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became the leader, and I the follower; or
rather, to do justice to his attachment and abil
ity, he became like a strong, big brother, to
a helpless little one.
Wo remained in a state of nature five years,
when at last a whaler of Hull—though the
liuH was not visible—showed her masts on
the horizon : an event which was telegraphed
by Monday, who began saying his prayers
and dancing the College Hornpipe at the
same time wyth eojual fervor. We contrived
by lighting a fire, literally a “ feu de joie,” to
make a sign of distress, and a boat came to
our signal deliverance. We had a prosperous
passage home, where the reader may antici
pate the happiness that awaited us; but not
the trouble that was in store for me and Mon
day. Our parting was out of the question;
we would both rather have parted from our
sheet anchor. We attempted to return to
our relative rank, but we had lived so long
in a kind of liberty and equality, that we could
not resume our grades. The state of nature
remained uppermost with us both, and Mon
day still watched over and tended me like Do
minie Sampson with the boy Harry Bertram;
go where 1 would, he followed with the dog
ged pertinacity of Tom Pipes ; and do what
I might, he interfered with the resolute vigor
or John Dory in Wild Oats. This disposition
involved us daily, nay hourly, in the most em
barrassing circumstances ; and how the con
nexion might have terminated, I know not,
if it had not been speedily dissolved in a
very unexpected manner. One morning poor
Monday was found in a sort of convulsion,
which barely enabled him to grasp my hand,
and to falter out, “ Good bye, I am go—going
—back—to a state of nature.”
POLITICAL.
THK CANVASS FOR THE PRESIDENCY.
Another month hns passed away, and we are another
month nearer the time of choosing the Electors of Presi
dent and Vice President of the United States. The hour
for action is at hand. Thai, great changes have taken place
all over the country, and in some parts of it to a most un
expected extent, in favor of the cause of Harrison and Re
form, we have already placed copious evidence before our
readers, and every day’s mail adds to the amount of it.—
But much more may yet be accomplished for the whig cause
if those who still stand aloof through a false notion of
consistency, or who hesitate between the two sides, can he
induced deliberately to look the question in the face, and
make up-art opinion from the operation of tlie:r sound .judg
ment upon the ground of their own personal interest involv
ed in its decision.
At this eventful moment,every voter in theUnitedStaf.es
should ask and answer himself these questions : What has
Mr. Van Buren done since he became President to entitle
him to a re-election ? And whet has he done that ought
to prevent his re-election ?
It is due to the times, and to the occasion tc meet these
questions in a spirit of candor, and to answer them tempe
rately, but in truth.
The starting point in these inquiries is the condition of
the country, bright and enviable as we know it to have
been when the predecessor of Mr. Van Buren, with his full
consent and approbation, “ took the responsibility,” and
began -to 11 experiment” Hpcn the vitals ol the Republic.—
Passing rapidly from that point of time to the present, the
state of affairs, as they exist now, must be looked at
gloomy as it is, and, in view of a continuation of the pres
ent order of things, ill-omened in almost every respect that
can concern a nation’s prosperity.
We challenge any one to show, within the range of di
versified duties pertaining to the Presidency, a single act
of the present Administration, involving principles of any
magnitude,or consequences of any mement, that have bet
tered the condition of the country in any one respect. If
that Administration were this day to close, the faithful his
torian would necessarily haveablank pag,eori thecredil side
of its account. Not only has not the present Administra
tion dene any thing positively good or praiseworthy, hut
it has deliberately refused to do good when the opportunity
was fair, and the means of doing it were plain and ob
vious.
Never has a President come into power, as Mr. Van Bu
ret) did, with means so ample, and under circumstances so
auspicious for a peaceful, prosperous, and glorious admin
istration ; and never were golden opportunities so reckless
ly disregarded. Infatuated with the servitude of power
rather than animated with the lofty aspirations ol a public
benefactor,he has sacrificed thegreat interestsot this country
to idolatry of his predecessor, and to schemes lor the per
petuation of the same selfish influence by which he was
himself brought into power. He has, in a word, preferred
the fleeting fame of a cunning politician to the enduring
honors of a devoted patriot.
In the record of tiie acts of this Administration, during
the three years and a quarter of its existence, we find no
act that claims a country’s gratitude, and nothing, there
fore, on the score of service rendered, to entilile Mr. Van
Bureti to a re-election.
Let us now look at the acts of the Administration
which are at war with the interests of the country.
When Mr. Van Buren entered upon the high and re
sponsible duties of his station, as if under the influence of
some stranse sorcery, he yielded to the impulse ot mis
chief Not only did he withhold the fostering hand it w as
liis sacred duty to extend, hut he persisted in the war begun
by his “ illustrious predecessor” against the growing pros
perity of the nation. And so perseveringly and relentlessly
lias he prosecuted this war upon the credit of the country,
the currency of the country, the business oi the country,
and the enterprise of the country, that they have all suc
cumbed, unable to contend successfully with an adversary
in whom they ought to have found a protector, and are now
threatened w ith the last act that can bring them lower or
scourge them more—the thrice-coudetuned, thtice-rejected
Sub-Treasury Scheme! The total disregard of the popu
lar will in forcing this odious measure upon a resisting
People, is one of the most during outrages upon the funda
mental principles of Republican government that has ever
marked the conduct of any public man since we have been
a free People.; and, should llie measure receive the sanc
tion of law, (which now appears probable,) then will it be
proved how effectually the Executive power has outgrown
those checks which, in the theory of the Constitution, arc
considered the safeguards of our liberties.
Mr. Van Bureti has brought all the power of the Gov
ernment to his aid in carrying out a system (of which the
Sub-Treasury scheme is designed to be the crowning act)
that proposes a total revolution in the fiscal and financial
operations of the country, bearing ruinously upon every
interest that yields revenue without oppression, and lays a
staple foundation for the success of every business, and se
cures a liberal reward to honest industry. This policy of
his is avowedly a •ystem of experiments. And mark how
it hns worked! It has beggared the Treasury, which,
when Mr. Van Buren came into office, lie found overflow
ing ; and it has broken down more effectually the thrift
and spirit and enterprise of our whole country than it was
believed to be in the power of man to accomplish, or within
the compass of legislation to effect.
In the midst of our country’s ruin, w ith cries of distress
reaching the Executive from every quarter, und’ringing in
his ears the pleadings of the People to save them from
desperation, we see the President stand unmoved upon the
eminence of his station, saying in effect to his tarty,
“ Go on to the accomplishment of my plans, cost what
they may ! Let my will he done, though millions suffer!”
Is it to be believed, that under the rule of a President'
who thus exercises his official powers much more with a
view to the success of a party than for the good of the
whole People, the country can prosper? Give him an
other term of service, to perpetuate the power and the
policy of his party, and the present generation can never
hope to see a return of those glorious times when we were
the happiest and the most prosperous People that lived.
We call upon the People, therefore, one and all, if they
wish to raise up their drooping country, if they wish to
enjoy those rich blessings which their Government, pro
perly administered, will always secure to them, to unite
their efforts to place the Executive power in the hands of
a faithful veteran and proved patriot, whose policy, we all
know and feel, will build up their broken fortunes, and
spread a refreshing influence over the whole face of their
devoted country.—National Intelligencer.
