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BY GRIEVE & ORME, State Printers.]
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JUNE 23, 1840
[NO. 23—VOL. XXI.
rrj= The Recorder is published weekly, on Hancock
street, nearly opposite the Masonic Hall, at Three Dol-
Lttts pet annum, payable in advance, or Four Doi.lars
it' not paid before the end of the year. No paper sent out
of the State, to any new subscriber, without being first paid
for in advance.
Advertisements conspicuously inserted at the usual
rates. Those sent without a specification of the number of
insertions, will be published until ordered out, and charged
accordingly.
Sales of land and negroes, by Administrators, Execu ors,
or Guardians, are required by law to beheld on the first
Tuesday in the month, between the hoarsi of ten in the fore
noon and three in the afternoon, at the Court-house of the
county in which the property is situate.—Notices of these
sales must be given in a public gazette SIXTY days previous
to the day of sale. .
Notices for the sale of personal property must be given
in like manner, FORTY days previous to the day of sale.—
•Visi, notice to die debtors and creditors of an estate must be
published for forty days.
r Notice lliat application will be made to the Court oi Ordina
ry for leave to sell land, must be published for FOUR MONTHS.
• A !l business in the line of PRINTING, will meet with
prompt itteiition at the Recorder Office.
Letters (on business) must be post-paid.
, -j=> Q ur readers, in requesting the direction of their pa-
r L .handed from one Post Ollice to another, are desired, in
every instance, in making such requests,to inform us as well
of the name of the Post Office from which they desire it
changed, as that to which they may thereafter wish it sent.
4 N ACT to alter the 3d ,7tli and 12th sections of the first
\ article, and the 1st, 2d and 3.1 sections of the 3d article,
and the 15th section of the 4th article of the Constitution of
Whereas a part of the 3d section of the 1st article of the
Constitution is in the following words, viz: The Senate
shall be elected annually; and a part of the 7th section of
the 1st article, is in the following words: The Representa-
tives shall be iThosen annually; and a part of tlie 12tn sec
tion of the 1st article is in the following words: The meeting
of the General Assembly shall be annually ; And whereas a
part of the 3d section of the 3d article is in the following
words: There shall he a State’3 Attorney and Solicitor ap
pointed by the Legislature and commissioned by the Gov
ernor, who shall hold their office for the term of three years ;
and a part of the 15th section of the 4th article is in the fol
lowing words: The same shall be published at least six
oiooths previous to the next ensuing annual election, for
members of the General Assembly: And whereas the before
recited clauses require amendments—
SECTION 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre-
seutatircs of the State of Georgia in General Assembly met. and
it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, That so soon as
this act shall have passed, agreeably to the requisitions of
the Constitution, the following shall be adopted in lieu of
the foregoing clauses: In the 3d section of the 1st article,
the following, to wit: The Senate shall be elected bi-annually.
after the passage of this act; the first election to take place
oil the first Monday in the year one thousand eight hundred
and forty-three. In lieu of the 7th section of the 1st article,
the following : The Representatives shall be elected bi-an-
nuallv, after the passage of this act, the first election to take
place on the first Monday in October, in the year one thou
sand eignt hundred and forty three; and in lieu of the clause
in die 12th section of the 1st artic.e, the following : The meet
ing „f the General Assembly shall be bi-annually, after the
passage of this act, on the first Monday in November. And
in lieu of the clause in the 3d section of the 3d article, the
following, to wit: There shall be a State’s Attorney and So
licitor elected by the Legislature, who shall hold their office
for the term of four years; and in lieu of the clause in the
15th section of the 4th article, the following ; The same shall
be published at least six months previous to the next ensuing
bi-annual election for members of the General Assembly;
the provisions of this act not to go into effect until the year
one thousand eight hundred and forty-three.
SEC. 2. And be it farther enacted bg the authority aforesaid,
That whenever it shall so happen that the term of office of any
of the Judges, State’s Attornev or Solicitors, shall expire at
anv time during the recess of the General Assembly, then
and in that case it shall be the duty of !;is Excellency the
Governor to fill such vacancy, by appointment, until the
next. General Assembly thereafter to be held, when such
vacancy shall be filled by election by the Legislature, until
the next election of Judges, State’s Attorney or Solicitors
slia.ll take place.
JOSEPH DAY,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
ROBERT M. ECHOLS,
President of the Senate.
Assented to, December 23d, 1839.
CHARLES J. McDONALD, Governor.
March 31, 1840. l 1 6m
CENTRAL BASK AGENCY.
rfAIIE undersigned offer their services as agents in the
A renewal of Notes at the Central Bank. They will at
tend to all Notes entrusted to their care, for the customary
fee of one dollar; also, to the taking out and forwarding
Grants at one dollar each.
They will also attend to the offering of Notes for discount,
at the distribution of the Central Bank, advertised to com
mence on the 16th July, and all orders in regard to the dis
position of the money will be promptly attended to.
BCP Letters enclosing notes or money must be post paid.
THOMAS RAGLAND,
THO. H. HALL.
Milledgeville, June 16, 1840. 22 tf
» The Columbus Enquirer and Sentinel and Herald,
isert three times.
aTak d I
M RS. FITZGERALD respectfully informs parents and
guardians, that she can accommodate Boarders with
comfortable rooms, with fire places, wood, washing and can
dles, at ten dollars per month, for the Rev. Mr. Hillyer's Fe
male Seminary in Scottsboro.’
June 10,1840 22 2t
CONVENTION OF JUDGES.
T HE Judges of the Superior Courts, will meet in Con
vention in this city on Monday, the 29th day of June
instant, it being the 5th Monday.
Bv order of the Judges,
CARLTON B. COLE, Chairman.
