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BY GRIEVE & OR ME, State Printers.]
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JUNE 30, 1840.
[NO. 24—VOL. XXI.
XJ 3 The Recorder is published weekly, on Hancock
jtreet, nearly opposite the Masonic Hall, at Three Dol-
i *ns per annum, payable in advance, or Four Dollars
j’f not naid before the end of the year. No paper sent out
,,f the State, to any new subscriber, without being first paid
for in advance.
Advertisements conspicuously inserted at the usual
rat”S. Those sent without a specification of the number o)
insertion*, will be published until ordered out, and charged
accordingly. _
Sales of land and negroes, by Administrators, Executors,
or Guardians, are required by law to be held ou the first
Tues lay in the month, between the hours of ten in the fore
noon and three iu the afternoon, at the Court-house of the
county in which the property is situate. Notices of these
si >s must be given in a public gazette SIXTY days previous
to the day of sale. .
•Notices for the sale of personal property must be given
in like manner, forty days previous to the day of sale.—
Vsu, notice to the debtors and creditors of an estate must be
published for forty days
N iticethat application will be made to the Court of Ordina
ry fur leave to sell land, must be published for FOUR MONTH.*.
' All business in the line of PRINTING, will meet with
prompt mention at the RECORDER OFFICE.
v lftters (on business) must be post-paid.
XY Our readers, in requesting the direction of their pa
per changed from one Post Office to another, are deaired, in
ev ery instance, in making such requests,to inform us as well
nfthe name of the Post Office from which they desire it
changed, as that to which they may thereafter wish it sent.
* N ACT to alter the 3d ,7th and 12tli sections of the first
A. article, and the 1st, 2d and 3d sections of the 3d article,
nnd the 15th section of the 4th article of the Coastiiution of
Whereas a part of the 3d section of the 1st article of the
Constitution is in the following words, viz: The Senate
shall be elected annually; and a part of the ah section of
the 1st article, is in the following words : The Representa
tives shall be chosen annually; and a part of the 1-th sec
tion of the 1st article is in the following words: The meeting
of the General Assembly shall be annually ; And whereat a
■art of the 3d section of the 3d article is in the following
words : There shall be a State’s Attorney and Solicitor ap
pointed by the Legislature and commissioned by the Gov
ernor. who shall hold their office for the term of three years ;
and a part of the 15th section of the 4th ar ticle is in the fol
lowing words: The same shall be published at least six
months previous to the next ensuing annual election, for
members of the General Assembly i And whereat the before
reviled clauses require amendments—
Section 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Iteprt-
mitatirei of the State of Georgia in General Atsembly met. and
it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same. That so soon as
lliis act shall have passed, agreeably to the requisitions of
[he Constitution, the following shall be adopted in. lieu of
lhe foreouing clauses: In the 3d section of the 1st article,
the following, to wit: The Senate shall be elected bi-annually.
after the passage of this act; the first election to take place
on file first Monday in the year one thousand eight hundred
and forty-three. In lieu of the 7th section of the 1st article,
the following: Tire Representatives shall be elected bi-an-
nuallv, afterlhe passage of this act, the first election to take
,,| ac e on the first Monday in October, in the year one thou
sand eight hundred and forty three; and in lieu of the clause
in the 12th section of the 1st articie, the following: The meet
ing of the General Assembly sliall be bi-annually, aftet the
passage of this act, on the first Monday in November. And
in lieu of the clause in the 3d section of the 3d article, the
following, to wit: There shall be a State's Attorney and So
licitor elected by the Legislature, who shall hold their office
for the term of four years; and in lien, of the- claiuse in the
15th section of the 4th article, the following: The same shall
be published utleast six months previous to the next ensuing
bi-annual election for members of the General Assembly;
fi,e provisions of this act not to go into effect until the year
one thousand eight hundred and forty-three.
SEC. 2. And be it farther enacted bg the authority aforesaid,
That whenever it shall so happen that the term of office of any
of the Judges, State’s Attoruev or Solicitors, shall expire at
anv time during the recess of the General Assembly, then
and in that case it shall be the duty of his Excellency the
Governor to fill such vacancy, by appointment, until the
next General Assembly Thereafter to be-1
by ‘ ' ‘ ’
held, when such
vacancy shall be filled by election by the Legislature, until
the next election of Judges, State’s Attorney or Solicitots
shall take place.
JOSEPH DAY,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
ROBERT M. ECHOLS,
President of the Senate.
Assented to, December 23d, 1839.
CHARLES J. McDONALD, Governor.
March 31, 1840. if 6ln
CENTRAL BANK AGENCY.
T HE undersigned offer their services as agents in the
renewal of Notes at the Central Bank. They will at
tend to all Notes entrusted to their care, for the customary
toe ot' one dollar; also, to the taking out and forwarding
Grants at one dollar each.
