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nay deem necessary ; and during such period, including
the time when going to and returning from the place of
rendezvous, they shall be deemed in the service of the U.
States, and be subject to such regulations as the Presi
dent may think proper to adopt' jor their instruction, dis
cipline and improvement in military knowledge. _
“ The 18th section provides for calling out the militia to
repel invasion, in the following order: that is, 1st, the
active, 2dly, the r 'serve force, and finally, the mass ; when
they shall also be deemed in the service of the United
Stntes, nnd subject to the regulation of the President in
regard to instruction, discipline and improvement.
“ The 19th section provides for calling them out to en
force the laws and suppress insurrections when necessary.
“ The 20th section subjects the militia, when in the ser
vice of the United States, that is, as well when ‘ called
forth and assembled’ by the President for ‘ instruction,
discipline, and improvement in military knowledge,’ as to
tepei invasion, enforce the laws, or suppress insurrection,
‘ to the same rules and articles of War as the troops
of the United Stales,’ and provides that ‘no officer, non
commissioned officer or private, shall be compelled to
serve more than six months after his arrival at the place
of rendezvous, in any one year, nor more than in due pio-
portion with every other able-bodied man of the same rank
in the regiment to which he belongs.’ By which we un
derstand, that no officer, non-commissioned officer, or pri
vate, shall be compelled to serve more than four years in
the active force, and four years in the reserve force, until
every other able-bodied man of the same rank shall have
performed a like service; and that the President shall
not have power to continue them in service for the purpose
of ‘ instruction, discipline, or improvement in military
knowledge,’ or to repel invasion, or suppress insurrection,
for more than six months after their arrival at the place
of rendezvous, in any one year; for in all these cases, they
are expressly declared to be in the service of the United
Slates, and no distinction is made in regard to the kind
of service, to which they may be held for six months.
“ Section 21st reiterates the requisition upon every citi
zen enrolled in the militia to be constantly provided with
arms, accoutrements, and ammunition, as required by the
first section, and declares what shall be legal notice of
enrolment.
“Section 22d declares that the officers, non-commis
sioned officers, and men, when called into service for trai
ning or otherwise, shall receive the same monthly pay,
rations, clothing, or money in lieu thereof, and forage,
and be furnished with the same camp equipage as the in
fantry of the United States, except that when called out
for training they shall not be furnished with clothing, and
limits the forage oF the officers to that necessary for one
horse, and one servant each.
“ Section 23d regulates the allowance to officers and
men of mounted companies for horses and seivants, and
allows forty cents per day for the use and risk of each
arse, except such as are killed or die of wounds received
in battle.
“ Section 24th regulates the compensation for horses
hilled ot dying of wounds received in battle.
“ Section 25th allows compensation to the officers and
men for going to the place of rendezvous, and returning
from the place of discharge.
“ Section 26lii gives to the widow and children of offi
cers and men who die of wounds received in service, half
pay for five years.
•• S ction 27th provides that courts-martial for the trial
of officers and men of the militia, shall be composed of
militia officers only.
“ Section 28th provides that every officer, Sec., who shall
fail to obey when culled out for training, shall be fined in
a sum not less than a half a month’s, and not exceeding
three months’ pay,as a court-martial may determine; and
for failing to obey when called out to repel invasion, or to
enforce the laws, or suppress insurrection, shall forfeit not
less than one month’s pay, nor more than one year’s pay;
nnd, if an officer, be liable to be cashiered and incapacita
ted from holding a commission for four years; and, upon
faiiure to pay the fines above mentioned, they shall be sub
ject to imprisonment for one month for every five dollars
of such fine.
“ Section 29th provides for the oollection of fines, and
enforcement of a sentence of imprisonracn*, by the mar
shal of the district.
“ Section 30th provides for the payments of the fines
so collected to the adjutant general of the militia of the
United States.
“ Section 3lst confers upon the marshals the same pow
ers in executing the laws of the United States, which she
riffs possess in executing the laws of the United States.
“ Section 32d appropriates the fines.
“ Section 33d authorizes the President, by and with the
consent of the Senate, to appoint the adjutant general of
the militia of the United States, and prescribes his duties.
“Section 34th fixes his salary at $3,009 per annum, and
declares tiis office to be a bureau of the War Department.
“ Section 35th allows him two clerks, and fixes their
salaries.
“ Section 36th authorizes the President to establish de
pots for munitions and arms, and as rendezvous of the
militia.
“ Section 37th allows to officers and men the same com
pensation for disability from wounds, as is allowed to of
ficers and men of the regular army.
“ Section 33lh provides lhat the present corps of volun
teers shall not be disturbed or deprived of their privileges,
Tut shall, nevertheless, be subject to the duties required by
this system ; that is, we suppose, be subject to be drafted
into the active force, and after four years’ service, fall into
the reserve.
“ Section 39th enjoins upon the State Legislatures the
enactment of surh laws as may be necessary to enrol and
organize the militia according to the provisions aforesaid;
and until such laws are enacted, declares the present laws
to remain in force.
“ And, finally, section 40th gives adefinition of the term
‘ militia’ which makes it mean the standing army which
the scheme proposes; so lhat, after violating the constitu
tion and the rights of the citizen, it winds up with com
mitting violence on the English language.”
Our fathers taught us to believe that the military power,
should be carefully kept separate from tlie Executive.
That the President should not be intrusted with the sword.
These are the maxims of wisdom, sanctioned by time-
honored experience. Our policy being commercial and
pacific, and our country removed from contact with the
States of the old world, it svas thought wise to provide but
a very limited standing army, and to provide for the na
tional defence in a system of militia organization, which
should make each citizen a soldier.
Not the least apprehension of a standing army, was its
liabitv to be under the control of the Executive. Now we
submit, whether the foregoing plan of militia organization
does not create an immense and permanent military power,
in an alarming degree subject to the Executive will. Be
sides subjecting the citizen to a burdensome expense, call
ing him for long periods of lime, and perhaps at incoven-
jent seasons from his home and bis business, the proposed
plan is a “ palable and dangerous infraction ot the consti
tution.”
“ If the scheme is to be considered as a plan for organi
zing and training the militia, then is it a most palpable
violation of the constitution of the United Stales. The
only power given to any department of the federal Gov
ernment over the militia of the States, is that given to
Congress bv the 14th and 15th clauses of the 8th section, 1st
article, and to the President by the lstclause of the 2d sec
tion, 2d article. The two former empower Congress ‘ to
provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws ol
the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions,
and * to provide for organizing, arming, nnd disciplining
the militia, and forgoverning such part of them as may be
employed in the service of the United States, reserving to
the States respectively the appointment of the officers,
and the authority of training the militia according to
ike discipline prescribed by Congress. The latter de
clares the President to be ‘commander-in-chief of the
nrmv and navy of the United States, and of the militia
• i !iu several States, when called into the actual service
of lie United Slates' Congress cannot, therefore, ‘call
forth the militia’ for any other purpose but to ‘execute the
laws, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions ;’ and it
is only when they are so called forth that they can be ‘ in
the actual service of the United States,’ and it is only
‘ when called into the actual service of the United States’
that the President can exercise any authority over them.