Milledgeville, June 3. 1840 21 3t
BROUGHT TO JAIL,
A NEGRO MAN about 5 feet 8 inches high, light com
plexion, says he belongs to George Walker, of Twiggs
county, Ga. Said negro runaway from a plantation of Walk
er’s in Houston county, from the overseer, John Doe; says
his name is George. Said negro is about27 years old. The
owner can have him by proving property, and paying ex
penses. JESSE HURST, Jailor.
Tattnall county, Ga., 30th May, 1840. 21 3t
LAND AGENCY.
T HOSE who own lands in the counties of Early and
Randolph, and who cannot conveniently themselves
examine them, are informed that the undersigned, for a rea
sonable compensation, say $10 a Lot, will examine carefully
any Lot in said counties, and give the owner by letter as mi
nute and correct information in relation to the quality, value,
and other details of their lands, as if they had examined
them themselves. Letters may be addressed to me, post
paid, at Fort Gaines. J. G. GILBERT.
March 31, 1840. 11 if
AUBURN FE1IALG INSTITUTE.
rpiHE second term of this Institution will commence on
Monday the 22d instant, under the superintendance of
Dr. Longfellow, whose labors the first term have been
crowned with extraordinary success, and gave universal sa
tisfaction to a large, intelligent and respectable audience who
witnessed the examination.
His plan of instruction is the most thorough, correct and
profitable, of any with which we are acquainted. Those
who wish to combine usefulness, elegance, durability and
cheapness, will find it greatly to their advantage to patronize
this Institution. Board can be had for $8 per month. Tui
tion as follows:
The elementary branches, including Geography and Arith
metic, per tenn of five months, $15
The above, with Grammar, per tenn of 5 months, 18
The above, with any or all of the higher branches, 20
French, Spanish, or German, each, 10
Music on the Piano Forte, 25
The School is in possession of a most excellent and exten
sive Astronomical, Philosophical and Chemical Apparatus,
of the latest improvements. There are yet on hand, a tew
handsome building lots in the village, with land contiguous,
for raising most of the necessaries a family will need. There is
no place in the State combining more advantages than Jeffer
sonville. Good water, a healthy situation, a moral, religions
and intelligent population ; far removed from the soul de
stroyingdissipation oi most of the towns and villages of the
State, and yet sufficiently near Milledgeville and Macon to
derive all necessary advantages from them. Gentlemen are
invited to call and see for tnemselves.
WILLIAM CHOICE, Sec’ry.
Raines' Store. Twiggs co., June 13, 1840 22 ltn
HARRISON EOT SALE*.
4 PUBLIC SALE of the lots in the town of Harrison,
xjL which has recently been laid off and established as the
county seat of Hamilton Co. Ten., will be made on the prem
ises. on the 23d day of June. 1840.
Harrison is situated on the South side of Tennessee river
on a beautiful plain near the former residence of Jo. Vann,
about one forth of a mile from the river, and is furnished
with an abundant supply of most excellent water by two large
springs in the immediate vicinity : one of which is so far in
cluded in the plan of the town, as to make it common to all.
It is very near the centre of a county, which for population
wealth and commerce, it is believed, will soon be second to
none in East Tennessee ; possesses all the advantages to be
derived from t he navigation and trade of the river, with a short
direct and easy intercourse with Georgia, which may be
greatly facilitated by the construction of a Railroad from it
to connect with the 'Western and Atlantic Railroad of Ga.,
from which it is situated only about 7 miles, and for which
connexion a charter lias already been granted bv the Staleof
Tennessee.
An amount not to exceed 10 per ct of the purchase money
will be required to be paid in hand. For the balance, a
credit of twelve months will be given, the payment of which
must be secured by bond, good personal security and a lieu
upon the property sold.
WM. CLIFT,
GEORGE LUTTRELL
HENRY GOTCHER
JONATHAN WOOD |
JOS. G SMITH, { g
ALFRED M. ROGERS, I
JAMES A. WHITESIDE. J O
May 14, 1840 20 4t
ADDRESS
Of J■ C. Alford, JVm. C. Dawson, Richard
TF. Habersham, Thos. Butler King, E. A.
Nisbct, and Lott Warren, Representatives
from the State of Georgia in the twenty-
sixth Congress of the United States, to
their Constituents.—May 27, 1840.
• Fellow-citizens :—Recent indications are,
as we think, sufficiently plain to show that
Georgia feels the importance of the pending
Presidential election, and that she wil! cast
her vote for Gen. Harrison or Mr. Van Buren.
It therefore becomes the duty of those whose
names may be taken into consideration by the
convention which is to assemble on the first
Monday in June, for the purpose of nomina
ting your candidates for Congress, to express
to you fully and freely their opinions of the
candidates for the Presidency of the United
States. So far as this responsibility may rest
upon us, if we had been disposed to permit
the expressions we have already given to the
public to pass as sufficient evidence of our
support of Gen. Harrison, the attacks which
have been recently made on him, would re
quire from us an exposition of his character
and principles. We, therefore, proceed at
once to the consideration of the charges which
have been made against him.
Gen. Harrison, it is said, ought not to be
supported “ because he is a federalist; that he
supported the black cockade administration of
the cider Adams ; that he supported the admin
istration of the younger Adams ; that he has
never changed his federal notions; tho.t he is
still a federalist; and must derive his main
support from that party”
It has been attempted to prove this sweep
ing denunciation, by showing—
1st. That in the year 1798, Gen. Harrison
was appointed Secretary of the Territory
northwest of the Ohio river, and in 1800,
Governor of the Territory of Indiana, by the
elder Adams.
2d. That, in the year 1826, John Randolph
charged Gen. Harrison, in the Senate of the
United States, with having been a supporter
of the administration of the elder Adams.
3d. That Gen. Harrison was, on the 22d
May, 1828, appointed minister to Colombia
by John Quincy Adams ; and,
4th. That Mr. Webster has said: “He
(Gen. Harrison) has now been selected by the
general voice of those whose political princi
ples agree with his own, to go to the head of
the column, and to bear up, and advance the
flag under which it is hoped those principles
may be maintained and defended.”