VAN BUREN ECONOMY.
In the House of Representatives, on the 29th ult. whilst
the Appropriation Bill was under discussion, Mr Stanly-
read from the files of the Treasury Department, an account
for various exotics, shrubs, bulbous roots, ornamental
trees, and flowers, gardening books and tools, &c. &c.
which were purchased in Philadelphia,by Mr. Wheeler,
the Superintendent of the Mint at Charlotte, North Caro
lina, aud paid for out of the people’s mosey! Among
the items was one of fifty dollars for Horse Chestnuts—
such as grow out here on the ridge ! This, Fellow Citizens,
is “ no Whig lie.” Turn to the Globe of May 1st, and
you will find the following, in the Congressional proceed
ings: • .
“ Mr. Stanly obtained the floor, and made some remarks
in relation to what he was understood to call a coirupt ex
penditure of the public money at the branch mint at Char
lotte, North-Carolina, from the tenor of which remarks, it
was inferred that he was in favor of abolishing that mint
for that cause. He exhibited an account of $218, incur-
ed for the purchase of trees and shrubbery by the. superin
tendent of that establishment, (Mr. Wheeler,) ti> orna
ment the public grounds attached to that establishment.—
He commented on the same, and denounced it, with the
view, he said, of showing how beautifully these humbugs
go together, and to show how this fellow (the superinten
dent) lived out of the public spoils He made other remarks,
the tenor of which may be inferred by the replies of bis
colleagues.
“ Mr. Black soid he had risen without consultation with
any party, either in tnat House or out of it, to set the
mark of his decided disapprobation upon the very ex
traordinary account to which the gentleman from North
Carolina had called the attention of the committee 1
regret, sir, said Mr. B. that such an account had ever been
incurred or presented against the government, and more
especially he regretted that the government had paid it.
So far as the amount of money was concerned, it was a small
matter, but the principle involved was the same, whether
the expenditure was one dollar or one million of dollars.”
Mr. Black is friendly to the ad ministration and voted
for the Editors of the Globe as Public Printers. Not a
member of the Adminisiraiion party dared deny or defend
this flagrant expenditure of the public money. It is true,
as Mr. B. remarked, the sum is small—only $218—but
men who would expend such a sum for such a purpose,
would not hesitate to apply larger sums for similar or worse
purposes. This is only a drop in the bucket. It is only-
one of the many items which make up the thirty millions
that this economical, democratic administration ore an
nually expending. Citizens of Tennessee, Democrats as
well as Whigs, are you willing to be taxed in order to fur
nish the office holders with Dahlias, Horse Chestnuts, and
all sorts of flowers, and shrubbeiy, and the like? If you
are, go on and support Mr. Van Buren. If you are not,
supply his place w ith the Farmer of North Bend. He,
having had to tiiltho ground for a living, knows how mo
ney comes, and how much labor it costs to get it, and will
therefore see that the public treasure is taken care of.
[Nashville Banner.
THE CURRENCY.
One of the most impudent things we have for a long
time witnessed, is the recent attempt of some of the or
gans and lenders of the Vau Buren party to deny that the
adminis iron are or have been in favor of a metallic
currency, or ever contemplated its introduction into tbe
country. These gentry, we suppose, think the people
have 3tich short memories that they cannot remember the
celebrated toast which Gen. Jackson gave at Vauxhall in
1833. which is as follows:
“ The true constitutional currency is gold and silver
coin .* It can cover and protect the labor of our country
without the aid of a National Bank, an institution which
can never be otherwise than hostile to the liberties of the
people, because its tendency is to associate wealth with
undue power over the public interests.”
They think that the people are so ignorant as not to
know, that the Washington Globe, the official organ of the
Government, on the 16th July, 1834, uttered the following
language :
“ The Gold Clbse.nct.—While every part of America
rejoices; while every heart not enslaved to the setub-
aristocracy of the paper system—while every independent
and patriotic citizen exults in the recovery and restoration
of the long lost gold currency—the West, and all Western
citizens, have the deepest and greatest cause for proud ex
ultation and manly rejoicing at this prosperous event. For,
of all America, the West is the part which needed most,
and will profit most from the circulation of gold. Hap
pily. they have but few banks in the West, and therefore
need gold to carry about to travel upon. Happily, again,
the greatest supply of gold will go the West. The emi
grants moving to that great region, will all carry gold in
preference to either silver or paper, for it is lighter than
silver and safer than paper. The land offices will become
recepiucles and reservoirs of gold ; whence it will be dis
tributed to the country through the government disburse
ments, thru ugh the military, the surveying and the Indian
departments; and woe to the officer who, having received
THE RF.CKLESSNESS OF PARTY.
The House of Representatives of the United States has
been called —as it certainly was desisted by the C-onstitu- . . . . w
tion to be—the Grand Inquest of the Nation; and if it po- ; gold from the government, shall presume or dare to offer
sesses one rightful and peculiar function, more tbananoth- j paper to the soldiers or citizens. Then a great stream
er, it is to keep a strict watch over public agents, and to j 0 J gold will flow up the Mississippi from Ncw-Or/eans,
and diffuse itself all over the great IVest. Nearly all
guard [he public money from being wasted or plundered.
One would suppose, therefore, that any suggestion of pec
ulation or delinquency on the part of.an Executive officer,
brought forward in the House of Representatives by any
member thereof, would meet with instant attention, and
a unanimous vote for its investigation and exposure. Such,
indeed,in the honest and virtuous days of the Government,
was the case. But look at the sad contrast presented by
the conduct of the People’s Representatives at the present
day ! No inquiry into acts, however flagitious, of public
officers, will be permitted by the dominant party in the
House of Representatives, lest, perchance,inquiry iiitothe
conduct of its agents should expose the Executive to cen
sure. We give the case which occured in the House on
Friday last, as an example of this sacrifice of duty at the
shrine of parry. On that day, Mr. Chinn, a Representa
tive from Louisiana, a member of the highest personal
character, asked permission to offer the following resolu
tion :
Resolved, That the Postmaster General communicate to
this House, without delay, the time at which the postmas
ter at Baton Rouge became a defaulter; the time, number,
and amounts of the various drafts which have been drawn
on him, and which he has refused or neglected to pay, and
particularly the amount now due by said postmaster to the
Government: also, all the communications which have
been written and received in relation to said defalcation,
togetherwilh all other correspondence which has occurred,
touching the removal from office of said postmaster, and
of the appointment of a successor to said officer.
Would it be believed that an inquiry like this, offered on
the responsibility of a Representative in his piaee, would
be objected to—not only objected to by a single voice, but
voted dozen by the friends of the Administration'? The
motion being met by a technical refusal on the part of some
member, Mr. C. moved to suspend the rules to enable him
to offer liis resolution ; and, on taking the vote by yeas and
nays, it stood as follows :
YEAS—Messrs. Alford, John W. Allen, Baker, Bell.