1 he only additional power granted to Congress, is to orga
nize, arm, and prescribe the discipline. The militia are
to be trained, that is, • instructed and improved in military
knowledge’ by the States, under the command of officers
appointed by the States. The author of the scheme, aware
ot this, and that, when so trained, neither the President
nor any officer of the regular army can exercise any au
thority over them, by the 17lh section of the plan declares
that, when they are called out ‘for instruction, discipline,
and improvement in military knowledge,’ that is, for train
ing, ‘ they shall be deemed in the service of the United
States;’ and thus seeks to evade one provision of the con
stitution by violating another, it being clearthat the power
of Congress to ‘ call forth the militia into the service of
the United States’ is limited to cases where it is necessary
‘ to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections,
and repel invasions;’ und this double violation is commit
ted lor the purpose of placing the militia, in time of peace,
under the command ol the President and the officers of
the regular army, authorizing him to march them from one
end of a military district to another, and subjecting them
to the rules nnd articles of war.
Again: by the constitution, the militia are to be ‘trained
according to the discipline prescribed by Congress.’ By the
proposed plan, they are to be subject to such regulations as
the President may think proper to adopt for tlieir instruction,
discipline and improvement in military knowledge; that is,
instead of being • trained’ by the States,’ according to the
discipline prescribed by Congress,’ they are to be trained by
officers of the regular army, according to the discipline pre
scribed by the President."
From the responsibility of this most extraordinary inno
vation upon the constitution, more dangerous, because insi
dious, than an attempt to create a stauding army of 200,000
men, Mr. Van Buren cannot escape. It is°hU measure—ma
tured in tbe joint councils of himself and bis Secretary of
War—receiving, doubtless, the sanction of the entire cabinet
—communicated with official solemnity to Congress; and by
the President declared to be a plan which “ be could not re
commend too strongly.” It is in vain to try to cast the odi
um of it upon tbe Secretary, in order to excuse the sin and
folly of the attempt. It is equally unavailing to escape upon
tj e pretext, that it 13 but a recommendation submitted to the
consideration of Congress for the approval or rejection of
their councils. We say that Mr. Van Burea is to be judged
by his opinions. We hold him accountable to the country.
By his declared sentiments let him stand or fall.
Without being alaimists, we warn you that, if this sebeme
prevails, the foundation is laid for the total subversion, at a
day not very remote, of constitutional liberty.
The General Government was designed to occupy, in re
lation to the States, tbe position of a kind friend and pater
nal supervisor, to the extent of the powers conferred upon
it. Its interest is common with that of the States. Indeed,
created by them, and clothed with powers only as an agent,
it can have no interest apart from theirs. One would, there
fore suppose that it would religiously guard the credit and
domestic works of its principals. Particularly would one
believe that an Administration of that Government, promul
gating from day to day its devotion to State rights, would
not only not assail, but would defend the honor and faith of
the States. Yet, what is the fact ? Upon the bare suggestion
of a foreign banking house that the credit of the States would
be strengthened in foreign markets by an assumption, rn the
part of the Federal Government, of their liabilities, resolu
tions are introdneed in the Senate, and supported by the
entire Administration party, denouncing, in the most unmiti
gated terms, the banks, credit, and means of the States ; pro
claiming to the world their pecuniary embarrassments, and
thus injuring their credit by subjecting their bills to protest,
and their splendid systems of internal improvement to failure;
creating an evil, with a view to party effect, of the most tre
mendous magnitude—pecuniary distresses, and perhaps
State bankruptcy. Assuming an “ assumption,” tbe Admin
istration have held up to a wondering world the proud sove
reignties of this Union as faithless debtors and unprincipled
spendthrifts. This unkindness is from the hand of a State
Rights Administration, with Martin Van Buren at its head.
Such, fellow citizens, are some of the specifications of
both principles and practice, condemnatory, as we believe,
of Mr. Van Buren. The length of this address, already ne
cessarily prolix, forbids further detail. A minute exhibit of
the errors, not to say follies, of the Administration, would
swell this document to a voluminous bulk. They are to be
found, however, in the Executive, Congressional, and de
partmental records of tbe country. They speak of official
infidelity, of commercial suffering, and constitutional infrac
tion. in language which shall, ere long, reach the ear of an in
dignant people. In looking over the practical results of Mr.
Van Buren’s Administration, we cannot close our eyes to the
fact that, since he came into office, the tone of public moral
ity has been greatly relaxed, the dignity of Congress impair
ed, and the standard of official talents and character lower
ed. These are the waters which flow from a bitter fountain
—a fountain which the people, if they respect their rights,
must seal at its head.
J. C. ALFORD,
WM.C. DAWSON,
R. W. HABERSHAM,
Washington City, May 27, 1840.
TH. BUTLER KING,
E. A. NISBET,
LOTT WARREN,
Washington City'? June I3j.li, 1840.
TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA.
Fellow-citizens—
In obedience to your will, as expressed by our election,
we came to represent you in the 26th Congress. The man
ner in which we have discharged the important trust confided
to our keeping, is known already; but feel authorized to
say, that according to our ability, we have endeavored to
guard, protect, defend, and prosecute your interest, and that
of the State, of which we are members. As planters and
slave holders, you are interested in an economical adminis
tration of the Government; a revenue restricted to its neces
sary wants ; a proper protection of your rights, by a just
poise of the balance of power, as fixed by the constitution;
a confining strictly every department of the government to
its legitimate sphere of action, and a restraining the Execu
tive and Congress to the exercise of those powers only,
which are expressly delegated. These are some of the
land-marks of the Republican faith, which have been the
guides to our action. Hence we are, and have been opposed
to the chartering a Bank of the United States; aud are, and
have been the advocates of separating the Government from
all banks. The policy of the two parties here, upon these
fundamental principles, is at direct variance ; true to our
faith, when the alternative is presented, we choose to act with
that party whose views best accord withourown. For this
choice—made to perpetuate our doctrines, and keep alive the
republican faith of our fathers—the members of the late June
Convention have pronounced upon us a sentence, which if un
reversed, must leave upon our name3 the impress of public
reprobation. Supported by conscious innocence—integrity
of purpose, an honest zeal in behalf of our constituents, and
an unyielding adherence to the long cherished doctrines of
the State Rights party, we appeal from the decision by which
we have been proscribed, and ask the judgment of a tribunal
from which there is no appeal—the voice of the People.
In once more placing our names before the country, as
candidates for re-election, we rely with confidence on the
virtue and intelligence of those we have served, to afford us
at the ballot-box, a triumphant shield from the slanders and
calumny with which our names are reviled.
Believe us now, as ever, your ob t. servants,
WALTER T. COLQUITT,
EDWARD J. BLACK,
MARK A. COOPER.
LAURENS SUPERIOR COURT, JUNE TERM, 1840.
The State vs. Jackson Terry—Murder.