We omit here an extiact from Gen. Harri
son’s Cheviot speech, which we shall notice
in its proper place.
Fellow-citizens, these are the charges which
have gravely been paraded before you, to
prove “ that Gen. Harrison is a federalist, has
alivays acted with that party, and is now their
candidate.”
In regard to the appointments which Gen.
Harrison received from the elder Adams, it
is only necessary to corsider, that it has ever
been the obvious and uniform policy of the
people of the Territories, not to mingle, in
any way, in the political contests of the States,
to perceive at once that his political opinions
could have had no influence, one way or the
other, with the President. Having entered
the Territory at an early period—fought the
Indians, and protected the inhabitants, he was
unquestionably their choice, and better quali-
fled to discharge the duties assigned him, than
any other individual. If having received an
appointment from the elder Adams is to be
considered as an unpardonable political sin,
then would the Father of his country, the im
mortal Washington, be condemned by the
same tribunal that would pass sentence against
Harrison. At page 284, Executive Journal,
you will find the following message :
“ Gentlemen of the Senate—I nominate George Wash
ington. of Mount Vernon, to be lientenant-general and
commander-in-chief, of all the armies raised, or to he
raised in the United States. JOHN ADAMS.
“ United States, July 2, 1798.”
On the same page it is recorded that the
Senate resolved unanimously, “ that they do
advise and consent to the appointment agree
ably to the nomination.” Washington ac
cepted the appointment. We confidently ap
peal to you, fellow-citizens, to say whether
Harrison is to be censured or condemned for
having acted in a similar manner. Residing, as
he did, in a territory, he had no means or oppor
tunity of supporting the administration of the
Federal Government. On the fourth page of
a circular, which has recently been issued, we
find a mis-statement of an important fact in
regard to the appointments which Gen. Har
rison received from Mr. Jefferson. The au
thor says:—
“ I have noticed among the resolutions submitted by
the committee at the meeting in Macon, that it is stated
that, ‘ on the formation of the Indiana Territory, he was
appointed by Mr. Jefferson, and by Mr. Madison, gover
nor of that large and interesting dependency of the Union.’
The committee will perceive they have made a mistake,
as I have already shown. Instead of having been ap
pointed by Mr. Jefferson, he was appointed by the elder
Adams. Mr. Jefferson found him in office when he came
to tiie Presidential chair, and did not remove him ; so did
Mr. Madison.”
If the author had taken the trouble to turn
to page 441,Executive Journal, he would there
have found that in a message to the Senate,
dated July 4, 1803, among others, Mr. Jeffer
son makes the following nominations :
“ I nominate William Henry Harrison to be Governor
of Indiana Territory, from the 13th day of May next,
when his present commission as Governor will expire.”
William Henry Harrison, of Indiana, to be commi
ssioner to enter into any treaty or treaties, which may be
necessary, with the Indian tribes, northwest of the Ohio,
and within the territory of the United States, on the sub
ject of their boundaries or lands.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.”
General Harrison, therefore, received both
these important appointments at the same
time. On the 15th December, 1806, General
Harrison was re-appointed Governor of Indi
ana by Mr. Jefferson—See 2d vol. Executive
Journal, page 44.
On the 19th of December, 1809, Gen. Har
rison was appointed Governor of Indiana ter
ritory by Mr. Madison.—See vol. 2, Executive
Journal, page 130.
On the 9th November, 1812, Gen. Harrison
was appointed brigadier-general, and, on the
27th February, 1813, major general, by Mr.
Madison.—See vol. 2, Executive Journal,
pages 296, 300, 329.
The committee, it will therefore be per
ceived, made no mistake, and that Gen. Har
rison was twice appointed Governor of Indi
ana Territory, and commissioner to make all
necessary treaties with the Indian tribes north
west of the Ohio—a more important appoint
ment than that of Governor—by Mr. Jefferson;
and once appointed Governor, and also, briga
dier general and major general by Mr. Madi
son ; making in all, six appointments by Jef
ferson and Madison, and hut two by the elder
Adams. If, therefore, as is argued in the cir
cular, the appointment to, and the acceptance
of officers to be considered as proof of fede
ralism or republicanism, Gen. Harrison re
quires no further vindication from us, and may
he considered by you, fellow-citizens, as tri
umphantly acquitted of the charge which has
been preferred against him.
We now come to the second item of proof
adduced—the attack which was made in the
Senate of the United States, by John Ran
dolph, on Gen. Harrisor, in the year 1826.
We desire it borne in mind, that Mr. Ran
dolph, in his rabid support of Gen. Jackson,
was in the habit of denouncing all who did
not agree with him in opinion, with very much
the same degree of truth and justice that the
Globe now exercises when it calls Southern
members of Congress, and all who do not
support Mr. Van Buren, fedeialists and abo
litionists. The author of the circular having
shown, as it would seem, to his own satisfac
tion, that Gen. Harrison was a federalist in
1800, because he accepted two appointments
from the elder Adams, proceeds to show that
Mi. Randolph’s attack, and Gen. Harrison’s
reply, in the Senate, prove him to have been
a federalist in 1826. That you may have an
accurate knowledge of the use he has thought
proper to make of this portion of his evidence
against Gen. Harrison, we quote the following
sentences from the 2d and 3d pages of the
“ Circular
“ It would not seem necessary to produce other evi
dence; but, as it is convenient, I will call your attention
to his own admissions as late as 1826. In the Senate of
the United States, in that year, (1326) as may be seen in
‘ Congre.-sional Debates,’ by Gales & Seaton, in the first
part of tho 2d vol., and at page 359, John Randolph, of
Virginia, said that the difference between himself and Gen.