Blackwell, Bond, Briggs, Brockwav, Anson Brown, Samp
son H. Butler, Calhoun, William B. Campbell, Casey,
Chinn, Clark, James Cooper, Crabb, Cranston, Cushing,
Edward Davies, G. Davis, Deberrv, Dennis, Dillett, Ed
wards, Evans, Everett, James Garland. Rice Garland,
Gentry, Gerry, Giddings, Goggin, Goode, Green, Griffin,
Grinnell, Habersham, Hull, Win. S. Hastings, Henry,
Hoffman, Hubbard, Hunt, Charles Johnston, Kempshall,
Lincoln, McCarty, Marvin, Mason, Morgan, Calvary Mor
ris, Osborne, Peck, Proffit, Randolph, Ridway, Russell,
Snltonstall, Sergeant, Stanly, Starkweather, Storrs, Stuart,
Taliaferro, W’addy Thompson, Tillinghast, Toland, Trip
lett, Trumbull, Weller, Edward D. White, John White
Thomas W. Williams, Lewis Williams, Joseph L. Wil
liams. Christopher H. Williams—77
NAYS—Messrs. Atherton, Bunks, Beatty, Albert G.
Brown, Burke, William O. Butler, Carr, Chapman, Clif
ford, Coles. Mark A. Cooper, Wm. R. Cooper, Craig,
Cross, Dana. John Davis, Dickerson, Doan, Doig, Drom-
goole, Enrl, Eastman, Fletclier, Floyd, Hammond. Hand,
J. Hastings, Hillen, Holleman, Hopkins, Howard. Jame
son, Cave Johnson, Nathaniel Jones, Kcim, Kemble, Kille,
Lendhetter, Leonard, Lewis, Lowell, 'Lucas, McClellan,
McCay, Marcliand, Miller, Newhard, Parish, l'arris, Payn-
ter, Petrikin, Prentiss, Reynolds, Ryall, Samuels, Shaw,
Albert Smith, John Smith, Thus. Smith, Steenrod, Strong,
Sumter. Swearingen, Sweeny, Taylor, Francis Thomas,
Philip F. Thomas, Turney, Jared VY. Williams—69
So the House refused leave for the resolution to Le in
troduced, (two-thirds of the votes being required to sus
pend the rules.)
From the Log Cabin.
WHERE ARE WE ?
Yes, where.are we ? W’liat is our condition? What
our prospects ? These are questions, which the times are
bringing home to every farmer and working man. How
shall he answer them, but by saying that we are on the
broad road to utter destruction, as a nation and as individ
ual.,—that misfortune and trouble thicken around us, and
that the only prospect of relief is that which a change of
rulers may effect. It is well that the Log Cabins have
taken tbe matter in hand—and it would be well if every
man, be bis station in life what it may, would burst the
shackles of party, and come forward boldly and honestly
to the discharge of his duty. This appeal is made no.t
for party purposes, but for the good of the whole country—
and especially for aid to protect the interests of the Far
mer, tlie man of the LogCabiu if you please, the mechanic
and the laborer, from utter prostration. Is any man ig
norant of what awaits him—let him judge what the future
will bo by what the present is. .Let him calmly, if he
can, reason out the positions which the advocates of the
Sub-Treasury astAime in Congress, in regard to the wages
of labor and produce. It is solemnly avowed on the floor
of the U. S. Senate, by such men ns Mr. Walker, Mr. Bu
chanan, and Mr. Calhoun, that one object in passing the
the Sub-Treasury bill is to reduce the wages of labor,
and the prices of produce ! by making this a hard money-
Government. And what is this Sub-Treasury arrange
ment? It is a plan by which all the dues to Government
will he secured in Gold nnd Silver, to he kept in vaults
and safes by numerous officers whom Government appoints,
and to each of whom it pays from $2500 to $4500 a year,
in silver, for keeping. Here is thewhole plan in a few
words. It is to secure to the office bolder and the Gov
ernment dependent, Gold and Silver for their salaries,
while the people must do ns well ns they can with the por
tion which will remain to them after the office holders are
satiated. Ts there a-single freeman who will tolerate this
state of things? Will he surrender his means of living
to pumper an aristocracy of office-holders? Does any one
ask for proof that the rights of the farmer and the working
man will be sacrificed by this Sub-Treasury policy? We
refer him to the present condition of things. They are
sacrificed already! Labor and produce now command
but a small proportion of their real value—-and the Sub-
Treasury has but commenced its workings. The Govern
ment cannot yet command all the money of the country.
But when ils new system gets fairly to work, it will control
it entirely—and then enterprize will remain motionless,
and industry suffer from pressing want.
When an American "resident recommends the introduc
tion into his own country of a portion of the -Government
machinery which is used by Kings and despots in Europe,
and which the framers of our Constitution discarded as
being fit only for a crowned head, and an enslaved people,
it is sufficient to alarm every republican. But when he
enforces the adoption of it upon Congress in the name of
the Sub-Treasury system, because “ twenty-two out of
twenty-seven" Kings and Emperors have it in force, who
can patiently listen ? In the language of an old Demo
crat of Maine, who bad always supported Gen. Jackson,
“as well might Mr. Van Buren have recommended a King
for the United States, because twenty-two out of twenty-
seven foreign Governments are so governed.”
To show at once the condition of the people in those
despotic Kingdoms, which Mr. Van Buren holds outas ex
amples for us, and in which there is a Sub-Treasury system
and hard money only, and that controlled by the Govern
ment, it is only necessary to exhibit a table of the wages
which the working men there receive for labor; let every
one compare it for himself w ith what we are now coming
to in this country, under the influence of the same system
and policy, and the inducement to join the Log Cabins
in their determined and steady opposition, will be too
powerful to be resisted.
F ranee,
Germany,
Italy,
Bavaria,
West Flanders,
per day.
20 cts.
12* “
22 “
15 “
12
Sweden,
South Holland,
Saxony,
Belgium,
per day.
15 cis.
n “
10 “
12* “
With these small wages the laborer is required to board
himself—and lives miserably, and upon the coarsest food.
It is upon the question of fair wages or no wages—liberal
prices or ruinous rates for produce, tbet we shall be called
to decide at the 1 oils. And let every one prepare himself
for the issue. Who will join the Sub-Treasury standard
w-hile “reduction ok wages” is its prominent inscription?
A Good Idea.—Richard Davison, Esq. of Warren co.
in a speech delivered at a late Whig meeting, happily ex .
poses the favorite Van Buren hard-money dogma, that “if
you take away a paper dollar, a hard dollar will supply
its place.” It might as well be said, says Mr. Davison,
“ that if there are ten hard dollars in my desk, aud fifty-
paper dollars, if I burn the fifty paper dollars, the ten bard
dollars will increase to sixty.”
the gold coinage of the new world will come to the United
Stntes; for, all the coinage of the new Governments of
Mexico and South America, being the coinage of rebel
provinces, cannot go to old Spain, or any of her dependen
cies, and therefore will come to the United Stales as its
natural and best market. This will fill the West with
doubloons and half joes; and, in eight or nine months from
this time, every substantial citizen will have a long silken
purse, of fine open network, through the insterslices of
which the yellow gold will shine nnd glitter. Then travel
lers will be free from the pestilence of rugged, filthy and
counterfeit notes. Every substantial man, and every sub
stantial man’s wife and daughter, will travel upon gold.