The defendant wa3 convicted at this term of the murder
of James Hannah, of Pittsylvania county, Virginia. The
circumstances were of an atrocious description, unmarked
by a single mitigating paliative, or motive. The deceased,
an aged and venerable man of near sixty years, left his dis
tant home with a view to sell at tlie South some tobacco. He
left with a two-horse wagon, accompanied by Terry. They
came to Georgia—were seen travelling together near sunset
of the day on which the deceased was filled. Terry was
conversed with in about three hundred yards of the camp
where Hannah was found dead. The deceased was disco
vered about sunrise on the 4th April last, stretched upon the
ground, with a large wound on the right side of the head,
cutting through his hat—with his mouth full of bread—in a
few feet of him, two cups of coffee were discovered by the
fire, evidently evincing that the deceased was assassinated
whilst eating, and not expecting violence. He was killed
with an axe which was found lying with blood and hair upon
it, in a few feet of the deceased. The prisoner fled with
one horse, the other breaking loose and following him—was
seen next morning at sunrise about 25 miles from tlie place of
the murder, with the horses—was pursued and arrested on
the Race Turf at Macon, Geo., on the 7th April. Upon his
person the money and effects of the deceased were found.—
Terry made very contradictory statements as to the manner
in which he came in possession of them.
A stronger case, resting upon circumstantial evidence, has
never been tried in our Couits. We rejoice to say that the
murderer was not a citizen of Georgia, and that our laws have
been vindicated by his conviction.
The prisoner not being able to employ counsel, Judge Cole
appointed to conduct his defence, Messrs. Isham H. Saffold,
Peter E. Love and Augustin H. Hansell, Esqrs.
The prosecution was conducted by Solicitor General Wig
gins, Gen. Warren and Iverson L. Harris, Esq.
So deeply impressed were Gen. Warren and Maj. Harris,
of the aggravated character of this assassination, that after
the conviction of Terry, they surrendered voluntarily the
fees which had been paid them for assisting in the prosecu
tion.
The foregoing murder is the same one that was alluded to
through the public prints, a short time since, before the par
ticulars in regard to it had been ascertained
Terry was sentenced by Judge Cole, after a pertinent
and feeling admonition, to be executed on Friday the 24th of
J uly.
FOURTH OF JULY AT SPARTA.
At a meeting of a portion of the citizens of Sparta, held
at the Court-house on the Sth June, 1840, for the purpose
of making arrangements to celebrate the approaching an
niversary of American Independence, N. C. Sayre was
called to the Chair, and T. H. Audas was appointed Se
cretary.
The object of tbe meeting was explained by the Chair
man.
On motion of Gen. Vinson, it was
Resolved, That a free Berbacue be prepared at the vil
lage of Sparta, on the 4th July next; and that our fellow-
citizens through the county be invited to participate; and
that a Committee of five be appointed to select an Orator.
On motion of Jos. B. Gonder, it was
Resolved, That a Committee be appointed to extend in
vitations, and solicit subscriptions in provisions.
Which on motion of Mark Gonder was amended: that
said Committee consist of not less than two from each dis
trict.
On motion of Jasper M. Gonder, it was
Resolved, That a Central- Committee of Arrangements
of ten, be appointed; and on motion of Gen. Vinson, that
said committee appoint a Marshal and assistants.
On motion of Jasper M. Gonder, it was
Resolved, That a Committee of five be appointed to
draught toasts, and that the Chairman be one of that com
mittee.
In obedience to the foregoing resolutions, the chairman
appointed the following committees:
To select an Orator—Gen. Vinson, Joseph J. l’earce,
Wm. Shivers, jr., David Dickson, and Henry M. Lanier.
To extend invitations and solicit subscriptions—Joseph
B. Gonder. Isaac P. Whitehead, James Thomas. John
Rosser, Myles G. Harris, R. Sharp, Wm. Dickson, J. H.
Burnet, R. S. Hardwick, W. Thomas, Wilson Bird, John
Foster, J. McCall, John Graybill, George Amos, J. Mc-
Gilvray, S. Lawrence, Irby Hudson. F. S. Colley, R. B.
Binion, H. Garey, W. C. Smith, James Bell, J. W. Ra
bun, W. R. Battle, W. Askew, H. Wheeler, E. H. Bax
ter, W. G. Greene, Thomas J. Little, G. B. Barksdale,
W. H. Brantley, JohmEvans, W. R. Moss, Thomas Wha
ley, M. S. Medlock, J. B. Latimer, Jesse Lockhart, J. S.
Latimer, W. Barksdale, Thomas Cheely, h. F. Birdsong,
S. M. Devereaux, Wiley Arnold, James Hale, W. M. Bo
yer, Joseph Chambers, John McClellan, James Hitchcock,
F. Trawick, F. E. Brooking.
Central Committee of Arrangements—Mark Gonder,
William Shivers, jr., James B. Edwards, Robert S. Sayre,
W. H. Brantly, H. W. Rhodes, Joseph J. Pearce, Henry
M. Lanier, L. S. Stewart, and Wm. Dickson.
Committee to draught toasts—P. C. Samson, Eli H.
Baxter, Wm. Shivers, jr., James B. Ransone, with the
Chairman.
On motion of Richard S. Hardwick, it was
Resolved, That the proceedings be published, and that
it be called a Harrison and Reform celebration; and
that the citizens of Hancock county consider themselves
as invited to attend and partake.
N. C. SAYRE, Chairman.
Tuttle H. Audas, Secretary.
Put that and that together.—Wm. H. Harrison
has resided much in Cincinnati, has held office there, and
is better known there than in any other place ; and Cin
cinnati gives a majority of nearly seventeen hundred in his
favor. %
Martin Van Buren has resided much in Albany, has
held office there, and is better known there than any where
else, and Albany has given a majority of nearly five hurt,
di ed against hint. Harrison gets most votes where he is
best known; Van Buren most where he is least known.
[Rochester Democrat.
STATE SOVEREIGNTY.
RECORDER
MILLEDGEVILLE,
Tuesday, June 23,1840.
FOR PRESIDENT,
WM. HENRY HARRISON, of Ohio.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
JOHN TYLER, of Virginia.
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT,
IIon. GF.ORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
Gen. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden.
Col. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.
Maj. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock.
Hon. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
Hon. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
Gen. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
Gen. W. W. EZZARD, of DeKalb.
Hon. C. B. STRONG, of Bibb.
Col. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke.
Gen. EZEKIEL WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
FOR CONGRESS.
RICHARD W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup.
EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb.
LOTT WARRSN, of Sumter.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
Most unaffectedly do we rejoice that the day has at length
arrived, when the people have themselves taken in hand their
own affairs; when the huinbuggery of political demagogues
is indignantly put aside, and the plain, the hard-working, the
honest citizen, who feels for his country, and for that alone,
is demanding light—facts—truth. Humbuggery has had its
day; the people have been made for years the mere workies,
the absolute tools for the aggrandizement of individuals.—
Van Buren and Calhoun and Amos Kendall, and others of
like character and virtue, have long enough, alas too long,
for the welfare of the couutry, had the control of the public
action of the people; and their interests have been almost
aaniliilaied in tlie struggle of these ambitious and unprinci
pled men, for the rule and dominion of the country. The
people have at last awakened to their danger, only in time to
save themselves and their country ; but, thank Heaven, still
in time. This is no period in the affairs of the country to be
wasting our energies in wooing and coaxing others to come to
us in our party predilections ; there is a sternness about the
spirit of free enquiry, when, it sets home upon the people*
and when they are driven to this by an accumulation of actual
suffering, which will not brook such trifling. The cry of the
people is, why has this fair country become so blighted ?—
Why has our country, possessing more sources of happiness
and plenty, and ease, within her own bosom than all tlie
countries of the earth—why has she become so crippled in
her strength, so diseased in all the springs of her prosperity ?