Harrison was vital; that they differed ‘fundamentally and
totally,’ and did when they first took their seats in Con
gress. Speaking of Harrison, he said : * He was an open,
zealous, and frank supporter of the sedition-law and black-
cockade administration ; and I was as zealous, frank, and
open an opponent of the black-cockade and sedition-law
administration. We differ fundamentally and totally; we
never can agree about measures or about men. I do not
mean to dictate to the gentleman ; let us agree to differ as
gentlemen ought to do, especially natives of the same
State, who are antipodes to each other in politics.’ Now,
this specific charge was made by John Randolph, on the
20th of March, 1826. The reply of Gen. Harrison is re
ported in the same volume of debates, and at pages 364
and ’5, in which he said, that * he could not refrain from
making his acknowledgment to the gentleman from Vir
ginia, (Mr. Randolph) for the notice he had been pleased
to take of him. He had been pleased to say, that in the
administration of Mr. Adams, I was a federalist; and he
comes to that conclusion from the course pursued by me in
1799 and 1800.’ I wish it borne in mind that Mr. Ran
dolph charged him to his face with being a zealous, open,
frank supporter of the sedition-law and black-cockade ad
ministration. He then proceeds in reply : ‘ At that ses
sion the gentleman and myself met for the first time: he
in the station of Representative from Virginia, and 1 in
the more humble one of Delegate from the Northwestern
Territory. Having no vote, 1 did not think it proper to
take part in the discussion of any of the great political
questions which divided the two parties. My business
was to procure the passage of the bills which 1 had intro-
duC' d for the benefit of the people I represented. The
gentleman had no means of knowing my political princi
ples, unless he obtained them from private conversations.
As I was on terms of intimacy with the gentleman, it is
very probable that he might have heard me express senti
ments favorable to the then Administration. I certainly-
felt them, so far at least as to the course pursued by it in
relation to the Government of France.’ The cha.ge is
made direct and unequivocal, and the answer does not de
ny, but admits the charge; but insists he made no public
speech to that effect in the House of Representatives, in
asmuch as be had no vote ; and that Mr. Randolph must
have heard it from him in private conversations. \et he
admits the charge true. In the same speech he says:
‘ For Mr. Adams, I entertained at that time, and have
ever since entertained, the greatest respect. I believe him
to be an honest man and a pure patriot; and his conduct
during that session proved him to be such. This opinion,
I know, was-entertained by those two able and upright
statesmen, John Marshall and James A. Bayard.’ These
are the expressed opinions of Gen. Harrison, concerning
John Adams and his-administration, in his speech of 1826.
Take the charge made by John Randolph, which he knew
to be true before he made it; the acknowledgment of Gen.
Harrison—his high esteem for the purity and patriotism
of the elder Adams; and his receiving the appointment of
Governor of Indiana, from his friend and patron. If he
were now upon his trial for Federalism, he might pick hii
own jury and they would find him guilty."
Fellow-citizens, we are persuaded you will
think with us, that it would be a mere mocke
ry of justice, to allow a person accused to
“ pick his own jury,” if his accusers were
permitted to select the testimony. We are
not willing to allow it in this case ; and now
submit to your candid consideration the con
nected remarks of Mr. Randolph, and Gen.
Harrison’s reply. (Gales & Seaton’s Regis
ter of Congressional Debates, page 359.)
“ Mr. Randolph said: Now, sir, the only difference be
tween the gentleman from Ohio and myself, is this, and il
is vital : that gentb-man and myself differ fundamentally
and totally, and did differ w hen we first took our seats in
Congress; he as a Delegate from the Territory Northwest
of the river Ohio ; I as a member of the other House from
the State of Virginia; he was an open, zealous, frank
supporter of the sedition-law and black-cockade Adminis
tration ; and I was as open, zealous, and frank an oppo
nent ot the black-cockade and sedition-lnw Administra
tion. We differ fundamentally and totally. We nevet
can agree about measures or about men. I do not mean
to dictate to the gentleman ; let us agree to differ as gen
tlemen ought to do, especially natives of the same State,
who are antipodes to each other in politics.”
*■ Mr. Harrison said, in reply, that he could not refrain
from making his acknowledgments to the gentleman front
Virginia for the notice he had taken of him. He had
been pleased to say, that in the administration of Mr.
Adams I was a federalist, and lie comes to that conclusion
from the course pursued by me in the session of 1799-
1800. At that session the gentleman and myself met for
the first time ; he in the station of Representative from
Virginia, and I in the more humble one of Delegute from
the Northwest Territory. Having no vote, I did not think
it proper to take part in the discussion of any of the great
political questions which divided the two parties. My bu
siness was to procare the passage of the bills which I had
introduced for the benefit of tho people I represented.—
The gentleman had no means of knowing my political
principles unless he obtained them in private conversations.
As I was upon terms of intimacy with the gentleman, it is
very probable that he might have heard me express senti
ments favorable to the then Administration. I certainly
felt them, so far ut least as to the course pursued bv it in
relation to the Government of F'ranee. Nor, said Mr. H.,
was I unsupported in that opinion by those who had a right
to control my actions, if not my opinions. In no part of
the country were those measures mure decidedly appro
bated than by my immediate constituents—the Legislature
of the Northwestern Territory—as the addiessof that bo
dy to the President, during that session, will show. For
Mr. Adams, (said Mr H.) I entertained at that time, and
have ever since entertained, the greatest respect. I be
lieve him to be an honest man and a pure patriot; and his
conduct during that session proved him to be such. This
opinion, I know, (said Mr. H.) was entertained by those
two able and upright statesmen John Marshal] and James
A. Bayard. [To the question asked by Mr. Randolph,
whether Mr. H. recollected a conversation between Mr.