The satellites of the bank alone, to show their servile sub
jection to their leige monarch, will repine at the loss of
paper.”
i he “-restoration of the long lost gold currency!”—
What “ proud exultation and manly rejoicing” were to be
heard in the *• West,” which “ needed most, aad would
profit most from the circulation of gold.” What immense
sums were to be diffused over the “ West,” through “ emi
grants” and the “land offices?” A “great stream” of it
was to flow up the Mississippi. The “ West” was to he
filled with “doubloons and half joes.” Every substantial
citizen “ in eight or nine months” from that time, was to
have a “ long silken purse of fine open network, through
the interstices of which the yellow gold would shine and
glitter. ’ Bank satellites “alone would repine at the loss
of paper ” Such were the golden promises bv which the
unhappy people of this country have been led to their own
ruin; and the authors of the cnlumity now add insult to
injury, by impudently denying that they ever held forth
any 3uch promises ! We could fill our sheet with extracts
of a similar character, were it necessary. But let us come
up to the present time. The “ Democratic Review,”
published at Washington, is scarcely less an organ of the
party than the Globe itself, with whom it divides the spoils.
Its publisher, Mr. Langtree, is the same individual be
tween whom and the Clerk of the House, Mr. Petrikin,
one of the Administration leaders in Congress, a short
time since preferred a charge of corrupt collusion to de
fraud the government, and upon which charge an investi
gation is now pending. This same Democratic Review
but a-few weeks ago, in-an elaborate article on the curren
cy, lield the following language:
“ The first practical movement towards this desirable
end, ns we have already endeavored to show, is the sup
pression of all bank notes of a small denomination. We
would proceed slowly und gradually, but steadily and with
firmness. We would not stop tit the denomination offive
dollars, or ten dollars, or twenty dollars; we would pro
ceed, before stopping, at least ns fur as the example pre
sented by France, which is one hundred dollars,”
page 208.
“ W ithin these limits we boldly take our stand, as the
advocates of a prompt return to a purely jietalic cur
rency, page 207.
“ We hope the democracy will keep constantly up to
this standard, rnaugre the clamors of the -money changers,
•speculators and bankers. Let the war upon small
BILLS BE UNFLINCHING, PERSEVERING, EXTERMINATING.
We must look chiefly to the State Legislatures for this
relief; but the federal government may aid much in the
struggle. The Independent Treasury bill bears strongly
in favor of the specie standard, and although probably of
no very potent effect itself, will be, we trust, but the pre
cursor of the gradual extension of the same policy
throughout all the States. Tht rejection of paper
money in the government transactions is of the first im
portance," page 203.
Here is an emphatic avowal by one of tbe confidential
organs of tbe Administration at tbe seat of government,
no longer ago than March last, that the war upon all hank
bills under one hundred dollars is to be “unflinching,
persevering, exterminating."
It we turn to the Congressional Globe, page 146, wc
shall find that “ Mr. Benton moved to strike out from the
1.9th and 20th sections of the Independent Treasury Bill,
the clauses which permitted the reception and disburse
ment of Federal paper." The bill as it then stood, pro
hibited the reception of all paper except such notes, bills
or paper, issued under the authority of the United States,
as may be directed by law—to be received in payment of
the public dues. Those words, Air. Benton moved to
strike out. He said he was “ opposed to Federal paper
money just as much us lie was to bank notes, local or na
tional.” In the same speech he said, “Holland is the
country for our statesmen to study.”
“ A country,” Mr. Benton remarked, “which has no
paper money, banks, but w hich has merchants who are
able to save the Bank of England and the Bank of the
United States from brenking like glass ; merchants able
to lend gold by the million at 4 per centum per annum,
while we give two per cent, a month for depreciated paper;
who are able to purchase every dry good store in such a
State as Missouri, St. Louis included, pay down for them
in gold, and set fire to them and burn them up, and never
know that they had lost any thing, except by the change of
figuics at the foot of the balance sheet. This is Holland
and her merchants, who never saw a bank note."
Mr. Walker of Mississippi, advocated the motion of
Mr. Benton. He said :
“ Let us but contrast the condition of the Island «f Cuba
upon our very borders with that of our own country. In
Cuba the currency is entirely'metallic. Her population
only about nine hundred thousand, one-third of whom, as
has been truly stated, are slaves; and yet with a pros
perity almost unexampled, with agriculture aud commerce
flourishing, and an annual irnport and export of forty-three
millions of dollars, whilst distress and embarrassment
here are almost universal, even in those States possessing
the richest soil and staples, w ith natural advantages.much
greater than Cuba, and with the great additional advan
tage of a free government. 'Why then this difference?
It is the contrast between the result of the metallic and
paper currency.”
The motion to strike out prevailed, and by the Treasury
bill, as it has been fashioned and finished by the Adminis
tration party in the Senate, no bank note of any descrip
tion—not even a Treasury note—nothing but gold or sil
ver can be received in payment of die public dues after a '
designated period. The 19th section of the bill provides
for a gradual prohibition of the reception of the notes of
specie paying banks until the 30th day of June, 1843,
from and after which, “all sums accruing or becoming
payabic|to the United States, Fot duties, taxes, sales of
public lands, er other debts, and also all sums due for
postages or otherwise, to the General Post Office Depart
ment, shall be paid in gold or silver only.”
We desire the particular attention of our Van Buren
friends to the foregoing. Many of them, we are aware,
are opposed to the gold humbug, and openly advocate the
establishment of a national bank, under the belief, that the
policy of the Administration is not irreconcilably opposed
to such a measure. Nay, in this very county, whole Vai
Buren neighborhoods have been induced to believe, that
we are speedily to have a currency of Federal paper,
either by means of Treasury notes or the creation of i.
government bunk. To all such we say, read the Suh-
Ti-easury Bill in tbe-Globe, as it passed the Senate, anu
as it will pa-s the Hmise of Representatives. It is there
provided, that after 1343, nothing but gold and silver shall
be received in payment of the public dues, or paid out by
the disbursing officers of the government. These are the
words of Air. Benton. Does not every body know that if
Mr. Van Buren is re-elected, Mr. Benton is to be his
chosen successor, and that all the pntronage of the govern
ment will be dispensed with a view to effect that object?
He is the undisputed author of the financial policy of the
administration, and his doctrine is—“away with till paper
money, Federal or State—imitate Hoiland, where a bank
note is never seen.” Well, Holland is a most charming
country for princely merchants and lordly bankers. But
how fares it with the laboring classes? Why. they get
from eight to fifteen cents per day and live chiefly on soup
and buttermilk! Cat) the poor but active and industrious
young men of that country go to the rich merchants, with
whose gold Mr. Renton seems so much enraptured, and
borrow two or three hundred or a thousand dollars, to
start or aid them in business ? Not a cent. That gold is
loai ed to Kings, or Governments or Corporations upon the
pledge of stocks. Mr. Benton himself could not borrow
the smallest portion of it on bis individual credit. There
is a great deal of gold in Holland, it is true, but it is in tho
hands of the few, to whom the many are hewers of wood
and drawers of water; and this is the case, without excep
tion, tit all hard money countries.—Nashville Banner.