They will also attend to the offering of Notes for discount,
at the distribution of the Central Bank, advertised to com
mence on the 16th July, and all orders in regard to the dis
position of the money will be promptly attended to.
03= Letters enclosing notes or money must be post paid.
THOMaS RAGLAND,
THO. H. HALL.
Milledgeville, June 16, 1840. 22 tf
03= The Columbus Enquirer and Sentinel and Herald,
will insert three limes.
CENTRAL BANK OF GEORGIA.
Milledgeville, 11th June, 1840.
R ESOLVED, That a distribution of seven hundred and
fiftv thousand dollars be made ainon» the several coun
ties of this State, to be loaned on accommodation notes, which
tnay be offered for discount on the days aud in the order
stated in the follwing table, viz :
County.
Thursday.
Amount.
TtGlh July.
County.
Amount.
Appling.
$2,372
Camden,
5,606
Baker.
3.013
Campbell,
5,912
Baldwin,
7,18.7
Carroll,
5,104
Bibb,
10,136
Cass,
8,251
Bryan,
2,904
Chatham,
21,354
Bulloch,
3,836
Cherokee,
5,598
Burke,
12,521
Chattooga,
4,224
Butts,
6,106
Clarke,
11,403
Cobb,
Thursday
7,54 6
30Ih July.
Dooly,
4,991
Columbia,
11,069
Early,
4,953
Coweta,
11,534
Effingham,
2.775
Crawford,
8,712
Elbert,
12,479
Decatur,
5.546
Emanuel,
3,621
DeKalb,
13,196
F ayette,
7,513
Dade,
1,119
Floyd,
4,221
Forsyth,
Franklin,
Thursday,
6,359
!0fA August.
Gwinnett.
13,495
11.650
Habersham,
9,972
Gilmer,
1,990
Hall,
9,881
Glynn,
3,999
Hancock,
10,099
Greene,
Harris,
11,349
Thursday, 5
14,863
d September.
Jackson,
13,962
Heard,
5,602
Jasper,
12,040
Henry,
14,762
Jefferson,
6,087
Houston,
13,177
Jones.
10,473
Irwin,
2,182
Laurens,
6,035
Lee,
Thursday, 1'
3,510
~th September.
Marion,
5,179
Liberty,
6,812
McIntosh,
5,266
I
Lincoln,
6,178
Meriwether,
16,122
Lowndes,
5,849
Monroe,
15,594
Lumpkin,
7,592
Montgomery,
2,521
Macon,
5,417
Morgan,
9,877
Madison,
Murray,
5,613
Thursday,
4,051
st October.
Pike,
10,191
Muscogee,
17,641
Pulaski,
5,399
Nev. ton,
13,795
Putnam,
11,507
Oglethorpe.
11,691
Rabun,
2,494
l’auld;l)g,
2,981
Randolph,
7,137
Richmond,
Thursday, Ibth October.
13,875 1 Tattnall,
2,949
Sorivcu,
5,132 |
Telfair,
3.147
Stewart,
11,463 1
Thomas,
6.591
Sumter,
4,882 |
Troup,
16,624
Talbot,
15,844
Twiggs,
8,827
Taliaferro,
5,006
Union,
2,935
Upson.
Thursday, 5
14,957
9th October.
Washington,
10,806
Walker,
5,484
Wayne,
1,704
Walton,
11.984
Wilkes,
11.235
Ware,
2,598
j Wilkinson,
7,653
Warren,
11,140
GENERAL REGULATIONS.
The law requires that the money appropriated to each
county shall be loaned only to the citizens of such counties
respectively, and that the endorsers, as well as the makers
of notes, shall be residents of the county. The Board will
therefore require in each case a certificate of residence, both
of the makers and endorsers ; which may be signed by any
civil officer of the county, But if the money appropriated
to the counties respectively, shall not be applied for and
loaned within thirty day3 from the offering days above speci-
fie.l. then the above requirement of the law in relation to the
residence of endorses ceases; and alter that time a certificate
of residence of the maker only', will be required.
All notes must be made payable at the Central Bank of
Georgia, three.hundred and sixty days after date, and must
have two or more good endorsers.
Every note presented for discount must be accompanied with a
written affidavit of the maker, in which he shall state that the note
offered is for the only use and benefit of him, the maker, and not
for the use, benefit, or interest, of any other person, or persons
whatsoever; which affidavit shall be certified by a magistrate or
other officer legally authorised to administer saidoath.
Certificates of die taxable property of the makers and en
dorsers of the notes offered, will be regarded as the best ev
idence of their solvency.