Nicholas and himself, in relation to the negroes and poli
tics of Virginia, Mr. H. answered:] I recollect it perfectly
well, but can this be adduced as an evidence of my favor
ing the sedition law ? Mr. Nicholas was my relation and
intimate friend ; the conversation was entirely jocular, and
so considered by that gentleman at the time, and ever af
ter. I will never (said Mr. H.) resort to any one to sup
port an assertion of mine on a matter of fact. But if I
chose to do so, the gentleman from Maryland, who sits
opposite to me, (Gen. Smith) and who was the brother-in-
law of Mr. Nicholas, knows the undeviating friendship and
support which I received front Mr. Nicholas through his
whole political life. Mr. Jefferson was at that time Vico
President of the United States, and was upon the most in
timate terms with Mr. Nicholas. He took his seat as
President of the Senate within fifteen minutes after the
conversation alluded to had passed. If it had been con
sidered in any other light by Mr. Nicholas than as a joke,
Mr. Jefferson would certainly have heard of it, and he
would as certainly have withheld those evidences of his
confidence and regard which I received from him, through
the whole course of his subsequent administration. But,
sir, (said Mr. H.) my opposition to the alien and sedition
laws, was so well known in-the Territory, that a promise
was extorted from me bv my friends in the Legislature, by
which I was elected, that I would express no opinions in
Philadelphia, which would be in the least calculated to de
feat the important objects with which I was charged. As
I had no vote l was not called on t»express my sentiments
in the House. The republican party were all in favor of
the measures I wished to have adopted. But the federal
ists were the majority. Prudence, therefore, and my duty
to my constituents, rendered it proper that I should re
frain from expressing sentiments which would injuriously
affect their interests, and which, if expressed, could not
have the least influence upon the decision of Congress.”
Fellow-ciiizens, we submit this reply of
Gen. Harrison to the unjust anti petulent at
tack of Mr. Randolph, as we do the mixture
of extracts and arguments contained in the
circular, to your calm and impartial considera
tion and the decision of your unbiased judg
ment ; adding this remark only, that to this an
swer of Gen. Harrison Mr. Randolph made
no reply. You will perceive that Gen. Har
rison explains to what extent he approved the
measures of the administration of the elder
Adams ; namely, “ the course pursued in rela
tion to the Government <f France.” He was
not singnlar in this respect. Gen. Washing
ton also approved of the coarse pursued in re
lation to the Government of France; and, as
we have shown, accepted the commission of
Lieutenant General of the armies then con
templated to be raised to resist the threatened
French invasion. Gen. H-arrison expressly
asserted that he was opposed to the alien and
sedition laws. A support of those odious
measures was at that time the test of party al
legiance. He explained the conversation of
which Mr. Randolph reminded him, and on
which the main portion of the argument in the
circular is founded.
We will now consider, briefly, the evidence
which has been adduced to prove that Gen.
Harrison was a federalist in 1S26; namely,
that he voted for the Panama mission, and
was appointed in May, 1828, by Mr. J. Q.
Adams, minister to Columbia; and the author
of the circular asks, with much apparent sa
tisfaction, *’ what other or better evidence
could be wanted of his being a federalist of
the old and new school 1” Verily it would
seem, that as testimony diminishes, the cer
tainty of conviction increases. Let it be borne
in mind that Mr. J. Q. Adams joined the re
publican party during the administration of
Mr. Jefferson ; was sent minister to England,
and kept abroad by him and Mr. Madison un
til he was appointed Secretary of State, by
Mr. Monroe; and that, in 1824, he was claim
ed by his friends—as Mr. Van Buren now is—
as the pure democratic candidate for the Pre
sidency. How the appointment to office by
Mr. Adams, could have wrought such miracu
lous changes in the political opinions of those
who took office under him, as to make feder
alists of some, and democrats of others, we
are at a loss to imagine. We suppose it will
be admitted that Mr. Poinsett, now Secretary
of War, Mi, Paulding, Secretary of the Navy,
Mr. Cass, minister to France, Richard Rush,
and Charles J. Ingersoll, of Pennsylvania, and
Alexander H. Everett, of Massachusetts, are
all pure democrats of the Van Buren school.
By reference to the Executive Journal of Mr.
J. Q. Adams’ administration, it will be seen
that all these gentlemen received important
appointments from him; and how it could
have happened that Gen. Harrison was made
a federalist by accepting an appointment from
Mr. Adams, while all others remained good
democrats, we submit to you, fellow-cilizens,
to decide.
The Panama mission was a mere question
of expediency, involving no principle, and
Gen. Harrison’s vote in favor of it,.therefore,,
could not have affected his political cieed in
the slightest degree.
The remarks of Mr. Webster, which have
been quoted to show that Gen. Harrison is
now (1840) a federalist, so far as they prove
any thing, may be justly regarded as proving
the very reverse. Mr. Webster said : “ Gen.
Hanison has now been selected by the gene
ral voice of those whose political principles
agree with his own, to go to the head of the
column, and bear up the flag under which it
is hoped those principles may he maintained
and defended.” Fellow-citizens, who are the
persons that selected Gen. Hanison 1 They
are John Tyler, Watkins Leigh, and Jas. Bar-
hour of Virginia, Gov. Owens, of North Caro
lina, and many other tried republicans of the
Jeffersonian school. These are the men who
selected Gen. Harrison to bear up the flag un
der which it is hoped their political principles
may be maintained and defended. As you all
well recollect, John Tyler was the only member
of the. Senate of the United States who voted
against the force bill! ! He is the man for
whom Georgia voted for Vice President, in
1836. He is now the candidate of the friends
of reform for the Vice Presidency. Think
you he would permit hi3 name to be used in
connexion with that of a federalist or an abo
litionist, for one of the highest offices in the
gift of the people I The idea is equally ri
diculous, unjust, and preposterous. They are
both Virginians, by birth and education, and
politicians of the old republican school. Gen.
Harrison, in his letter to Dr. Brownly, dated
11th October, 1809, on the election of Mr.
Madison to the Presidency of the United
States, says:
“ I ivjoicc sincerely in the triumph of the republicans
of Maryland. I have written to my friend, Gen. Smith,
to congratulate him on his appointment to the Senate, with
out having any other evidence of it than the success of the
republican ticket.”
