silence these miscreants, at least
during his administration.
I believe there is but one other reason urged
by Mr. Colquitt why the State Rights party
of Georgia should not support Gen. Harrison, i readily judge between them,
which may reqniie a passing notice, and teat i ^j r 0 o ]q U itt h as not I apprehend placed
is, that his election will result in the establish-, in the prominent re li e f to which it is entitled,
merit of a Bank of the United States. Mr. the predominating motive for his present
Colquitt declines to aigue this question, and U c ha n ge of position. He is the advocate of
Mr. Van ouren s oub-1 reasury scheme which
has been repudiated by the State Rights’
party of Georgia. Hoc ipsum cst de quo agebai.
If the State Rights party of Georgia cau be
induced to support Mr. Van Buren, they will
more readily adopt lii3 Sub-Treasury scheme,
and thus Mr. Colquitt will rally around him
friends from whom he would reluctantly be
separated—and who would (if they could pre
serve their ancient connection without such a
sacrifice) reluctantly separate from him. In
their resistance to that miserable project, they
are actuated by stronger feelings than even
their attachment to Mr. Colquitt, by the duty
they owe to themselves, to their families, to
their countiy. In operation, as it has been for
some time past, though without legal sanction,
they have felt its blighting influence upon all
their interests. They do not deceive them
selves by supposing that the price of their
great staple upon which most of their comforts
depend, can be rendered independent of the
fluctuations of foreign markets, by any regu
lation of our domestic currency—but neither
will they suffer others to deceive them on
this subject. They know that upon the proper
regulation of that currency depends the real
value of the nominal price which they receive
for their cotton—and that in its present de-
ascertained is, what is Gen. Harrison’s opin
ion ; and of this we have full and explicit evi
dence. In answer to a call made upon him in
1822, he said—
“ I believe that the charter given to the
Bank of the United States was unconstitution
al, it not being one of those measures necessary
to carry any of the expressly granted powers
into effect.”
In answer to an inquiry made by Mr. Sherrod
Williams, in 1S36, whether, if elected, he
would sign a bill incorporating a National
Bank, he says:
“ J would, if it tcere clearly ascertained that
the public interest, in relation to the collection
and disbursement of the revenue, would ma
terially suffer without one, and there were
unequivocal manifestations of public opinion
in its favor. I think, however, the experiment
should be fairly tried, to ascertain whether
the financial operations of the Government
cannot be as well carried on without the aid
of a national bank. If it is not necessary for
that purpose, it does not appear to me that
one can be constitutionally chartered. There
is no construction which I can give the Con
stitution which would authorize it, on the
ground of affording facilities to commerce.”
predated state they are compelled to pay a
tax more than ec^ual to its actual depreciation
on all the articles of their consumption. These
indications come from an unerring source.
They are the vibrations of the pocket-nerve,
and cannot deceive.
And now, in the exercise of my right as a
fctate Rights’ man, and as one of Mr. Col
quitt’s constituents, I have commented on his
address, freely as became the subject and the
occasion, but with those feelings of respect and
good will which are due not less to Mr. Col
quitt personally, than to our ancient associa
tion. I trust this address may be received in
the same epirt by the State Rights party gene
rally. Mr. Colquitt will be eulogized (he
has been already) by those whose opinions
he has hitherto held in little esteem, but who
seek to use him and his circular as a highly
convenient accession to the political assets of
a rapidly failing concern. Let the State Rights
party of Georgia uot forget the respect which
they owe to themselves by the denunciation of
their ancient associate. If we part, it is be
cause be has decreed tbe separation. Let us
do so with good will—looking rather to the
kindlier recollections of the past, than cherish
ing those feelings of hostility which antagonist
political positions are too apt to engender.
A STATE RIGHTS' MAN OF 1825.
to the confidence of the State Rights party of
Georgia—and cannot fail, I should think, to
wonder how they could have influenced the
discriminating mind of Mr. Colquitt.
Mr. Van Buien’s next claim is founded on
his views and pledges in relation to abolition.
As I have already shewn, General Harrison is
more thoroughly with us on this subject than
Mr. Van Buren.
Mr. Van Buren was a Missouri restriction-
ist—Gen. Harrison sacrificed his seat in Con
gress by resisting it—Mr. Van Buren was the
advocate of the inhibition of slavery in tbe
territories—Gen. Harrison uniformly opposed
the inhibition.
Mr, Van Buren would veto a bill for the
abolition of slavery in the District of Colum
bia, because lie considers it inexpedient,
though with his present lights, he cannot deny
to Congt ess the constitutional powtr to pass such
a bill. Gen. Harrison utterly denies the power
—considers such a bill absolutely unconstitu
tional, and requiring no further lights to guide
him, would at all times oppose it by the in
tervention of the Presidential veto, in the le
gitimate and constitutional exercise of that
high power.
Mr.Van Buren is opposed to a national bank
—but he admitted in 1826, that the power of
Congress, in this regard, was “ a successful
interpolation in the Constitution”—He resists
it, therefore, on the ground of inexpediency.