Why have her people become impoverished, and the iron
gripe of adversity, hard aud stern, been laid upon tbe hearts
of the best of them, grinding them in the dust ? Serious
questions these; and glad are we that the people themselves
are asking them. We know that when they take the matter
in hand, they will not rest satisfied until they are answered,
the sources of the evil unveiled, and by their energy remo
ved. Again, we say, we rejoice that the people of Georgia,
as well as die people of the Union, are asking these questions;
and happy aTe we to aid them, by all the means within our
compass, in the ascertainment of the sources of their calami
ties. This is no time to play the mere partizan, or to strain in
genuity to make our own the better side. We are pleading
the cause of the country and the people, not that of a party
simply. The people would not brook such a course at pre
sent. The spirit of inquiry into the causes of our national
degradation is aroused; and to that spirit, which in its re
sults will shortly purge the country of die causes of it3 pre
sent calamity, do we devote our labors.
Fellow-citizens, who with us are seeking to relieve the
country from tlie disaster and distress which has over
whelmed it, we offer yon as one of the first documents in
proof of the causes of the distress of the people, the follow
ing exhibit of the dishonest, most wicked and spendthrift ex
travagance of your present public servants, who administer
your government- We start at the fountain head. Look at
what Mr. Amos Kendall, Mr. Van Buren and his worthy
coadjutors are spending for you, out of your hard earned
yearly gains, and tell us, can you ever be otherwise than
poor and distressed, while this state of things continues ?
Think of tins fact, which we bring before you, and which
is well worthy of your serious consideration; will you but
remember that the last year, l’ellow-citizens of the South,
more cotton was made than ever was made before in the
United States. You made more than twenty hundred thou
sand bales; and will you also remember, that it took the
whole, or nearly the whole, amount of this enormous crop
to pay the office holders the expenses of our simple demo
cratic government? Make the calculation, and at an ave
rage rate of price, see if your whole two millions of bales,
after paying expenses, will amount to more than forty millions
of dollars, the amount expended by this wasteful and profli
gate Government of ours—make the calculation, and see if
we are far wrong. And is it not enough to alarm us, fellow-
citizens. when we think that it takes nearly the whole cotton
product of the whole cotton growing country of the United
States, to meet the yearly prodigality of this most rotten
Administration at Washington ? an Administration which
has not, so far as we can discover, peiformed one single act
during its whole career, but which has turned out a curse
rather than a blessing to the people.
Read the subjoined array of facts, as taken from the pub
lic recoids themselves. Read them, fellow-citizens, and if
they do not afford you some light into the causes of the suffer
ings of the people, then we are mistaken in regard to what
are the true sources of national suffering and distress. We
make the following article our own ; and to those who seek
light we offer it as item the first in the catalogue of causes
of the people’s sufferings. Read and ponder.
Why is the country in debt, and who is responsible
FOR IT ?
The President has informed us that the nation is in debt,
and has not the means to meet its engagements. The na
tional faith is pledged, and unless tlie means are raised, it
must be forfeited. How has this state of things been brought
about, and what party are blameable for it?
In addition to the payments of the old national debts, this
Government has collected and expended in tlie last fifteen
years $307,501;409. For four of these fifteen years the ad
ministration of the Government was in the hands of Mr.
Adams, who was defeated in liis re-election for his extrava
gance, Mr. Benton, the present champion of the Administra
tion, being then loudest in his charges of waste and extrava
gance against Mr. Adams ; and in that time Mr. Adams ex
pended just $50,301,911 ; an annual average of $12,575,477.
AfterYhe successor of Mr. Adams came into power, for
seven years, and up to the commencement of the Congress
before tlie last, the Whigs had a majority in the Senate; and
by their exertions kept partially in check the spirit of profli
gate extravagance which has ever characterized the paity in
power. The following table will exhibit the amount, exclu
sive of payments of the public debt, of those seven years—
1829 .812,660,460
1830. 13,229,533
1831 12,864.067
1832 16,516,388
1833 22,713,756
1834 18,425,417
1835 17,514,950
Total expenditures for 7 years by the
present party .$114,920,571
Average annual expenditure $16,417,796
In tlie forepart of 1836, Tyler, Mangum and Leigh, re
signed their seats in tlie Senate afier receiving instructions
from their Legislatures, and their places were filled by friends
of the Administration. This accession of strength gave the
party in power complete and unlimited control of both bran
ches of Congress.
The accompanying table, showing the expenditures of the
Government, exclusive of payments tolhe public debt, from
this memorable period up to the present time, will best ex
hibit tbe progress of this work of modem retrenchment, which
those who claim to be tbe exclusive friends of the people
bare so successfully carried on since they got unlimited con
trol of the public purse—
Expenditures of the Government.
1836. $30,868,164—1837, 39,164,745—1838, 40,427,218—
1839, 31,815,000—making a total for the lest four years of
$142,275,127—average amount of expenditures, $35,568,781.
From tbe 1st January, 1837, up to the lstof January, 1840,
Congress has levied upon and collected from the people,
through customs and public lands, as itappears from the pub
lic documents and reports of the executive departments, ninety
millions four hundred & six thousand and sixty-six dollars !
Then, if the expenditures of Govem’t. had been kept down to
its receipts, the average annual expenditure would have
been $30,135,355; but in addition to this amount Congress
has appropriated and placed in the hands of the President,
and he has caused to be expended 21,000,889—making the
immense gross sum of 111,406 955. The 21,000,889 which
the present Administration has expended over and above the-
amount of the receipts of the Government .were made up of
the following items—1st: The fourth instalment due to the
States under the deposite act, amounting to $9.387,214. The
amount received anterior to the 1st of January, 1840, from
the proceeds of the sales of the Government stock in the
late Bank of the United States, $5,000,000. The amount in
the Treasury on the 1st day’of January, 1837, {omitting frac
tions) 6,600,000. The amount of outstanding Treasury notes
on the 1st day of January, 1840, (omitting fractions) $2,750,-
000; making the gross sum of 23,717,214. From this take
the sum in the Treasury on die lstof January, 1840, amount
ing to 1,556,385, and the sum due from deposite banks at that
time amounting to 1,149,240, which together makes 2,706,-
325, and we have the above named snm of $21,000,889.
Thus, then, we have the sum, and the items of which it is
composed, which has been expended over and above the re
ceipts of the Government in the last three years.