“ Again: in 1822, Gen. Harrison said, in an address to
his constituents, ‘ I deem myself a republican of what is
commonly called the old Jeffersonian school.’ ”
We close this part of his defence by quot
ing the letter of Judge Burnett of Cincinnati,
to the honorable William Southgate i
“ Cincinnati, Feb. 27, 1840.
My Dear Sir :—I remark, in reply to your letter of
this morning, that during the contest between Mr. Jeffer
son and the elder Adams. Gen. Harrison and myself were
residing in the Northwestern Territory, and of course had
not the privilege of voting. At that time I was in habits
of great intimacy with General Harrison, although I was
a federalist (honestly so) and he a republican of the Jef
ferson school. I supported Adams warmly, and he, with
equal w armth, supported Mr. Jefferson. During the con
troversy from 1796, inclusive, I conversed and argued with
hint, times without number; he sustaining Mr. Jefferson,
and I Mr Adams. You may assure your friend that there
was not a more consistent, decided supporter of Mr. Jef
ferson, in the Northwestern Territory, than Gen. Harri
son. For the truth of this declaration, I most willingly
pledge my reputation.
“ I state to you what I saw, and heard, and know.—
When the alien and sedition law passed, the General was
not a member of Congress. He neither voted nor had an
opportunity of voting on that law.
“ Your friend, J. BURNETT.
“ Hon. Wm. Southgate.”
We now proceed to notice the charge which
has been made, that Gen. Harrison is to re
ceive the support of the abolitionists. We
find in the “ Circular” the following sentence:
“ It is the blindness of stupidity, or the madness of par
ty, for any man to doubt that the nomination of Gen. Har
rison wa* made with the view and for the purpose of ob
taining strength bv procuring the votes of the abolitionists.”
If we show that Gen. Harrison’s nomina
tion could not have been made with the view
or purpose of obtaining strength from the
abolitionists; that he will reeeive no support
from them, then this charge will be without
foundation.
On the 19th December, immediately after
the Harrisburg nomination, the Emancipator,
a leading abolition paper, speaking of Gen.
Harrison, says:
“ He is the man of hi* party, and that party have shown
the absoluteness of their subserviency, by nominating a
slave holder, a peculiarly bigoted devotee of slavery, on
the same ticket with Gen. Harrison, and now by electing
a nullifying slave-holder, from slave-breeding Virginia, for
Speaker
“ But we submit, further,, that Gen. Harrison’s prince-
pies- are already well known by his deeds, of which we
find the following summary in the Rochester Freeman :
“ ‘In December, 1302, while Governor of Indiana Ter
ritory, he was president of a convention of the people of
that Territory, held at Vincennes, and transmitted to Cou-
gress a-memorial of the convention, praying that the sixth
article of the ‘ Ordinance of ’87,’ which prohibited sla
very there, might be suspended. (See Am. State Papers,
1803.) His efforts to make Indiana a slave State, were
prosecuted for years, while he was Governor of that Ter
ritory.
“‘In 1819, February 16, Gen. Harrison voted as a
member of the House of Representatives, against a clause
prohibiting the further introduction of slavery in Missouri ;
and against a clause for the further emancipation (at 25)
of slaves born within that State. Two days afterwards
he voted against a clause prohibiting the future introduc
tion of slavery into Arkansas, and against the future
emancipation of slaves born in Arkansas.
“ ‘ So basely did he bow to slavery, that even Ohio was
shocked. He was indignantly rejected at the next Con
gressional election in 1822. The National Intelligencer
of October 20, 1322. says: ‘ It is confirmed to us that Mr.
Guzely is elected in opposition to Gen. Harrison. A
friend informs us, which we are sorry to learn, that he was
opposed particularly on account of his adherence to that
principle of the constitution which secures to the people of
the South their pre-existing rights. It seems, then, that
Gen. Harrison claimed for the South the right to fasten
slavery upon any soil which the nation might have or pur
chase.
“ ‘ He has had but- little opportunity to act in a public
capacity upon the subject of slavery, since that time; but
an address from his political friends in Virginia, in 1836,
says, ‘ he is sound to the core on the subject of slavery.’
“Under these circumstances, we submit that conscien
tious abolitionists ore bound to regard the two parties and
their candidates as standing precisely on the same ground—
that of unlimited subserviency to the dominion of slavo-
cracy. It is true, Gen. Harrison’s personal demonstra
tions are less recent than Mr. Van Buren’s. But they are
much stronger, for Mr. Van Buren helped to send Rufus
King to the United States Senate to oppose slavery in
Missouri, and he has never attempted to extend slavery to
regions where it was already abolished. And, further, the
demons’rations of the Harrison party are more recent tlrnn
those of the other. And if it. is said that we should give
the old General a chance to repent of his pro-slaveiy, we
reply, that it belongs to the man who repents to exhibit
his own repentance. Certainly there are no circumstances
in the case which warrant the slightest presumptions in fa
vor of his repentance. Let him or his friends, if they
choose, show wherein his views now differ from his actions
in 1802, and 1319, and 1836. And; in default of this, li t
the friends of human rights come at once to the convic
tion, that the cause they have espoused is, by Divine Pro
vidence, entrusted to their own guardianship, and that fu"
its success or failure, their country and posterity will hold
them responsible.”
This denunciation was immediately follow
ed by the other abolition papers.
On the 30th January,the same paper makes
tlie following assertion in regard to the nomi
nation:;
“We may remark, however, that so far as we are ac
quainted, there was not a single known abolitionist present
in the Harrisburg Convention.”
We could.multiply these extracts into a vo
lume, but the limits of this address will not
permit. We will close this part of the tes
timony by quoting the proceedings of an anti
slavery convention for Western New York,
held at Arcade, Genessee county, January
29, 1840; seven or eight hundred persons
present with delegates from the States of
New York and Pennsylvania. The following
among other:resolutions were passed :
“ 8:. Resolved, That, in our opinion, Gen. William II.