No note will be discounted having on if the name of any
person indebted to the State, either as principal or security,
which debt i3 due and unsettled ; or who is the maker of, or
endorser on, any note or bill heretofore discounted by the
Central Bank, and which is past due and unattended to.
No note will be received for discount after the hour of nine
o’clock, A. M. of the days above specified.
The proceeds of the discounted notes will be paid to the
check of the last endorser only.
By order of the Board of Directors.
, , A. M. NISBET, Cash r.
I June 16. 22 tf
POLITICAL.
Washington City, 25th May, 1840.
To the Editors of the Southern Recorder :
Gentlemen :—Judge Colquitt havingdeter-
mined to lend his aid in the support of the
present Administration, and more effectually
to do so, having addressed to the people of
Georgia a Circular which in its facts and rea
sonings I hold to be uncandid and sophistical,
I propose briefly to review it.
His reasons for supporting Mr. Van Buren
are not so much his merits, or the principles
of his Administration, as alleged heresies of
opinion and practice of his opponent, Gen.
Harrison, the hero, civilian and sage. The
Judge's circular is in the nature of an official
paper: it is the testimony of an agent to his
principals, in relation to the present and future
interests of those principals. It is given upon
the sanction of his high character, and subject
to all the responsibilities of a Representative.
One would suppose, therefore, that his opin
ions, statements and conclusions would all be
formed and expressed with that guarded cau
tion, candor, liberality and equity, which should
characterise testimony in a Court of Justice.
It remains to be seen, how far the paper al
luded to bears the marks of dignified impar
tiality. That the reasons assigned for his
abandonment of his friends—of those whose
suffrage placed him in his present elevated po
sition, are sufficient to satisfy him, and to ex
cuse him to his conscience, I am prepared to
admit; but I deny that they are sufficient to
justify him to them. One thing is certain :
his immediate constituency are where they
were when he was elected—in opposition to
the present Federal misrule; whereas, he is
an adherent of that administration, aiding and
abetting their ancient enemy. If, therefore,
any disaster befalls the State Rights Party of
Georgia—if the principles which he now pro
fesses to honor are destined to beovertlirown—
if that Party is doomed to defeat, he, and
those who act with him, must assume, because
he and they merit, the responsibility of such
events.
He seems to have sustained a new awaken
ing to the dangers of Federalism, and after
“ doing battle'* with Federalists, against the
Administration of Gen. Jackson and of his
successor, from 1833 up to the moment of his
address, he is seized suddenly with a holy
horror of black cockade Federalism. Where
was his apprehension of Whig politics—of
Whig alliance and Northern influence, when
led on by Mr. Calhoun, he united with the
Whigs to put down Gen. Jackson, and to de
feat the succession of Mr. Van Buren I Nei
ther he, nor his ally of the Senate, then
either felt or expressed any apprehension that
the State Rights principles of the South would
be lost in the overwhelming gulf of Federal
influence. But now, the Whigs of the North
are so offensive to his political sensibilities,
that he could scarcely be prevailed upon to
touch one of them with a pair of tongs. Yet
can he hug closely to his bosom the immaculate
adviser of the Proclamation and Force Bill;
him, whose obsequious subserviency was not
restrained by any sense of decency or manli
ness—whose glory was fully consummated in
having served under a chief whose greatest
glory was in that Ploclamatiou and that Force
Bill; and whose pledge was, aud is, to follow
in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor,
albeit they lead him over the prostrate sove
reignty of the States.
Judge C. has sought to revive the odium of
the Administration of the elder Adams, and to
cast it upon. Gen. Hairison. the charges that
he is not only a Federalist, but a black cockade
Federalist. How far the enlightened people
of our enlightened State, whose judgment of
that Administration is now formed in the light
of historical truth—the passions of the day
having subsided—are to be influenced by the
use of colored epithets and odious names, is
not yet apparent. I am satisfied myself that
they are not, like children, to be frightened
by sea re-crows. The evidence that General
Harrison supported the Administration of
John Adams, adduced in the circular, is com
posed of shreds and patches—of charges made
by other men—inuendos and inconclusive in
ferences. What is ill First, in 1798, Mr.
Adams appointed Gen. Hai rison Secretary to
the Territory Northwest of the Ohio. Is it a
thing so very strange that a distinguished Re
publican should be appointed to a remote and
uninflneutial, yet laborious office, by a Federal
President? Who so likely to be appointed
Secretary to that Territory, as he whose arm
defended it—who was familiar with the war
like tribes which environed it, and who had
the confidence of the West? Is it a reproach
to the defender of the West, that he accepted
an office to serve his country, because ten
dered by a Federal Executive? Whose pa
triotism is of so feeble a texture as to give
way before so flimsy a cause ? Not the young
Aid-de-Camp of Mad Anthony Wayne, whose
blood moistened the banks of the Miami.—
Harrison's patriotism was made of sterner stuff.