What response can Mr. Van Buren, after all the loud pro
fessions of economy and horror for extravagance, with which
his messages have all been filled, with a controlling majority
in both branches of Congress, from the time he came into
power, give to this simple exhibit? How will he answer to
a deceived and betrayed people, with power to reduce tbe
expenditures, if he had chosen to do so, to $12,000,000, for
running them up to upwards of $37,000,000 ? With an in
come of more than $30,000,000 (near $3,000,000 more than
double the sum of the first year of General Jackson’s Ad
ministration,) he and his party have spent not only the whole
of it; but in addition thereto, upwards of $21,000,000, which
should have beeu returned to the people of the States, to
aid in payingoff tlieir debts.
From these tables taken from the records of the Honse of
Representatives, we have a sample of the trite character of
retrenchment which those in power are giving to the coun
try. This party has redeemed this pledge in quite as faith
ful a manner as the many others they gave the country.
We have in the whole United States not quite 2,000,000
voters, but, taking this as the number, the amount which
each voter bad to pay. on an average, during the four years
the Whigs had the Government in their hands, was $6 28
annually. And for the last four years that the pzesent party
have had the unqualified control, the amount each voter has
had to pay, upon the same basis was $17 77 annually. Here
then, the taxes of the people have been almost trebled by
those who came into power under the most solemn pledge to
reduce them.
Although the people are scarcely consaious of paying this
tax, yet every farthing of it is taken out of their pockets by
the tax gatherers ana paid into the Federal Treasury.—
Every man who buys any of the dutiable articles which are
brought from abroad, pays his part of his tax, whether he
buy a broadcloath coat for himself or his son, or a gown or a
pair of shoes for his wife or his daughter, if they are import
ed he pays hi3 portion of the general tax. These articles,
that are manufactured abroad, where labor is so much
cheaper than it is in this country, can be purchased much
cheaper than in our own country. And hence they are pur
chased in other countries by our merchants who are not al
lowed to bring them here without paying a duty or tax to the
Government for the privilege of importing them. The mer
chant then adds that duty or tax on tlie price of his goods
abroad, and the expense of bringing them here, and adds on
to that gross account his own profit, all of which are paid by
the consumer; and it is in this way, as every one knows,
that the consumers of the country, at last, pay all the taxes
into the Federal Treasury to support the Government.
Our readers will perceive by tbe Card of Messrs. Colquitt,
Black and Cooper, that these gentlemen, in total disregard
of the wishes, and of the expressed decision of the party to
which they have been hitherto attached, have declared them
selves candidates for re-election. That is, in a word, that
they appeal from the decision of the party that placed them
where they are, to the Union party, and the few malcontents
of the Slate Rights party in this State, hoping, no doubt,
that the whole vote of the Union party—whose candidates
they will be in fact—together with the few State Rights men
who may still support them, will be sufficient to gain them a
triumph over their old party. That the Union party will make
room for them on their ticket, whether they nominate them
or not, there is no doubt. We suppose the game will be, not
to nominate these gentlemen as a regular party nomination,
for fear that such regular party nomination might prevent
even the discontented handful of State Rigkts men, from
aiding the scheme by their votes; but our opponents will
withdraw three of their least effective nominees, thereby
leaving room on their ticket for the gentlemen late of the
State Rights nomination. So be it. We regret that these
gentlemen should thus throw themselves upon their recent
adversaries ; but we regret this solely on their account, not
for any injury it will do us; for we are well assured that
any injury which the party might have suffered, by its refusal
to re-nominate these gentlemen, will be almost wholly obvia
ted by the course they have thought proper to pursue on this
occasion. The State Rights party cannot support the Union
Van Buren ticket, and will not do it; and it matters not a
whit whether the nominees be proclaimed as their own, or
from policy so understood to be without such proclamation.
These gentlemen constitute a part and portion of the Union
ticket for Congress, and shall be so considered and treated by
us in the campaign.
One word in conclusion. There can be no doubt who
placed these gentlemen where they are. As it has been de
clared by the party that it feels itself to be misrepresented
by them, and as they seem to put the wishes and the deci
sions of that party at defiance, and as they finally have
placed themselves in the hands of our political opponents,
the Union party, against the regular nomination of their old
party, we ask under such circumstances, would it not be
Republican—would it not be proper in every point of view,
that those gentlemen should resign the position which they
can no longer properly fill, viz: as the Representatives of
those who placed them there ?
If we are not greatly mistaken, there have been in the
whole State Rights party, no members of it who have more
thoroughly maintained the propriety and the duty of ac
quiescence in the decisions of the party, in the usual form
of ascertaining these decisions by Convention, than the
three gentlemen, Messrs. Colquitt, Black aud Cooper, who
now repudiate this decision, and treat it with disdain.—
Here is the decision of the party which cannot be misun
derstood ; and yet which i3 set at naught by these gentle
men, without ceremony. A decision made by a larger
delegation of tlie people, if we are not mistaken, than has
ever been convened before in Milledgeville, for any objects
connected with the party; certainly a much larger assem
blage of delegates, and those directly from the people, than
that which nominated these gentlemen themselves, as the
candidates of the party, and any resistance to which would
doubtless have been characterized by them as a perfect
dereliction of tbe obligations due to the party by its con
stituency.
But these gentlemen have cast away from them, it
seems, all the usual party obligations, and seem determined
since they will not be ruled by their party, to sej whether
they cannot rule it, or defeat it. We trust the first
Monday in October next will teach these gentlemen, that
as so far they have not been able to do the first, they will
be alike unsuccessful in accomplishing the latter. The
State Rights party .of Georgia cannot be overthrown and
prostrated in the dust, by the defection of a dozen or two
of its members, even should those few have been hitherto
trusted agents of the party, and possessed of its regard and
confidence. Georgia differs from her adjoining sister in
this, as she does in many other points—she never has and
never will be v uled by the ipse dixit of any man. The
voice of the majority of the people is the voice that directs
her; that voice has been heard, in the full assembly of the
people’s delegates, and that^voice, and that alone will be
respected.
But even if these gentlemen should succeed, where we
ask will be their triumph ? Do not they know that they
can only succeed by the vote of their hitherto opponents
of the Union Van Buren party, and that all that they can
possibly hope for from their own party, is but the merest
fraction of its vote T and that every vote they receive un
der the circumstances, will only have the effect of weak
ening the strength of the party with which they have so
long acted, and which has hitherto so confidingly entrusted
its interests to their hands, and of causing the triumph of
that party which the gentlemen themselves have been loud*
est in denouncing, as all that was federal, all that was
dangerous, all that was corrupt ? Where, we ask will be
the triumph of crushing those interests, and of defeating
those who have so long generously confided in them 1 We
envy not such a triumph, should ihe gentlemen even ac
complish their object; but this we trust they will not do;
the State Rights party will be true to themselves in their
own nomination—and we predict, that the gentlemen will
discover when too late, that the only effect of their new
position will be to cement in firmer union, a party which hav~
ing only the interests of the country in view, will not suf
fer its energies to be paralyzed by any action whatever, on
the part of a mere handful of those who may have be
longed to it.