Harrison ought not to receive the vote of any freeman in
the United Slates for the office of President thereof, be
cause be has apostatized from the faith of his father, one
of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and
habitually made war upon the most essential of human
rights:
“ 1st. In urging the National Legislature to suspend the
prohibition of slnvery in the Northwestern Territory,
which he did, as president of a Convention held therein
in 1802, for the purpose of introducing it there, though
the prohibition had-been solemnly enacted by the unani
mous vote of the old continental Congress, and ratified by
the first Congress under the new constitution, with only
one dissenting vote.
“2d. Ill giving his influence and his vote, as a member
of Congress, in 1819; in favor of admitting the State of
Missouri into the Union with a provision to legalize slavery
therein, and in doing the same, during the same year, in
respect to the territory of Arkansas.
“ 3d. In misrepresenting the abolitionists and the consti
tution, to their prejudice, and to the injury of the great
rights of free inquiry—freedom of speech and of the
press—in a speech delivered at Vincennes, in 1835, in
which, also, in effect, lie encouraged the lawless violence
of-mobs to suppress the movements of the abolitionists,
though they were rightful and constitutional, by declaring
that they * should be immediately stopped * * by the
force of public opinion, and that cannot too soon be
brought into operation.’
•‘ 4lh. In authorizing a committee of his political friends
in Virginia, in 1836, for the sake of procuring him the
support of slaveowners, in the election for the Presidency
then pending, to say that ‘ he was sound to the core on
the subject of slavety.”
“5th. In consenting this year to be run as a candidate
for the Presidency on a ticket which cannnot receive a
vole which is not at the same time given for a slaveholder
as Vice President.”
In pursuance of a call at this Arcade con
vention, the abolitionists met in Albany, on
the 1st of April, to discuss the question of an
independent nomination of abolition candid
ates. Delegates were in attendance from the
States of Vermont, Maine, Massachusetts,
Connecticut, New Jersey, and New York.
This convention nominated James Birney, of
New York, and Thomas Earle, (an active
Van Buren partizan,) of Pennsylvania, as
candidates for the Presidency and Vice Pre
sidency.
The spirit and tone of the abolition press,
teeming daily with the most rancorous abuse
of Gen. Harrison, and the proceedings of
these conventions of abolitionists, were known,
or may have been known, prerfectly well,to the
author of the circular.. We leave you, fellow-
citizens, to say whether the friends or oppo
nents of Geu. Harrison are justly chargeable
with “ the blindness of stupidity or the mad
ness of patty.”
We find quoted in the “ circular” some re
marks of Mr. Tappan in the Senate during the
present session, and the resolutions adopted at
a democratic convention in the State of Ohio.
These resolutions may prove, for aught we
know, that most of the democrats of Ohio are
not abolitionists; but we do know something
of this apostle of Van Buren democracy, Mr.
Tappan. Mr. James Collier of Steubenville,
where Tappan resides, says, in a letter which
was produced by Mr. Stanley of North Car
olina, in the course of his very able speech,
in the House of Representatives, in vindica
tion of Gen. Harrison:
“In the conversation alluded to, Judge Tappan obser
ved, ‘ that as he was returning from Columbus, he was
waited upon at Zanesville, by a committee ftom the Slate
Abolition Society, then in session at Putnam, with a re
quest that he would accept some appointment, or some
office, (what particular office I do not now recollect,) from
the society.’ The Judge stated that he declined, and as
signed as a reason, that he disapproved of the course they
were taking, ‘ but,’ said be, ‘ I told them if they wanted
five hundred dollars to purchase arms and ammunition, to
put into the hands of the blacks that they might free
themselves, I would give them the money.’ I thin asked
him if he had reflected upon the consequences of such a
step ; that insurrection would be the inevitable resalt ; and
that he might thereby put in peril the lives of-his connex
ions and neighbors. He inquired how ? To which I re
plied, that, the President was bound by his oath of office to
suppress insurrections, and to do that, was authorized to
call out the whole armed force of the country. He re
marked, that the President would do no such thing. To
this I replied, that the President had. ordered troops to
Southampton, and would do it again, if necessary. I then
said. * Judge, I think I can pot you a case where yoa would
go yourself.^ ‘ Let me hear your case. Colonel,’ said he.
Suppose, sir, I observed, * that the county of Brooke,
opposite to us, in Virginia, contained a dense population
of slaves , that they should rise up against their masters,
and that you should be standing with your neighbors on
one side of the river, and see them marching down on the
other side, burning and destroying every thing within their
reach, and murdering without distinction, men, women
and children, and that our friends and acquaintances
should call upon us for assistance, would you not go ?’
* ^°> by God,’ said h e , * j would not, and would disinherit
any child I have that would go!”
Mr. I). S. Collier, in a letter dated 6th
March, 1840, says :—
In a conversation between the Judge (Tappan) and a
gentleman then resident of this place, but now of Balti
more, on the subject of slavery, this case was presented
to the Judge: ‘Suppose, sir, we should see. the slaves
rising against their masters, on the opposite side of tho
river, (Virginia.) and about to succeed in subduing them,
or in cutting their throats, would you not interfere”to pre
vent this, and save their Jives?” To which he replied, in
substance, ‘that if he interfered at all, it would be to sup
ply the slaves with ammunition.”
The Western Herald and Steubenville Ga
zette of September, 1837, publishes a letter
from Mr. James Means, which contains the
following statement in regard to Tappan:
“ There is another thing. 1 consider him the worst kind
of an abolitionist, as be holds to doctrines the most mis
chievous and absurb on the subject of slavery. I believe
it could be proved that he has said he would give $500 to
purchase arms to put in the bands of the slaves to free
themselves; and that they ought to cut their masters’
ihronts. He has also said, if the slaves were butchering
men, women and children, on the opposite side of the
river, he would not lift a finger to rescua them; and that
he would disinherit a son who would offer to go to their
relief. Now, although not an advocate for slavery, I
would not support any man for office, who entertains such
inhumane feelings and opinions as these.”