His country called, and he came to her aid,
at a time when none but himself could com
mand the confidence of the Northwest. And
it was for this cause, and not because of any
tame subservience to his interest, that Mr.
Adams conferred upon him the appointment.
But the evidence accumulates in the appoint
ment of Gen. Harrison Governor of Indiana,
according to the circular. The truth is, that
the Northwest Territory having been divided,
and a portion of it called Indiana erected into
a distinct territory, he was simply retained as
Governor of Indiana—it is true under a differ
ent name, but performing nearly the same
duties. But I will concede to the Judge the
fact, that he did receive hts appointment as
Governor of Indiana, from Mr. Adams. W hat
then? Does this prove him a black cockade
Federalist? He received his first military
commission from Washington; and under the
lofty inspirations of so magnificent a spirit, at
the age of 18, quit the blandishments of wealth
and refined society, and marched to the succor
of the bleeding West. Does that appoint
ment identify him with Washington ? It does.
He hails from the revolutionary day—the em
bodiment, in his life, of its virtue and patri
otism—the only link remaining which can
unite the coming Administration with that of
the great, wise, and peerless Washington.
If Judge Colquitt’s logic proves any thing,
it proves infinitely too much for his purposes.
Gen. Harrison received office from the first Ad
ams; therefore he supported the entire policy
of his Administiation. Now it so happens,
that he also received office from Mr. Jefferson
and Mr. Madison; therefore he supported the
entire policy of the two great Republican Ad-
minisli ations. The truth is, he was and is a
Republican, and I shall, I trust, demonstrate
it beyond the power of ex parte statements, or
indefinite conjecture, or ad captandum ap
peals.
The next item of proof adduced, is composed
of two parts, to wit: a charge made by John
Randolph of Roanoke, and Gen. Harrison’s
response to it, both gentlemen being members
of the Senate of the United States, in 1826.—
The charge is, that he, “Gen. H., was an open,
zealous and frank supporter of the sedition law
and black cockade administration.” Most
men achieve greatness by deeds, some few by
words. The highly gifted and excentric Mr.
Randolph was one of the latter class. His
notoriety consisted mainly in the boldness and
skill of his charges ; in tearing down both per
sonal and political character, and public ad
ministrations. No public man of the day
scarcely escaped him. He was an Ishmaelite
—his hand at least was against every man.—
He also charged Mr. Jefferson with imbecility
and corruption, and brought all the strength
of his eloquence to bear upon his administra
tion. If bis charges prove Gen. Harrison a
Federalist, they also prove Mr. Jefferson a
traitor to his country. Christ himself was
charged with being a deceiver; will Judge C.
therefore believe him one?
He affects, however, to believe that Harri
son’s response admits the truth of the charge.
Not so, by any means. That part of it quoted
in the circular, which I charge to be a garbled
extract, admits only, that he “ felt sentiments
favorable to Mr. Adams’ administration, so far
at feast as to the course pursued by it in rela
tion to the Government of France.” It ad
mits farther, that he enteitained the greatest
respect for Mr. Adams, and believed him to be
an honest man and a pure patriot. This is all
that the most in Justrious and prying ingenui
ty can make out of it. Gen. Harrison is not
the only republican who approved the mea
sures of Mr. Adams’ administration in relation
to the French Government. Few are now to
be found who condemn those measures.—
Those measures did resist the spreading aud
almost prevailing influence of French politics
in our system—crushed the germ of anarchy
planted by French emissaries among our peo
ple, and punished French aggression upon
our commerce. It is too late to condemn John
Adams by whole sale, or to damn his memory
by retailing the cast-off epithets and party
slang of that day. Judge C. will make no
capital out of these things.
But it seems it is a mortal offence, that
Gen. Harrison esteemed Mr. Adams a pure
patriot and an honest man. He was both.—
The annals of that eventful day afford no purer
patriot. Gen. Washington also believed him
to be a patriot—and the accordance of the
civilized world attests the truth of his opinion.
Not even uncharitablenesi itself, 6tern and
icy and destructive as it is, could, it would
seem, at this day rob the first Adams of the
poor merit of being an honest man and a pat
riot. He, by universal consent, more than
any other, sustained by the most masterly elo
quence the Declaration of Independence;
and he was one of the first to pot his hand to
that instrument, which pledged to the cause of
American Independence, his estate and his
head. Alas, that any should deem it a crime
to hold such a man a patriot! Let the errors
of principle of Mr. Adams have been’what
they may, I doubt if the ablest of the modern
Democrats can make the people believe that
he was either a tory or a knave. I have stated
that Judge Colquitt has furnished garbled ex
tracts of Gen. Harrison’s speech in reply to
Mr. Randolph. Why did not he at least quote
that part of it, which flatly denies the charge
of supporting the alien and sedition laws?