Much of our space is occupied this week with the ad
dress of our Representatives in Congress, Messrs. Haber
sham, Dawson, Alford, Nisbet, Warren and King, to their
constituents. We sincerely trust that the people of Geor
gia will not be frightened by the length of this address from
its calm and impartial perusal and consideration. The
people want light, und here they will find it. They most
not expect that the calumnies against Gen. Harrison, the
evidences of his distinguished merit, and the revolting out
rages and misconduct of Mr. Van Buren’s Administration,
can all be set forth in the space of a common article. The
subject matter of this address is what at present of all oth
er subjects mostly affects and interests the people, and
were it not due to our distinguished and meritorious rep
resentatives themselves, to place tlieir address before the
people, we should feel that it was due to the people to do
so; for it is a plain array of facts, which is needed for a
true judgment, and wbat is more, it is a statement upon
which tbe people may most implicitly rely.
We had intended to have called the attention of the read
er especially to particular parts of this address, and to
have added some remaiks of our own, but our limits will
only permit us this week to commend most earnestly this
address to the whole people of Georgia, by whom one and
all we trust it may be read, and may have its appropriate
affect.
CP Gov. Troup’s Letter in our next.
Gek. Harrison.—Mr. James Lyons, one of tbe Virginia
Electors, having written to, and informed Gen. H. of the
perversions and misrepresentations of his principles and
opinions on certain exciting questions at the present time,
lately received in answer the following conclusive and satis
factory letter, to which we take pleasure in invitiug the
attention of our readers.
North Bend, 1st June. 1840.
Mr Dear Sir—When I received your letter of the 14lh
April, I was very unwell with a violent cold in the head,
which terminated in intermittent neuralgia, or sun pain, as
it is commonly called, which was so much increased by writ
ing, that I was obliged for some time to do very littld in that
way. When I recovered, my unanswered letters had in
creased tu so fearful a mass that I have not yet been able to
get through it, even with the assistance of my conscience keep
ing committee. And although I have adopted the method of
getting rid of a large portion of them by committing them to
the flames instead of the committee, such are the constant in
terruptions to which I am subjected by a constant stream of
visitors, that I am able to make very little progress in les
sening my file. You have in the above my apology for treat
ing you with apparent neglect,which it was impossible that I
should do, as well from your high standing in society, as
from the regard I feel for yon, in consequence of the long
and intimate friendship and connexion between our families.
But for these reasons, candor induces mo to say, that I could
never have brought myself to answer the political part of
your letter at all. I am convinced that upon reflection you
yourself will think that it was totally unnecessary; for I can
not suppose that my personal friends and connexions in my
native State, could think that 1 was less of a gentleman or an
honest man, than those ardent politicians farther Sooth,
Stanly, Alford, Legate, Dawson, King, &c.,&c. They take
it for granted that I could not suffer my Vincennes speech
and others to be quoted by my friends, to show my opinions
on the3ubject of abolitionism, if I did not hold those opinions
at this time—they have therefore, treated with scorn and
contempt, tbe charge of my being an abolitionist, and truly
assert that I have done and suffered more to support South
ern Rights, than any other person north of Mason and Dixon’s
line. I have had, indeed, a great number of applications
from individuals, (nine-tenths at least, my opponents ) re
quiring me to reiterate wbat I have said or written upon the
subjeet of the U. S. Bank, Abolitionism, <5cc. I have declined
to answer them, of late, at all; amongst other reasons, be
cause it was physically impossible that I should do it;’and,
as they all require my opinions in manuscript, particularly
addressed to the writers, they would not be satisfied with
my writing one letter and sending a printed copy to each.—
I WAS DETERMINED, HOWEVER, TO AVAIL MYSELF OF THE
FIRST FAVORABLE OPPORTUNITY, AND REFERRING TO THE
LETTERS AND SPEECHES X HAD MADE ON THE SUBJECTS
I HAVE MENTIONED. TO ENDORSE THEM ALL. This I have
recently done, in. a letter to a committee appointed by the
Whig members of foe Legislature of New York. You will
probably see it published by the time this reaches you.
In relation to the discussion between Mr. Randolph and
myself in the Senate, of which a statement is annexed to the
address, what better evidence could be given that there is no
possibility of satifying my political enemies by any thing
that I could write, than the garbled account which they
have given of that discussion? If the charge made upon
me by Mr. Randolph is authentic, taken from a newspa
per report, surely my answer to him should be consid
ered so also. It is worthy of remark too, Mr. Randolph
made no reply to my answer to his attack, and that he was
not a man to leave a matter in that situation if he could avoid
it. The truth is, that I believe he really regretted his attack
upon me. He repeatedly told me so, ail'd frequently solicited
me to bury the hatchet at a friendly dinner with him, which
I agreed to-do. At the dinner were Mr. Calhoun, Mr Hayne
and General Hamilton, and many others, all but myself, of
the then Jackson party. Our friendly intercourse was never
afterwards interrupted. In reply to your inquiry, as to my
connection with the old Federal partv, I will state to you the
circumstances under which I received two appointments from
Mr. John Adams. In the year 1796, Gen. Wayne left the
Army on a visit to Philadelphia. I had been recently mar
ried, and tendered to him my resignation as his aid-de-camp ;
but he declined receiving it, saying he could very well dis
pense with my services in his journey. It was durin" this
trip that heobtained the promise of Gen. Washington to give
me a civil appointment, as I expressed my determination to
leave the Army. This promise the President repeated to my
brother, C. B. Harrison, then in Congress,with some very kind
remarks upon my conduct in the Army. When Gen. Wash
ington left the Presidency, I have reason to believe, that he
obtained a promise from Mr. Adams to fulfil his intentions.
When the office of Secretary of the North Western Ter
ritory became vacant, Mr. Adams appointed me, although I
was opposed by Col. Pickering tbe Secretary of State. In
1799,1 was selected by tbe Republican party of the Territo
rial Legislature to be tbeir candidate for the appointment of
delegate to Congress. Between Mr. Arthur St. Clair, jr. (the
son of Gov. St. Clair.) the Federal candidate, and myself, the
votes were divided precisely as the two parties stood in the
Legislature, with the exception of one Republican who was in
duced by bis regard for the Governor to vote for his son. The
vote was 11 to 10, not one of die nine Federalists voting for me.
Before I left Cincinnati, the Republican members made me
promise not to suffer my known opposition to the measures
of the Administration to interfere with the attainment of the
great object for which I was sent. Upon my arrival in Phil
adelphia, I was received by Mr. Adams in the most flattering
manner. At his dinner parties, where I was often a guest^
he seemed to take great pleasure in speaking of my father’s
services in the Revolutionary Congress, relating many anec
dotes to shew his devotion to the cause, and the effect which
his pleasantries produced in cheering them in the gloom
which the occasionally unpromising state of their affairs often
produced.
I had no conversation with Mr. Adams on politics, farther
than to explain to him my views in relation to the change
in the system of selling the Public Lands, which I was glad
to find he approved. As soon as the law was passed for the
division of the North Western Territory, I was informed
that it was the intention of Mr. Adams to nominate me to tlie
government of Indiana. I hesitated not a moment to declare
that I would not accept it, although very much pressed to do
so by several leading members of Congress. I was not
long in discovering the motives of those gentlemen. There
had been some meetings of the people of the Territory, in
which resolutions had been adopted recommending me to the
President for the Government of the Territory (North Wes
tern) instead of Gov. St. Clair.