It will be recollected that, after these most
infamous declarations of Tappan, he has been
elected to the Senate of the United States by
the Van Buren democrats of Ohio,
The author of the circular, in his zeal to
convict Gen. Harrison of being an abolitionist,
says : “As I am writing for your candid con
sideration an unvarnished tale, 1 will call your
attention to his circular, which he published
for the purpose of satisfying the displeasure of
the abolitionists.” Mark, fellow-citizens, the
language here employed ; does it not imply
that the whole “circular’, is quoted by him ;
that it has been recently written and addres
sed to. the abolitionists “ for the purpose of
satisfying their displeasure,” and obtaining
their votes at the coming Presidential elac-
tion 1 What will be your surprise, then, at
the author of this “ unvarnished tale,” when
we inform you that what he has inserted as
the “ circular,” is merely, two paragraphs of
a communication, written in 1822, by Gen.
Harison, to the people of his district ? We
cannot give a more clear and satisfactory ex
planation of this “circular” than that contai
ned in the able letter of the honorable James
Garland, of Virginia, to his constituents. He
says:
“With these proofs of uniform adherence to anti-aboli
tion views, by General Harrison, running through a period
of twenty years, I should dismiss the subject, but that I
feel impelled by a sense of duty, to expose the low arti
fices lately employed to mislead public sentiment, by gar
bled extracts of letters, which are, however, put forth with
every appearance of giving an entire statement. It is
amongst the melancholy omens with which the times
abound, that the statements of the public press have cea
sed to carry with them, in public estimation, theevidence of
truth. As an instance of this kind, I give below what
purports io be a letter of Gen. Harrison, in full, addressed
to the people. As it is published by his enemies it stands
thus:
“to the public.
“ * Fellow-Citizens : Being called suddenly home, to
attend to my sick family, I have but a moment to answer
a few of the calumnies which are in circulation against me.
“ ‘ I am accused of being friendly to slavery. From my
earliest youth up to the present moment, I have been an
aident friend of human liberty. At the age of eighteen, I
became a member of an abolition society, established at
Richmond, the object of which was to ameliorate the con
dition of slaves, and procure their freedom by every legal
means. My venerable friend Judge Gulch, of Cleremont
county, was also a member of this society, and has lately
given me a certificate that I was one. The obligations I
caino under I have faithfully performed.
“‘WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON.’”
In a recent publication, addressed to the peopleof Virginia,
the above appears, and is there stated to be taken from a pa
per published in Cincinnati, on the I4th of February last.
A plain honest inquirer, searching for truth, and reading
the above, would naturally suppose that it was, 1st, a let
ter written in February last; 2dly, that it was an entire
letter; and 3dly, as a consequence from its con
tents, he would conclude that it was expressly writ
ten by General Harrison to show that he was an abo
litionist of the modern school. Such undoubtedly is the
impression which the publication referred to is in
tended to produce. But wbat is our surprise when
we learn, first, that the letter wag written not in Feb
ruary, 1840, but in the year 1822 ; secondly, that it is not
an entire letter, but only two short paragraphs of a long
letter, the whole remainder of which is carefully suppress
ed : and, thirdly that it was written for the-purpose of de
fending himself against the vote3 I have quoted, given on
the Missouri question; and that the part suppressed, con
tains a complete and full avowal of the principles of those
votes, he being then (1822) a candidate again for Congress
and Mr. Gazely, who, as wc shall see, was elected as an
abolitionist, being bis opponent. Hero follows the letter
entire a3 it was then published:
“to the public.
“ Fellow-Citizens:—Being called suddenly home to
attend my sick family, I have but a moment to answer a
few of the calumnies which are in circulation conceniing
me.
“I am accused of being friendly to slavery. From my
earliest youth to the present moment, I have been the ar
dentfriend of human liberty. At the age of 181 became
a member of an abolition society, established at Richmond,
Virginia; the object of which was to ameliorate the con
dition of slaves, and procure their freedom by every le
gal means. My venerable friend Judge Gatch, of t Clere
mont county, was also a member of that society, and has
given me a certificate that I was one. The obligations
which I then came under, 1 have faithfully performed.—
1 have been the means of liberating many slaves, but never
placed one in bondage. I deny that my votes in Congress
in relation to Missouri and Arkansas, are in the least in
compatible with these principles. Congress had no more
legal or constitutional right to emancipate the negroes in
those sections of Louisiana, without the consent of their
owners, than they have to free those of Kentucky.—
These people were secured in their property by a solemn
covenant with France when this country was purchased
from that power. To prohibit the emigration of citizens *
of the Southern States to that part of the country, the sit
uation and climate of which was peculiarly suited to them
would have been highly unju3t, as it had been purchased
out of the common fund. Particularly, too, when it is re
collected that all the immense territory tc the Northwest
of the Ohio had been ceded by Virginia, and that with an
unexampled liberality, she had herselfproposed by exclud
ing slavery from it, to secure it for tho emigration of those
States which had no slaves. Was it proper, then, when
h-T reserved territory was in a great measure filled up, to
e.'clude her citizens from every part of the territory pur-
chised out of the common fund. 7 was the first person
to introduce into Congress the proposition that all the.
country above Missouri, (which having no inhabitants was
free from the objection made to Missouri and Arkansas,)
tho-. Id never have slavery admitted into it. J repeat
wh'i I have before said, that as our Union was only ef
fected by mutual concession, so only can it be preserv
ed . .
“ My vote against the restriction of Missouri inform
ing her constitution was not a conclusive one; there
would have been time enough, had I continued to be a
member, before the question was decided, for my consti
tuents to have instructed me, and 1 should have-rejoiced