Gen. Harrison in his reply, with the dignity
and boldness of the soldier, and with the
beauty and grace of a practical rhetorician,
said: “He wore no cockade, black or tri-co
lored at that day; and never wore one but when
he was in the military service of his country.
But he was seriously charged with the hein
ous offence of associating with federal gentle
men—he plead guilty; be respected the Revo
lutionary services of President Adams, and
had paid to him that courtesy which wa3 due
to him as a man and a Chief Magistrate. He
also associated with such men as John Mar
shall and James A. Bayard; was the acknow
ledgement of such guilt to throw him out of
the pale of political salvation ? On the other
hand, he was on intimate terms with Mr. Jef
ferson., Mr* Gallatin, and the whole Virginia
Delegation. They were his principal asso
ciates in Philadelphia, in whose mess he had
often met the gentleman who was now his
accuser. It was true, as the Senator alleged,
that he had been appointed Governor of the
Northwestern Territory by John Adams. So
had he been by Thomas Jefferson and James
Madison. He was not in Congress when the
Standing Army was created, and the Alien and
Sedition laws passed ; and if he had been, he
could not have voted for them, and icould not if
he could. It was not in his nature to be a vio
lent or proscriptive partizan ; but he had given
a. firm support to the Republican Administra
tions of Jefferson, Madison and Monroe.” It
will be seen that he declares “he wore no
cockade but the battle badge, the cockade of
his country’s military service; that he could
not, and would not, if he could, have voted for
the alien and sedition laws; aud that he sup
ported the administrations of Jefferson, Madi
son and Monroe. What more conclusive re
ply could have been made; and if the charge
of Mr. Randolph was indeed true, why did
not he, in the teeth of this reply, adduce the
proofs? His mouth was closed, and so as to
this matter I close the mouth of Judge Col
quitt, only remarking that it was neither fair,
magnanimous nor conscientious, to seek to con
vict a man of black cockadeism by printing a
part of his confessions and withholding others.
It is urged that Gen. Harrison approved
the Proclamation of Gen. Jackson, and there
fore the people of Georgia should not support
him. And who does this Democratic repre
sentative recommend to their suffrage? Why
Martin Van Buren, the pel adviser and obse
quious concoctor of that very Proclamation—
he who never yet has been known to dissent
fiom a single position of that rank and reeking
Federal bulletin—the Northern man, whose
Southern principles bound the rights aud
chivalry of Carolina at the feet of Execu
tive power—he whose organ did at that day,
and does yet, in terms too vile for the walks
of Billingsgate, seek to hold up lo scorn and
utter contempt the proud and gifted sons of
Georgia. What think you, State Rights men ?
What think you, Georgians of alLparties?—
Who deserves your suffrage, Van Buren or
Harrison 1 The polls will answer.
In order to prove by indirection, that Har
rison is an abolitionist, he labors to make his
readers believe that the Whigs of the House
who are supporting him, are the only aboli
tionists in that body. I might well question
the fairness as well as the force of such
mode of proof; but I join issue as to the
fact. That there are abolitionists among both
the great divisions of the House of Repre
sentatives, I concede ; and that there are none
among the Democrats, I deny. The action
of Congress on this subject for several years,
until the present session, has originated with
the Van Buren party. The resolutions of Mr.
Atherton, ademocratic leader, were concocted
in a caucus of that party—proposed by him,
and passed. Similar resolutions at an early
day of the present session, were proposed by
Mr. Coles, a democrat. These resolutions
contain the views of the Administration. They
were pressed upon Congress as sufficient ;aad
any higher and bolder action was declared by
southern Administration men, as impractica
ble and unnecessary. Now these resolutions
admit the obligation of Congress to receive ab
olition petitions, although they dispose of
them without action; and for this reason, they
were denounced by the whole- Georgia dele
gation. It is worthy of remark, that the tone
of resistance to abolition, not only in Congress
but among the people of the South, had been
relaxed by just such tame and’ compromising
resolutions as these; and that under their ope
ration, petitions poured into the House by
thousands. No one, I believe, any where has
contended, that the Atherton resolutions,
either in terms or in their practical results,
denied the right of petition. But that action,
and that only, which has effectually closed the
doors of Congress upon these deluded and
mad petitioners, contrary to the wish of nor
thern and even southern democrats, was pro
posed by a Whig, Mr. Johnson of Maryland,
and against which a number of the leaders of
the Administration in the House cast their voles.