Those resolutions, with correspondent addresses,had been
forwarded to tlie President and Senate. Now it so happen
ed that two distinguished Senators had fixed their eyes up
on the same office. One of them who had been most urgent
forme to go to Lidiana, had large possessions in the North-
Western Territory, which was probably one reason for his
wishing to go there. But the main object was to secure the
Territory to the Federal party,when it should become a State,
which it was known would soon be the case. To carry out
this plan, it was necessary to get me out of the way. Tbe
appointment was pressed upon me. notwithstanding my re
fusal to take it. At length my relations and friends, the Mes
srs. Nicholas, Wilson Cary of the Senate, and John of the
House, prevailed on me to accept it. They pointed out the
advantages to myself, and assured me that there was no doubt
of Mr. Jefferson’s election, in the ensiling November elec
tion, and that I would be continued Governor of Indiana, aud
some Republican succeed Gov. St’Ciair in the North-western
Territory.
I therefore accepted the appointment, with a determina
tion, as Indiana had no voice in the choice of the President
that I would take no part in the contest.
I have thus given you a full account of my connexion with
the Presidency of Mr. Adams. I will conclude by saying,
that Mr. Jefferson tost no time, after his inauguration, to as
sure me of his favor and his confidence, and l think there is
sufficient evidence that I retained both to-the end of his ad
ministration.
In answer to the inquiry, why I used the word “ Abolition”
in designating a society of which I was a member in Rich
mond* in the year 1791, instead of the word “Humane,”
which is known to be the one-by which the society was really
distinguished?—all that I can say upon tlie subject is, that
if I did really term it an Abolition Society, a fact which I
can still hardly believe, (for I have not been able to see the
paper containing my address to tlie people of the district in
1822,) it must have been from forgetfulness, which might
easily happen after a lapse of 31 years. At any rate, the
word Abolition was not understood to mean in 1822 what it
now means. There can be no donbt that the society of which
Mr. Tarlton Pleasants was a member, and which, inhis pub
lication in the Richmond Wlfig, he calls the “ Humane Soci
ety of Richmond,” [and by this title Judge Gatch, who gave
me the certificate in 1822, also designated it,] was the same
ot which I was a member. Mr. Pleasants was a member in
1797, I in 1791—Mr. Robert Pleasants was the President at
tlie former period, as he was when I was admitted.
I do not wish what I have said above to be published, but
I have no objection that the facts should be stated, and refer
ence made to me as having furnished them.
I have written to a friend in Congress, Mr. Jos. Williams
of Tennessee, showing the connexion which existed between
the Hamilton county corresponding committee and myself,
and authorized him to make it public.
I was about to make some further observations, when I
was interrupted by a party of gentlemen from Louisville, and
must conclude by assuring you that I am.
Very truly, yours, W. H. HARRISON.
[COMMUNICAT£D.[
On Saturday, the 4th July, will be delivered at the College
Chapel, in Midway, an oration before the Phi Delta and
Thalian Societies, by a member of the Senior Class. The
celebration to commence at 9 o’clock, A. M., so as to allow
those who wish, to participate in the festivities of Milledge
ville. Tlie public generally are invited to unite with ns on
that occasion.
The Wife.—That woman deserves not a husband’s
generous love who will not greet him with smiles as he re
turns from the labors of the day; who will not try to chain
him to his home by the sweet enchantment of a cheerful
heart. There is not one in a thousand that is so unfeeling
os to withstand such an influence, and break away from
such a home.
The sub-treasury Whigs in Virginia seem to have adopt
ed the following maxim: “ I am in favor of the Sub- Trea
sury,” said a worthy old gentleman of this city, the other
day. “ but I shall vote for General Harrison. I go for the
sub-treasury, but I vrant an honest man to superintend it.
[Louisville Journal.
MARRIED.
In Eatonton, on Tuesday, the 16lh inst., by the Rev. Johar
E. Di vson, Peter W Walton, to Miss Mart A., youn
gest daughter of Mr. Washington Rose.
. Woodlawn, Upson county, on Tuesday evening, 9 !r
mst.. by the Rev. Mr. Montgomery. Dr. B. D. Brewster, of
Bellevue, Talbot county, to .Miss Mary Jane, daughter of
Samuel Grantlaod, Esq.
Died at his residence, in Carroll county, od Sunday
evening last, the 14rb inst. the lion. W illiam G. Spring
er, after a short but painful illness, in the 51st .ear of his
age.
In the village of Hayaeville, Houston conn*y. on the night
of the 9th inst., Major Henry Wimberly, in the fortieth
year of his age.
ANNIVERSARY B ILL !
A BALL will be given at the LaFayette Hall, on Friday
evening, the 3d of July next.
The following gentlemen are Managers :
Gen.J. W A. Sanford, I W. T. W. NapfeR, Esq.,
Maj. W. S. Rockwell, | Col. W. Rctherfokd,
® A- Glascock, Esq , | Capt. M. J. Kenan,
R. M Comb, Esq, | Maj. I. L Harris.
June 23,1840 gj 21
I WISH TO KNOW
I F there has been returned to the Clerks of the Inferior
Courts, east of Macon, including Jasper. Morgan Wilkes
Greene, Hancock, Baldwin, Putnam and Jones, a sorrel
mare, 6 years old, the rise of 5 feet high, with small white
spou over her, as some wonld term fleabitten, long flax mane
and tail, the mane laying on the left side, a little drooped
rump, some saddle spots on her back, some of her feet white,
and coaid pace a litde, just learning. She ranaway or was
Sr-n? *" rom subscriber on the 29th day of July, 1839, in
\\ ilkes county. 12 miles east of Washington, Ga.; the said
mare was raised in Randolph co., Ga., and believe that she
was making her way towards home, from the best informa
tion. Any information will be thankfully received, from any
person, and liberally rewarded for their trouble.
VT _ JOHN M. CHRISTIAN.
N. B. Letters to be directed to Georgetown P. O., Ran
dolph co., Ga.
June 23, 1840 23 2t
STOP THE THIEF! STOP THE THIEF
S TOLEN from tlie Subscriber’s Stable, in Jasper county
on the night of the 13th June, a likely roan Horse, wits
black mane and tail. He is a remarkable looking horse,
about fifteen hands and a half high, well limbed, and muscled
extremely broad across tbe forehead between the eyes, has
a good neck, and very long foretop and mane. He paces,
but is a natural trottor.
It is highly probable the said horse was taken by a man
who loitered about in the settlement some time since, selling
a negro that proved to be one he stole from Marengo coun
ty, Ala. This thief called his name John Garot, is about 5
feet several inches high, about 30 years old, black hair, dark
complexion, has lost a bit of hh right ear, round shouldered
and has a peculiar walk.
A liberal reward will be paid for any useful information
or delivery of the horse at Hillsborough, in the above named
countv, and any amount will be paid for the apprehension
of the thief. WILLIAM M. STOKES.