Gen. Harrison considers a bank both unconsti
tutional and inexpedient, unless it be clearly
proved to be necessary to the financial opera
tions of the Government—to the collection
and disbursement of the revenue. From this,
which is a fair exposition of their respective
views, the State Rights paity of Georgia cau
THE ISLAND,
Who can refrain from laughter, involuntary
and healthful laughter, on reading the follow
ing from the pen of that Prince of Punsters,
Thomas Hood ?
The Island.—If the author of Irish Melo
dies had ever had a little Isle so much his own
as I have possessed, he might not have found
it so sweet as the song anticipates. It has
been my fortune, like Robinson Crusoe, and
Alexander Selkirk, to be thrown on such a
desolate spot. I felt so lonely, though I had a
follower, that I wished Moore had been theie.
I had the honor of being in that tremendous
action of F’nisterre, which proved an end of
the earth to many a brave fellow. I was or
dered with a boarding party forcibly to enter
the Santissima Trinidada ; but in the act of
climbing into the quarter-gallery, which, how
ever gave no quarter, was rebutted by the end
of a marine’s gun, who remained quarter-mas
ter of the place. I fell senseless into the sea,
and should no doubt have perished in the wa
ters of oblivion, but for the kindness of John
Monday, who picked me up to go adrift with
him in one of the ship’s boats. All our oars
were carried away, that is to say, we did not
carry away any oars, and while shot was rain
ing, our feeble hailing was unheeded. In
short, as Shakespeare says, we drifted off by
“tbe current of a heady fight.” As may be
supposed, our boat was any thing but the
jolly-boat, for we had no provisions to spare
in the middle of an immense waste. We
were, in fact, adrift in the cutter, with nothing
to cut. We had not even junk for junketing,
and nothing but salt water, oven if the wind
should blow fresh. Famine indeed seemed
to stare each of us in the face; that is, w r e
stared at one another, but if men turn canni
bals, great allowance must be made for short
ditto. We were truly in a very disagreeable
pickle, with oceans of brine and no beef, and
like Shvlock, I fancy vve would have exchan
ged a pound of gold fora pound of flesh. The
more vve drifted Nor, the more sharply we in
clined to gnaw; but when we drifted Sow,
we found nothing like pork. No bread rose
in the east, and in the opposite point we were
equally disappointed. We could not compass
j a meal any how, but got mealy mouthed, not
withstanding. We could only see the sea
mews to the eastward, flying over what Byron
calls the Gardens of Gull. We saw plenty of
Grampus, but they were useless to all intents
and purposes, and we had no bail for catching a
bottle nose. Time hung heavily on our hands,
for our fast days seem to pass very slowly,
and our strength was rapidly sinking from
being so much afloat. Still we nourished
Hope, though we had nothing to give her.
But at last we lost prospect of land, if one
may say so when no land was in sight. The
weather got thicker as we were getting thin
ner ; and though we kept a sharp watch, it
was a very bad look out. We could see no
thing to eat and drink.
At last the fog cleared off, and wc saw
something like land right ahead; but alas,
tfie wind was iu our teeth as well as in our
stomachs. We could do nothing but keep
her near, and as we could not keep ourselves
full, we luckily suited the course of the boat;
so that after a tedious beating about—for the
wind not only gives blows but takes a great
deal of beating—we came in continually to
an island. Here we landed, and our first
impulse on coming to dry land was to drink.
There was a little brook at hand, to which we
applied ourselves, till it seemed artusl'y
to murmur at our inordinate thirst. Our
next care was to look for some food, for
though our hearts were full at our escape, the
neighboring region was dreadful empty. We
succeeded in getting some natives out of
their bed and ate them, poor things, as
fast as they got up, but with some difficulty in
getting them opeu ; a common oyster knife
would have been worth the price of a sceptre.
Our next concern was to look out for lodging,
and as we discovered an empty cave, reminded
me of an old inscription at Portsmouth, “ The
hole of this place to be let.” We took the
precaution of idling some great stones to the
entrance for fear of late lodgers—that some
bear might come home from business, or a
tiger to tea. Here, under the rock, we slept
without rocking, and when through the night's
falling, the day broke, we saw, w'ith the fiist
instalment of light, that we were upon a small
desert isle, now, for the first time, an Isle of
Man. Accordingly, tbe birds in this wild sol
itude ivere so little wild that a number of
boobies and noddies allowed themselves to be
taken by hand, though the asses were not such
asses as to be caught. There was an abun
dance of rabbits, which we chased unremit-
tingly, as Hunt runs Warren ; and when
coats and trowsers fell short, we clothed our
skins with theirs, till, as Monday said, we
each represented a burrow. In this work,
Monday was the tailor, for like tbe maker of
shadowy rabbits and cocks upon the wall, he
could turn his hand to any thing. He becam
a potter, a carpenter, and butcher and a baker
—that is to say, a master butcher and a master
baker—for I became merely his journeyman.
Reduced toastate of nature, (Monday’sfavorite
phrase for our condition) I found my being an
officer fulfilled no office; to confess the truth,
I made a very poor sort of savage, whereas
Monday, I am persuaded, would have been
made a chief by any tribe whatever. Our sit
uations in life were completely reversed: he