Among those who voted against Mr. Johnson’s
proposition-, are Mr. Yanderpoel, the immedi
ate representative of Mr. Van Buren from
Ivinderbook, and who not only aspires to be,
but is admitted to be, a leader. Perhaps no
gentleman in Congress may with more truth
be pronounced the President’s confidential
leader of the Commons ; and no one could
wear such distinguished honor, with more ob
vious self-complacency than the gentleman
from Kinderhook.
Also, Mr. Duncan, who upon the floor of
the House represents not only a free district
in Ohio, but also Mr. Blair of the Globe; and
who in turn is most ably himself represented
in the columns of that most veracious and de
corous of all other papers.
Also, Gen. Keim of Pennsylvania, chairman
of the committee on the Militia; and Gen.
Howard, an influential member from Indiana,
and now the Democratic candidate for Gov
ernor of that State ; with others too tedious to
enumerate. It is therefore true, that upon
the mode of proof adopted by Judge C. him
self, not a few of the strongest men of the
spoils party, to which he is a recent adherent,
are abolitionists.—(See JournalHouseof Rep
resentatives, pages 242, 3, 4 & 5.) Judge C.
pronounces that it is the “ blindness of stu
pidity, or the madness of party,” to deny that
Harrison was nominated with a view of pro
curing abolition votes. Very many men, nei
ther blind nor mad, know that the abolition
ists had no hand in his nomination, and did
not expect it. We all know, that the aboli
tionists have long ago, and often deno4inced
him as a Slavery man. We know, and Judge
C. may know if he will, that the Harrisburg
Convention were satisfied from his often pro
mulgated opinions, that he could not get the
abolition vote. And if that Convention did
expect for Harrison the abolition vote, which
is denied, it may be some satisfaction to Judge
C. to be informed that they reckoned without
their host; for the abolitionists are now, as
heretofore, denouncing the whig candidate ;
and to preclude the chance of a single strag
gling abolition vote being cast for him, they
have now their own candidate in-the field, and
it will be seen that they will support him, he
having.accepted their nomination. The Con
vention-nominated Harrison, because his opin
ions, character and services would be avail
able to unseat a corrupt and demoralizing ad
ministration.
The impression is sought to be made, in
the pamphlet under review, and also by other
gentlemen of the State Rights party, who
have taken grouud for Van Buren and against
Harrison, that union with northern whigs in*
support of the latter gentleman, is incompat
ible with the principles of that party. Clai
ming as I do, and as State Rights men very
generally believe, that Mr. Van Buren is un
worthy of support; this objection is really too
puerile, it would seem, for serious considera
tion. Yet it is gravely urged with much of
the pomp and circumstance of solemn truth.
If it is right to elect V. B., then all opposition
to him is wrong. But if he does not deserve
the suffrage of State Right politicians, then,
unquestionably, with a view to put into office
a better man, all honorable means of displa
cing him are both expedient and proper. He
is a common enemy, and all parties interested
in a change of Adminstration-, however hete
rogenous in principle, may combine to put
him down. The opposition combine their
forces, but they do. not therefore coalesce.
There is union without identity. This union,
I conclude, may make our allies better—oax-
selves no worse. It is hardly assuming too*
much of the virtue of the good old Troup
party of Georgia, that it will not be seduced
by the eloquence of Webster, or the varied
learning of J. Q. Adams; or even the moral
heroism of Mr. Clay. The intimations of
Judge C. to the contrary notwithstanding, I
assert that we have not yet been contaminated
by a long alliance in the opposition, with the
Federal politicians of New England. There
is more danger that individuals of our party
may be seduced into the support of the pow
ers that be, by the hope of preferment—those
powers who sustain with unwavering fidelity
the successful followers, and invariably pen
sion for life all who are disabled in the war.
The American colonies accepted the alliance
of Fiance against Britain, without being cor
rupted by the politics of St. Cloud. The
English formed a league with Russia, to re
sist the devastator of Europe; yet without
injury to her own system of Government.
We fight to conquer a common foe—to relieve
the country from a common evil; and when
the battle is lost and won, if the allies win,
they will unite if they can, and separate if
they must. We have long since reared the
standard of opposition, and its banners shall
not be furled until the country is regenerated.
Around it we rally the true and honest of all
parties. Rapidly, too, the gathering host ac
cumulates, and the cry is “ still they come.”
Of like character is the assumption, that if
Harrison is elected his administration must
needs be Federal. We have a right to expect
that his administration will derive its character
from his principles; and that he will assemble
around him a cabinet who will think with
him. It is fair to admit that New England
will be represented in that cabinet; and it is
not at all wrong to assume that its paramount
influence will be Southern and Western. It
suffices for those who support Gen. Harrison
to know, that his principles are Madisonian.