June 16, 1840 23 2t
LOST,
O R MISLAID, so that it cannot be obtained, a certain
Promissory Note, assigned by Wm. H. Ingram, ami
payable to Robert McGehee, or bearer, for $24 15, dated
about the 2lst ofFebruary last, and due one day after date;
the public are hereby cautioned against trad ing for any such
note. ROBERT McGEHEE.
June 23,1840 23 It
JNO. WILLI.4N RABUN,
FACTOR AND COMMISSION MERCHANT.
Savannah, (Geo.)
R ESPECTFULLY tenders his services to his friends
and the public generally, in purchasing, receiving and
forwarding Goods; receiving and selling Cottou, and’other
Produce
All business entrusted to him, will have prompt atten
tion after 1st August next, at which time his office will be
opened.
June 23,1810. 23 tf
NOTICE THIS!
I HAVE this day learnt from good authrrity, that the
agent of Mr. Griswold, of Clinton, Jones county, ha3
circulated a report that my Cotton Gin Factory was burnt.
I am thankful to say that such a statement is entirely false ;
my business of making Cotton Gins is in full operation. I
will say to the fanners, that I am making a superior article
of Cotton Gins, varying in price from $2 25, per saw, to
$3 50. I know such statements as the above are all done to
injure me, though I could not expect any thine better of him.
I think he must be friendly to the present Administration; I
am a Hard Cider man myself.
S. R. CRENSHAW.
Tyrone, Wilkes Co. Ga , June 23, 1840. 23 5t
$90 REWARD.
A BSCONDED from the subscriber, living near Laurens
Hill, P. O., in Laurens connty, about the first of Feb
ruary last, an African Negro Fellow, named GEORGE,
has two front teeth out. quick spoken, about 40 years of age,
and of middle size. Said Negro was once owned iu Chat
ham county, about three or four years ago, and it is thought
is loitering some where in that county, or about Darien. The
above reward will be paid to any one who will lodge him in
any safe Jail, and give me information of the fact, so that I
get him again. LENNEAR E. SMITH.
June 23,1840 23 4t
ON SUSPICION.
G eorgia, thomas county.
Taken up on suspicion, a man who assigns his name
Dr. T. J. Franklin Mitchell, who this community sus
pects and believes to be guilty of having been committing
many egiegions and unlawful offences, to wit: that of being
concerned with Indians, Negroes, or others, in committing
murders and robbing; and from his n> t being able to give a
satisfactory account of himself, suspect him to be guilty of
many outrages. We would here observe, that r>om evidence,
he has denied positive facts, with regard to his private char
acter, which further creates suspicion; also, he was found
traveling through the woods in this county, near tbe place
where a family was killed in Irwin county, recently; also,
near where a Mr. Hancock. lives in this connty, and who
was shot at with three guns, though no damage done ex
cept that of plundering and burning his house ; he u a man
of quite bad countenance; his arm is wounded and now
wears a band constantly ; his supposed age is 40 to 50 years ;
stout aud heavy built; will weigh from 160 to 180 pounds.
Information also has reached, that such a character has been
advertised, and a reward of some considerable amount.—
Perhaps it would be proper to remark, that it is his left arm
which is lamed. The said Mitchell taught school in the
upper part of this county some two vears since, for a short
time. He w as delivered to me for detention, in Jail till he
should give some honorable account of himself. If he has
any friends who know him to be clear of said charges, they
are requested to give immediate information; also, if any
person know any thing against his character, he will much
oblige by such infoimation, stating the particulars.
JOHN HURST, Sh’ff.
Thomasville. June 10, 1840. 23 tf
BROUGHT TO JAIL.
A NEGRO MAN about 5 feet. 10 inches-high, dark com
plexion. Said negro says his name is Limas, and be
longs to Maj. Menton, of Libeity co., Ga. The owner can
have said negro by proving property and paying expenses.
JESSE HURST, Jailor.
June 23, 1840 23 3t
B ROUGHT to the Jail of Laurens county, on the 14th
day of May last, a negro man who calls himself JOE,
and says that he belongs to Berch M. Heberts, of Palmyra,
Baker county, Ga. Said Joe is about 30 years of age^six
feet high, stout built, high cheek bones, large eyes, and has
on an old seal skin cap. The owner is requested to come
forward in terms of the law, and take him away.
T. N. GUYTON, Jailor.
Dublin. June 23, 1840 23 4t
G eorgia, tattnall county.
Whereas James Smith, Executor on the estate of
Simon Smith, deceased, applies to me for letters of dismis
sion from his said executorship, so far as his keeping the
property of Benjamin F. Dowdy in his possession, until said
Dowdy shall arrive to the age of twenty-one years.
These are to cite and admonish all concerned, to be and
appear at my office within the time prescribed by law, to
snow cause, if any they have, why he should not be dis
charged from his said executorship.
Given under my hand at office, the 6th Jane, 1840.
WM. W. TIPP1NS, c. C. o.
June 23, 1840. 23 m6m
Laurtn* Superior Court, June Term, ISiO.
Martha Thomas,)
rs. > Libel for a Divorce.
John Thomas. )
I T appearing by the return of the Sheriff, that ihe defend
ant is not to be found in the county—it is therefore Or
dered, that the defendant do appear at the next Superior
Court of this county, and plead or answer to the said case;
and it is further ordeieJ, that this rule be published in one
of the public gazettes of this State, at least once a month for
three months previous to the next term of this Court.
A true extract from the minues of the Superior Court of
Laurens county, June I8th. 1840.
FRANCIS THOMAS, Cleik.
June 23,1840 23 m3m
GEORGIA, LOWNDES COUNTY.
W M. A. KNIGHT, of the 664th dist.G. M., tolled be
fore me, Levi J. Knight, a Justice of the Peace, for
said district, a small sorrel mare, with both hind feet white,
about five year3 old, appraised by Jacob Hughs and Isben
Guldens, to 365, this 8th May, 1840.
A true extract from the Estray Book of said county,
this 6th day of June, 1840. ,
WILLIAM &M1TH, c. 1. c.
June 23.1840 23 21
A GREEABLY to an order of the honorable Inferior
Court of Tattnall county, when sitting for ordinary pur
poses, will be sold on the first Tuesday in August next, be
fore the Court house door in the town of Reidsville, in said
county, all the real estate of Seaborn and Sarah Jane Bowen,
minors. Sold for the benefnof said minors.
JOHN LITTLE, Guardian.
Mny 23. 1340 23 tds
F OUR months alter date, application will be made to the
honorable Inferior Court of Morgan county, while sit
ting as a Court of Ordinary, for leave to sell the lands and
negroes belonging to the estate of James Cox, late of said
county, deceased.
WILLIAM P- COX, Adm’r.
June 23, 1840 23 4m -
F OUR months after date, application will be made to the
honorable Inferior Court of Tattnall county, when sit
ting for ordinary purposes, for leave to sell all the real ewate
of John Holland, Jr., late of aaid county, deceased.
WILLIAM HOLLAND, Adm’r.
May 23, 1840 33 4n »