4
i SPEECH OF MR. CLAY-
Tuesday, June 2, 1840.
Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, presented the petition ot James
C. Reynolds, which he requested to be read, and which
was read. The petition stated that he was a deputy post
master at Reynoldsburg, in Ohio, and a supporter of the
Administration of General Jackson; that he hud peifor
med all the duties of his office with probity and fidelity;
that he was. nevertheless, dismissed from office in March
last by the Postmaster General, without any notice, charge,
or complaint of official misconduct; and that when he
appiied, through the Representative in Congress from his
district, for information of the grounds of his removal,
the following answer to his application was returned:
Post Office Depatrmbnt,
Appointment Office, April 6, 1840,
Sir :—In reply to your letter of the 2d instant, I am autho
rized by the Postmaster General to inform you that die re
cent change of Postmaster at Revnoldsburg, Ohio, was made
on representations which were deemed sufficient to show
that it was proper, but he declines showing you the papeis
in relation to the removal of James C. Reynolds, Esq., the
late incumbent.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
ROBERT JOHNSTON,
Second Assistant Postmaster General.
Hon. Joseph Ridgvvay, of Ohio,
House of Representatives, U. S.
The petition concluded by praying for an investigation
into the case, &c-
This petition, I understand, (said Mr. Clay.) has been
in the hands of other Senators, or Senator, who declined
presenting it. The petiiionoi is represented to me ns an
honorable man, as his high office in the militia of his Stale
implies; and I have not hesitated to offer his petition to
the consideration of the Senate, regretting only that, in
the present posture of' political nffuirs, no adequate prac
tical remedy can be obtained.
The power uf dismission from office is a tremendous one,
whether we regard its operation upon the individual, or its
probable ultimate effects upon the institutions of the coun
try. As to the individual, dismission implies delinquency
or incompet' ncy; and it inflicts on injury upon the charac
ter of himself, upon his family, and upon bis connexions.
The justice and humanity of our Constitutions and laws
have provided, in the ease of offenders, that a specific
charge shall be preferred against them, that they shall be
confronted by tho witnesses who are to establish it, heard
by themselves or their counsel in their defence, and tried
by a jury of their peers. But in expulsion from office, as
it is now practised, there is no accusation, no witnesses
known to tho accused, no defence, no trial. All is trans
acted in secret; and if the victim of tyranny applies, as in
this instance, through an organ as legitimate as his own
Representative, to the officer who has issued the fiat of
dismission, wrapping himself in the robes of official arro
gance, he haughtily, and with nonchalance, refuses to
deign to give any satisfactory answer, and contents him
self with replying, in vague nnd general terms, that he has
received information which satisfied him that a change
was proper!
If, Air. President, as is probable, this dismission, and
thousands of other similar dismissions, have proceeded
from a difference of opinion on the subject of the sub-trea
sury, or some other public measure, I would respectfully
ask, why should one subordinate servant of the People
have the power of dismissing another in consequence of
any such difference? Why should not Gen. Reynolds have
had the power of dismissing Postmaster Generul Kendall,
because of that difference, as well as the Postmaster Gen
eral should have a power to dismiss him ? If it may be
exercised for political, why may it not be for a religious
difference of opinion?
But, Mr. President, in considering this power of dis
mission, as practised under the past and present adminis
trations, its effects, unfeeling and cruel as they are upon
the condition and character of individual incumbents, sink
into insignificance in comparison with tho influence which,
if unchecked and unrebuked, it must ultimately exert upon
the free institutions of our country. The great prir.cple
which lies at their bottom is the perfect responsibility of
every public functionary for every official art which he
performs. That is the distinguishing characteristic be
tween free governments and despotisms. But what prac
tical responsibility is there for the exercise of this power?
The grounds of its exercise are wholly excluded from the
light; all is covered in mysterious secrecy. No charge,
no witnesses, no public examination, nopublic trial. If the
case of Gen. Reynolds, for example, were to'he considered
for impeachment, whom would you impeach, the President
or the Postmaster General ? For what would you impeach?
How could you make out the existence of a culpable motive,
indispensable to the success of impeachment ? If thedis-
missing officer were required to expose to the public view
the causes which induced him to exercise his authority,
public shame, or public opinion, or public punishment,
would impose an effectual restraint against wanton and
lawless abuse. As it is. impeachment would be a mockery.
I am aware, that in tbe progress of adminisiraiion, in
stance? will arise in which the exercise of the power of
dismission may he necessary ; but it should be confined to
incompetency or delinquency, and he rendered responsible
by u compulsory disclosure of the motives or grounds of
the proceeding. Such was the understanding of the power
at the commencement of this Government. As it has
been almost daily applied under the past and present Ad
ministrations, the inevitable effect will be to convert th
whole official corps into willing instruments nnd passive
tools of the Executive; and we witness that effect already,
in their interference in elections, ai d in the display of ail
unblushing partisan zeal, which would not be tolerated in
British or French monarchies. I have no hesitation in
expressing the deliberate opinion, that this power of dis
mission is wholly incompatible with the continued exist
ence of free Government ; and that, connected with some
other principles which of late have been avowed by the
Executive Department, if'it should remain unrestricted, it
must end in the subversion of the liberties of the country.
Hitherto this power has been limited to those engaged
in the civil service of the Government, and it hue not been
extended’to the army and the navy.’ But the march of
power is ever onward ; and when its advances alarm the
Public, it stops only until the Public becomes habituated
to them, and then it starts again in its career of encroach
ment and accumulation. All History.shows this to be its
progress, and our own Government presents no exception
to the rule. - I have never doubted that, unless there be
some effectual interposition emanating from the popular
will, the army and the navy will be finally leached.
Sir, 1 was greatly surprised and shocked by an article
which l read this morning in the National Intelligencer,
indicating the commencement of a system of control over
the officers of the army, by which it is intended to render
it subservient to mere party purposes and views. The ar
ticle is not long, and with the permission of the Senate,
I will read it:
“AIilitary Court of Inquiry.—A Court of Inquiry,
consisting of Brigadier General Wool, Colonel Garland,
and Major Andrews, is now in session at Burnum’s City
Hotel, room No. 103, Baltimore.
. “ The cause of this inquiry, we learn, is, that a commit
tee, purporting to be delegated by the Van Buren Conven
tion. have preferred charges against Alajor Lcndrum and
Captain Dusenbury, of tiie United States Army, now upon
the Baltimore station, of using the influence and patronage
of their offices, in the purchase of supplies for the army,
&c., to the benefit of the opponents of the present Admin
istration, and to the * injury and great wrong of the Demo
cratic party,’ disc. These grave charges were forwarded
in a letter to President Van Buren, signed by G. B. Wil
son, T. L. Murphy, Samuel Hurker, R. B. A. Tate, and
others, und requesting the removal of those officers forth
with from this station. This we believe to be the sub
stance of the charges. The President, it would seem, has
not thought it advisable to take the step required ; hut an
order from the Secretary of War has caused the subject to
be inquired into and investigated, for tbe purpose of future
action.