They have a right to believe, and they do be
lieve, that his administration will be in accor
dance with his principles. Should it be oth
erwise, it will then be time to resist it also.
The opposition, to Georgia State Rights men
is no strange position. They are familiar
with k.
The chief labor of the long address I am
reviewing, is to prove that Gen. Harrison is
an abolitionist, and that Mr. Van Buren is not.
I do not assert that the latter gentleman is an
abolitionist, but I do assert, and will show, that
bis acts and liis declarations render him far
less trustworthy upon this subject than his
competitor. General Harrision is as free from
abolition taint as any man south of the Poto
mac ; and one of those signs which stamp the
character of infatuation upon such men as
Judge 0., is persisting that he is an abolition
ist in the face of the most demonstrative evi
dence to the contrary. No onecan fail to observe
with what plausible zeal this gentleman exhorts
his readers to divest themselves of prejudice,
and to give him and Mr. Van Buren a fair
hearing. He says to be “freed from preju
dice is at all times necessary in order to ar
rive at just conclusions.” This position he
himself has fully illustrated, rn his attempt to
prove that Harrison is an abolitionist. From
the show of sacred justice displayed iu the
terms of this Circular, an unsuspecting reader
would not at orree perceive that the most fla
grant, nay wanton injustice rs done to Gen.
Harrison. Never hue the writer, when plead
ing before a petit jury, presumed more in be
half of bk client, upon the ignorance of his
audience, than he seems to have done in this
case, in* behalf of his cause, upon the igno
rance of the good people of Georgia. This I
infer from the fact that in one instance, if no
more, in quoting from Harrison’s speech, he
has suppressed that part of it, which alone ex
presses his sentiments. He quotes one sen
tence, and omits to qjuete the very next, which
constitutes the key to the former. The sen
tence quoted from Gen. Harrison’s Cheviot
speech,.and upon* which he relies to convict
him of the foulsin, is the following: “It has
long been an object near my heart to see the
whole surplus revenue appropriated to tha
object,” (<abolition). The oinitlted sentence
is as follows: “ with the sanction of the States
holding the slaves, there appears to me to be
no constitutional objection to its being thus
applied.” By the former he is made to go
for fbreingthe purchase of their negroes upon
the States, without their consent; by the latter
he would buy them, with the sanction of the
States only. If that sanction is given, it is
the cacUof the State; if not, there is nothing
done. I will not say that Judge C. has set
down aught in malice; but I must say, and 1
db it with a deep sense of humiliation, that he
has failed to set down something material to
be written, and I fear with malice.
The other item of direct proof, and the only
one,, is Havrison’s statement that he was a
member of an abolition society at Richmond,
at the age of 18. The object of this society
was by no means to disturb the domestic insti-
tations of the South ; but humanely intended,
by legal means, U>ameliorate tlie condition of
free negroes, and to aid such as were held to
slavery in Virginia, contrary to law Of these
societies Mr. Jefferson was a member, and
many of the best and greatest of our South
ern slaveholders. Call you this modern, de
structive, revolutionary abolitionism? Shall
not slaveholders consult together in relation
to slaves ? The abolition that Georgians hate,
is the inteiference of strangers with our do
mestic institutions ; aud’ this only. Who shall
say that the time will ever come, when we
shall either be afraid or ashamed to confer to
gether in any way we may deem expedient,
about our own negroes ? Yet this is the sin
of which the Virginia-born Harrison was
guilty, and which Judge C. would have the
people believe identifies him with the destruc
tive fanatics of the North. Can any one be
lieve that these Societies could live for one
moment at Richmond ? As soon would fire
burn in the midst of the great deep. As soon
would Satan plant his standard amidst the pu
rities of Heaven, as the abolitionists unfurl
their black banner upon the shores of James
River. The spirit of Virginia would as cer
tainly rend, the one, as the wrath of God
would rive the other. And these are the
proofs that Harrison is an* abolitionist. Truly
a beggarly account! Now hear the other side.
And it may first be noticed that he is by birth
a Virginian, reared and educated in the land of
Washington and Jefferson, and therefore his
sympathies and associations are all Southern.
Not so Mr. Van Buren ; for he is a Northern
man, and to make him palatable, is reputed to
have Southern principles.
Gen. Harrison meeting the question so re
cently debated in. Congress, as to the right of
discussing the slave question iu the non-slave-
bolding States declares, “ the discussion on
the subject oF emancipation in the non-slave
holding States, is equally injurious to the
slaves and their masters ; and that it has no
sanction in the principles of the Constitution.”
This is laying the axe at the root of the mat
ter. And what says Mr. Van Buren as to this
right of discussion ? Nothing. He is as mute
as the grave. Cannot Judge C. bring him
out upon this point ? His position as to the
right of petition needs to be defined.