“ Alajor Lendrum is now before the Court, under exa
mination, and has for his counsel Gen. Wm. H..Marriott
and William L. Marshall, Esq., both of the Van Buren
party. A great number of witnesses are in attendance,
and many have already been examined.
“ The prosecuting committee are in attendance, assisted
by W. P. Maulsby, Esq., as counsel, also of the Van Bu
ren party.
“ It is altogether one of the most extraordinary pro
ceedings of tbe kind, we imagine, in the political history
of (his country or perhaps of uny oilier. As soon as the
proceedings have been gone through with, it is to be hoped
that the public will be made acquainted, in an authentic
form, with the whole.affair.—Baltimore Patriot.”
Assuming the correctness of this article, (and I bavc
had other information corroborative of its truth) it pre
sent a novel and most extraordinary slate of things. It
alleges that a committee of the Van Buren Convention
have preferred charges against two officers of the Army of
the. United States, of using the influence and patronage of
their offices in the pm chase of supplies for the Army,
Soc., to the benefit of tbe opponents of the present Admin
istration, and to tbe “ injury and great wrong of the De
mocratic party.” The charge, as represented, is not to
the injury and great wrong of the United States, but of the
Democratic party? These charges are said to have been
forwarded by persons, supposed to be members. of the
committee, to the President of the United States; but,
very creditable to him, he did not think it advisable to
tuke tho step of removing the officers from their station.
Ihe Secretary of War has, however, caused the subject to
be inquired into and investigated for the purpose of future
action. The same Secretaiy of War who has endeavored
to screen the Chief of the Cabinet of which he is a mem
ber, from the responsibility of a measure, expressly ap
proved by that chief, to raise out of the militia a military
force of 200,000 men! And this most unexampled prose
cution is conducted by the same committee of the Van
Buren Convention and their counsel!
In one respect tbe two officers of the army are treated
v«th at least more ceremony than Gen. Reynolds has been.
Charges are specified against them, and they are allowed
the forms of trial. But were such charges ever before
exhibited ? If the purchase of supplies is interdicted
from venders who are opponents ol the Administration,
ghe next step will be to extend the interdiction to supplies,
the production of farmers and others,-who may happen to
think it their duty to oppose the Administration. An
analogous preced -nt may he found iti the resolution to
which some abolitionists have brought thteinselves, to con
sume or use no article the produce of slave-labors.
I oall upon the Senate, and upon every member, sever
ally, as patriots, interested themselves and in their posteri
ty, to consider the dangerous consequences of the power
of dismission as now exercised. It is alien to the spirit,
and must tend to the destruction of our free institutions.—
The misfortune is, that in the party struggles of tbe coun
try, what one party does, the other is compelled or feels
itself constrained, from self-defence und from political ne
cessity, also to do. Both should unite in subjecting this
pow er, so suscejitible of ubuse and tyranny, to just and snlu-
tnry restraints. 1 regret that at present there is no prospect
of such union, or of the imposition of any restraints.—
I move, therefore, that the petition be laid on the table.
LETTER OF MR. TALMADGE, OF N- Y.
Washington, May 29, 1840.
AIy Dear Sir:—\ our letter of the 26th instunt was
duly received.
It is surprising to me that Ritchie’s bragging in die Rich
mond Enquirer about New-\ork, should give our friends
one moment s uneasiness. It is his “ vocation,” and it is
tbe habit of the lederul Loco-foco party to brag the lou
der the more they are beaten. Since their overthrow in
Connecticut, Rhode Island, Virginia, and in certain local
elections in Pennsylvania, their prospects have brightened
wonderfully! They are looking up, because they are on
their backs! I understand their game pertectly. They
know they cannot make a decent fight in other States,
unless they can persuade their friends that Air. Van Buren
can recover Nevv-York. Without it, he has not the re
motest chance of success. As to his prospects in New-
York, I have no hesitation in giving you my candid opin
ion, that he will be beaten by a much larger majority than
that of the last two years. I have the best sources of in
formation. I have an extensive correspondence all over
the State, and from my peculiar position, am enabled to
judge with much accuracy of our elections. For the last
two years, I have predicted the result with an accuracy al
most equal to the ufficial canvass—aud I now say to you
that Gen. Harrison’s majority, in my judgment, will not
be less than fifteen thousand. We hope to swell it much
beyond that. I have not heard of a single man that has
cone over to the Administration since the last election.—
But I know and have heard of hundreds and hundreds, in
different counties, who have abandoned it since that time,
and are now co-opeiating with their old Democratic Re
publican friends in putting down Air. Van Burcn'sold Fed
eral doctrines. Amongst this number are men of the
highest standing and influence in their respective counties.
What possible ground, then, is there for Air. Ritchie
or any other man to claim Nevv-York for this Federal Ad
ministration ? It is preposterous. hat claims do they
present to the People, from which they expect to derive
more favor than for the last three years ? The confidence
of the People has been more and more impaired during
that period ; the mercantile, the manufacturing, and the
mechanic interests of tho country have heretofore felt the
deleterious influence of the measures of the Administration.
Now, that influence has reached the farming interests—
aud you tnay rely upon it, none of these interests will tame
ly submit to have their goods, their manufactures, their la
bor, and the products of the soil, as well as their lands,
reduced one-half or two-thirds in value, in order to enjoy
the blessings of the hard money currency of Cuba, or of
any other despotism, whose example the President has
recommended for our imitation. No. sir, the free laborers
of this country will never consent to have the price ot their
labor reduced to the same level with tiie peasants of Ger
many or the serfs of Russia ; nor will the tillers of the
soil consent that the products of their farms shall be re
duced in price so low as not to pay the cost of production;
nor will the farmers consent that their lands shall be reduc
ed two-thirds in value—that where they have purchased
a farm, for example, for $15,000, paid $10,000 in cash,
and mortgaged it for $5000, that it shall be sold from un
der them for the amount of the mortgage, and their wives
and children turned out of doors, without shelter and with
out bread. Such are the legitimate effects of the doctrines
now maintained by tlr.s Administration, and which ns
friends and supporters ate every where urging upon the
country; and which will be established beyond the hope
of redemption, if Air. Van Buren shall be re-elected.
Of his re-election there is not the faintest prospect. In
regard to Nevv-York—I speak without the least hesitation,
and with the most entire confidence—he has no possible
hope of success there. Why should he have? The chan
ges have been constantly against him for the last three
years, and none :n his favor. At the extra session in 1837
I predicted his overthrow in that State. At the Novem
ber election of that year he was swept away as by a hur
ricane. At the next seesiou of Congress he apologized to
his friend* by saying that there were 40.000 voters who
did not come to the polls, but would be out for him at the
next election. Well, sir, in 1838 these 40,000 came out,
ar.d 25,000 in addition, and he was beaten by more than
10,000 majority. He again consoled his friends for this
unexpected defeat, by saying that in the next campaign
he would take the field in person. He did so; ne tra
versed the whole State, on a mere electioneering tour; and
with the exception of the city of New-York, the result in
the Legislature showed a larger majority against him than
the year before. In aimost every contested county the
popular vote against him was increased. There was no
tailing off but from local causes anywhere, except in the
old Western district, which is so immensely strong that
there was no necessity of giving a full vote but at a general
election. That old district will give Harrison fifteenthou-
sand majority.
The late charter election in the city of New-York has
satisfied both friend and foe, that under ihe registry law,
Harrison will carry the city in the fall by a decisive vote.
You must recollect, too, that hist year we had every thing
to discourage and dishearten our friends. Many gave up
all fur lost after they heard the disastrous accounts from
Tennessee and Indiana. But there were some indomita
ble spirits, that never doubt or falter in a good cause.—
The}’ rallied,and soon convinced the People t'.iai New-York
could sustain herself, and wa3 not to be influenced by any
news abroad, however unpropitious. At this time, eyery
man of the opposition is confident of success. It is not an
over-confidence that begets inaction; it is a confidence
which invigorates and inspires, and which iinpells to great
er exertion. It is a confidence, in short, which will justi
fy thee-xpectalions of our friends, and disappoint the hopes
of our enemies.
After all we have-done in Nevv-York for the last three
years, under the most unfavorable auspices, it is not a lit
tle mortifying to us now, with all our bright prospects be
fore us, that u single friend abroad should for one moment
permit a doubt of our triumphant success in the fall, to
cross'his mind. New-York is just as certain for Harris
on, as that the time of election comes round. And if my
old friend Ritchie, who goes for meif., and uol.pt inciplcs,
would like to venture a suit of clothes oil the issue, I shoud
be pleased to accommodate him ; or if he does not choose
to venture it on New-York, I will take it on the Union; or
if, as Bardolph says, he will be “ better accommodated,”
I will take a suit on each.
A Democratic Republican State Convention will soon
be called at the old head-quarters at Syracuse. It will be
held about the first of October. There will be a Conser
vative rally on that occasion, such as has not been known
before in the State. The real Democracy will be there,
to take the most ellfectua! measures against .the federal
usurpations of Air. Van Buren. New York adheres to
herpld Democratic Republican principles, and will not be
driven into the ullra-Federalism of this Administration.
From the days of Geo. Clint-on to the present time, she
has resisted the encroachments’ of Executive power, and
the usurpations of the Federal Government. She will
continue to resist them, whether urged upon her by Martin
Van Buren or Thomas Ritchie. It is no reason, because
these gentlemen have abandoned their principles and turned
Federalists, that the Democratic Republicans of New
York or of Virginia should follow their example. In New
York they will adhere to tbeir old principles, and will as
semble in Convention at Syracuse to resist Federal aggres
sions, as dftr forefathers assembled, in the time of tiie Rev
olution, to resist the Stamp Act and the Tea Tax. I beg,
therefore, you will dismiss all apprehensions about New
York, and set down her 42 votes as the capital on which
Harrison will commence business ; and that, I think, is a
pretty fair beginning for a “Jog cabin and hard-cider”
candidate. I have devoted myself for the last three years
to the reform of this Administration ; I have enlisted lor
the war, and }ou may rest assured that I shall not stop
till the final battle in November is fought and won. That
accomplished, and Harrison elected, I shall feel that the
country is safe, our free institutions restored to their ori
ginal purity, and that we may once more enter upon a train
of uninterrupted prosperity. And 1 shall also feel that I
can say, with much greater propriety than Air. Van Buren
said on another occasion, “ It is glory enough to have ser
ved under such a chief.” ’
I have written a much longer letter than I intended
when I commenced-; but, having said thus much, I will
odd a little more, by way of giving my estimate bt the
Presidential election, I have taken great pains to get the
most accurate information. I have not only consulted
members of Congress, but I have had a very extensive cor
respondence throughout the L nion. AIy sources of infor
mation may be implicitly relied on; and I say to you, with
the utmost sincerity, that, in my judgment, General Har
rison will be elected by a more triumphat majority than
General Jackson received in liis palmiest day. In wri
ting to you as a friend, I have not only no motive, but no
disposition, to mislead or exaggerate. I give my estimate
below, on which 1 place the most implicit reliance, and
sincerely believe the resuli will fully satisfy it.
Harrison.
Massachusetts . - 14
Vermont - * 7
Connecticut - * 8
Rhode Island - ’ 4
New-York 42
New-Jersey - 8
Pennsylvania - - 30
Delaware - 3
Ataiyland - - 10
Virginia - - 23
North Carolina • ’ - 15
Georgia . - - 11
Louisiana - - 5
Tennessee - - 15
Kentucky - - 15
Illinois 5
Indiana . . 9
Ohio - - 21
Michigan - 3.
Harrison
Van Buren.
New Hampshire
South Carolina
Arkansas
Doubtful.
Maine
Alississippi
Alabama
Missouri
\(?
4
7
4
25
The w hole number of Electoral votes is 295 necec ,
to a choice 143. You will perceive, then, that Har
will have 100 votes beyond the number requisite ^
him. I have given Mr. Van Buren New Ha f.
which I know will he a mailer of complaint with
friends there; for they have determined to make b a „i°V p
a way to shake even the granite hills. Perhaps 1 0 , C | n
to make a similar apology in regard lo Arkansas. ] j'’
also given him South Carolina, which will go for Hi l8Ve
less, by December, when the vote is to be cast J] r V-" 1 "
houn shall think the interests of the country re'qui - ■ • "
be given to a third man as heretofore! Of the 05 j " ,0
fill votes, I think Harrison’s chanc e decidedly theY
for a majority of them; and if the tide of public- sen!!-
continues to set as strongly as it has done, AJ r , Van
bv November next, will scarcely have a State he r Uren '
his own. ’ ' fal1
I look forward to the above result v.ith the most r Pr f,
confidence, and with the most pleasing anticipations qy- Ct
a rebuke will it (>.- of ihe atlempted usurpation of a |i l*
powers of this Government, and the practical subvers ^
of its fundamental principles! Wba; a triumphant re-u,"
ration of thepower? of Congress, when freedomof the l"
and of action shall be once mere vouchsafed to the P lfI ,
sentatives of the People and of the States. 1 ’
Excuse the haste with which I have written, urdor f 10
pressure of numerous engagements, and believe me v * .
truly yours. N. F. TALLMADGe!™
MEETING IN SUMTER.
At a meeting of a portion of the State Rights parly 0 f
Sumter county, hold at Americas, on the 23d of Mav la«t
William Tinsley, Esq. was called to the Chair,and
John H. Blount, Esq., appointed Secretary.
The object of the meeting having been made known some
days previous bv public advertisement. Col. W. J. Patter-
son, Alaj. Robinson, Dr. A. Rees, Dr. McGoldrick, aid
Eason Smith, Esq., were appointed a Committee to pre-
pare for the consideration of the meeting a suitable ex
pression of opinion on the approaching Presidential elec-
tion. The Committee having retired for a few mnmem-
returned and reported the following Preamble and Reso
lutions:
Whereas the present Administration of the General
Government has evinced beyond all doubt, its utter incom
petency to meet the just expectations of the American
people; it has busied itself more in contriving plana f or
tire maintenance of Executive power and patronage, than
in attending to the true interests of the country; it has
been guilty of a shameless departure from Republican
simplicity and economy, in the disbursement of the public
moneys; it has attempted, n.;d with fearful success, tn
establish the practice of making office the reward of ser
vile obedience to executive dictation ; it lias manifested
the strongest disposition to engraft upon our instil;--
for all coining time, tbe unconstitutional, kingly,;,
testable doctrine of Executive succession ; it has with u.-
sufferable arrogance inflicted a deep and incurable wound
upon the Constitution, by openly, publicly, and flagitiously
disfranchizing one of the Sovereign States of this Confede
racy ; and whereas it is the duty of every good citizen to
oppose to the extent of his power, but always in accordamv
with the paramount claims of virtue and the Constitutioi
the re-election of Martin Van Buren—
Be it therefore tcsolved. That in the opinion of this
meeting, it is expedient to send delegates to represent this
county in the State Rights Convention to be held at Alil-
ledgeville in June next, for the purpose of nominating
Electors of President and Vice-President.
Resolved, That it is inexpedient to instruct our dele
gates as to the course they are <0 pursue in Convention,
since that would bo to defeat a calm and unbiassed Jeci
sion of the matters submitted to that body, in the li^ht of
the united councils of the State Rights party.
Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, two
great objects demand the special attention, the dispassion
ate enquiry, and the harmonious action of the Convention.
1st. To maintain the strength and integrity of the State
Rights party. 2d. To prevent Georgia from giving her
vote to Air. Van Buren.
Resolved, That though we deem it improper to instruct
our delegates, yet between Van Buren and Harrison, we
cannot hesitate to vote for the latter as a choice of evils, if
the Convention determine that the choice must be made.
The preamble, together with the 1st, 2d, and 3d resolu
tions, was read, and without remark, unanimously adopted;
and upon taking the question upon the last resolution, Cul.
Patterson and Wm. H. Crawford, Esq., each made a
speech of considerable length, and with much earnestness,
in support of the resolution; and it was adopted only by two
or three dissenting voices.
The Committee to select delegates to attend the Con
vention, reported the names of James K. Daniel, John
S. Hames, and Wright Brady, which nomination was
confirmed by the meeting.
On motion of Col. Patterson, it was
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be
signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and published in
the Macon Messenger, Columbus Enquirer, the Southern
Recorder, and the Chronicle and Sentinel, of Augusta.
WILLIAM TINSLEY, Chairman.
John H. Blount, Secr’y.
Macon, June 4th, 18315.
At a large and enthusiastic meeting of the Tippecanoe
Club of Bibb County, and other citizens opposed to the
Administration, held this day, the following Resolutions
were adopted.
Resolved. That we highly approve the result of the de
liberations ofthe late Convention at Milledgeville, and heiv-
by pledge ourselves, to co-operate in carrying out the
patriotic measures, recommended by that distinguised
body.
Resolved, That we hail with pleasure, the contemplat
ed assemblage of a general Convention of the people of
Georgia opposed to the Administration, in this place, on
the second Thursday in August, and that a committee of
twenty-five be appointed to make all suitable arrangements
for the reception of the Convention.
Resolv'd, That the citiz°ns of Georgia be cordially in
vited to be represented in that Convention, and that our
arms, our hearts, and our houses be opened for their re
ception.
Resolved, That a Committee of Correspondence, to
consist of eleven, be appointed by the Chair, to extend in
vitations to such citizens of the United States, and of the
State of Georgia, as they may deem proper, to bo present
with us on that occasion.
Resolved, That our Electoral and Congressional Tick
et be uiged, to canvass the question of the next Presiden
tial Election, before the ehtire people of Georgia.
Resolved, That these resolutions be published in all the
Papers in the State, opposed to the Administration.
In obedience with the foregoing Resolutions, the Chair
man appointed the following committees.
Committee of Arragcments.—Levi Eckley, Jerry
Cowles. Wm. Scott, Henry A. Candler, John S. Al. Bald
win. Thomas A. Brown, Isaac Scott, A. Peabody, Jeremiah
Smith, Geo. A. Kimberly, Simri Ro-e, Geo. Vigal,
Charles Sears, S. M. Strong, Cephas Smith, F. Wrigley.
Jehu Campbell, Z. T. Conner, J. L Saulsbury. Robert
Carver; R. R. Graves, R. L. Graves, Lovett Jeter, Young
Johnston,.O. Saltmarsh.
Committee of Correspondence.—Dr. Ambrose Baber,
A. H. Chappell, Washington Poe, James A. Nisbet, Ever-
ard Hamilton, C. W. Raines, U. J. Bullock, I. G. Sey
mour, James Wimberly, John S. Childers, T. G. Holt.
ELIAS BEALL, President.
S. Rose, Rec. Secretary.
248 Van Buren and doubtful, 47
Elections.—-The following table will be found handy
as a matter of Reference. It has been compiled with
great care, and is believed to be accurate:
State. State Election. Pres. Elec.
N. Hampshire, March 10 November 2
Connecticut, April 6
Rhode Island, . “ 15 “
Virginia, “ 23 - “ “
“Louisiana, July 6
Alabama, August 3
Kentucky, “ 3 . “ -
Indiana,
“Illinois, “ 3
Missouri, ” 3 . * “
Tennessee, “ ®
.N. Carolina, in August “ J-
.“Vermont, Sept. 1
“Maine, - . ’ - “ 14 “ 2
“Georgia, Oct. 5
Alaryland, “ 7
S. Carolina, “ 12
“Pennsylvania “ 13
“Ohio. “ 13
“New-York, November 23 & 24
“New-Jersey, “ 3 4
Mississippi, “ & *
Michigan, “ & “
Arkansas, “ & “
“Massachusetts, “ &
“Delaware, “ 10 ’
“Those States marked with a star, ehoooe members 0.
Congress on the same day that State officers are c e n.
The Electors meet at the capitols ofthe respective 1
in which they are chosen, on the second day <’ eC p
ber, and give in. their ballots for Preskieut and ice
by Legislature
November C
« 6
“ 23 & 24
“ 3 & 4
sident.
Wiro ts Abner Lacock ?—And wbots thw . ••
ner Lacock, who made the motion in tbe Senate o
U States, to strike the name of Gen. Hat risen from ^
resolution proposing ti gold medal and the thanks ut
gress to him and Gov. Shelby? He is the same . r- ^
cock who oace moved to censare Gen. Jackson for niss
duct in the Army; the same Mr. Lacock whose eai?
Jackson once threatened to cut off. He is the same - ^
Lacock who was a contractor (be furnishing th® phj of
Gen. Harrison with provisions, who was «t>-
his duty that the army was obliged ut one time to - u
for days on raw beef; and who for this negoct
through the influence of Gen. Harrison, deprrvedofhtsc -
When the people we once- by
had been prevtously disgraced for J circumstance
al Harrison, they will not be.nrpnfcdi-«
of this same Mr. Lacock striving, at -f ' w itbou* any
to fix the badge of disgrace on Gen. Ham son wuac
fi
i