Harrison believes, that according to the Con
stitution, the slave population is under the ex
clusive control of the States. In his Cheviot
speech, he says : “ If there is any principle
of the Constitution, less disputable than any
other, it is that the slave population is under
the exclusive control of the States which pos
sess them.
He denies the right of Congress to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia, for in a
letter addressed to Mr. Sloo of New-Orleans
as late as 1836^ (does that period reach mo
dern abolitionism, Judge C ?) he declares “ I
do not believe that Congress can abolish sla
very in the District of Columbia, without the
consent of Virginia and Maryland, and the
people of the District.”
And what are Mr. Van Buren’s opinions up
on the right of Congress to abolish slavery iu
the District ? Why, he has written that “ ac
cording to the lights before him” he cannot
•aj that Congress has not the right. Such is
his present opinion, for no new light has ghone
upon his path. He still holds the citadel of
this question armed against the South.
He with bis own executive right arm, holds
the door open, and the spoiler may enter or
not as he pleases. He has said that he will
veto a bill abolishing slaveiw—.true, but
which shall the South trust, General Har-
risou’s principles, or Van Buren’s promises
against his principles ] The shut or the open
door.
These opinions of the Whig candidate for
the Presidency, often avowed and entertained
through a long life, cover the whole ground.
To rebut such evidence, would notan enlight
ened mind demand the most unequivocal
proof? But the proof stops not here ; it goes
the only step farther, that it could by any pos
sibility go; his actions have corresponded with his
professions. Upon one memorable test ques
tion he voted with the South ; and, in that
vote became a victim to the Abolitionists.—
He voted in Congress against the Missouri re
striction bill and for which vote the abolitionists
of Ohio turned him out of Congress. Harrison
became a martyr to Southern rights. Throw
ing himself into the breach, he arrested that
movement, which unresisted, would have
swept over all the South with the devasta
tion of an equatorial tempest.
And whilst he was in Congress, (to use a
favorite phrase of J udge C.) battling against
the abolitionists, where was Van Buren ? A
leader at Albany, instructing Mr. King, the
New-York Senator, to vote for the Missouri
restriction ;—and giving to free negroes that
suffrage, which enables them to vote for an ab
olitionist to Congress. In 1822; we find him
voting for restrictions also, upon Florida, when
that Southern Territory applied for organiza
tion.
Now look upon this picture, theu upon that.
One bears the majestic front of Jove, the other
the lineaments of littleness. It is indeed Hy
perion to a Satyr.
It is charged, and Judge Cl lends his coun
tenance to the peurile allegation, that the
friends of Harrison are afraid to permit him
now to express his opinions ; and 1 to* prevent
it, have a committee of survilance appointed
to stand between him and the people. What
need, it may be asked, that he should now pub
lish a creed, whose opinions have been pro
mulgated upon all the great questions of the
day, from time to time, for nearly half a cen
tury; whose votes are recorded upon the great
registry of the nation, and whose deeds are en
graven upon the hearts of the people ? As
late as '36, his views of abolition were exres-
sed. What new guaranty could strengthen
Southern confidence in them? No, say his
opponents, his life, his principles, count noth
ing. We want bim to follow in the footsteps
of Van Buren, &ad promise to veto a bill, should
one pass, abolishing slavery. Should such a
bill indeed pass, the veto 1 would* come too late ;
for that moment in which such a contingency
shall happen, will be the last moment of our
Union. Protection to the South must come
in advance of the veto*power. What will the
veto be worth, amidst the wild uproar of the
dissolving Union t
Well may we say to the honorable gentle
man, if you believe not what has been done
and said by General Harrison, then would you
not believe if one should rise from the dead.
His infidelity, I fear, not even a new revela
tion would cure. As to the committee, it may
be sufficient to say, that that is merely a vo
luntary association of a few friends, to relieve
General Harrison of the drudgery of corres
pondence, which from the position he occu
pies, is too great for any one man to conduct.
The same relief was afforded by bis friends to
Gen. Jacksou.
Judge C. admits that General Harrison
denies the constitutionality of a Bank ; and he
also admits that both the candidates voted for
the tariff of 1828. Gen. Harrison voted for it
openly, Mr. Van Buren under cover ofinstruc-
tiuns which he approved, aud which he pro
cured to be given him ; thus illustrating at
once his “ Southern principles” and his man
liness of character. His duplicity in this re
gard gave rise lo that memorable rebuke of
the Virginia Senator, Mr. Tazewell : “ You,
sir,” said the indignant Virginian, “have de
ceived me once, that was your fault; if you de
ceive me again, the fault will be mine.” I
will add, that the above fact has been lately
stated by a Senator from New-York, and a
denial of it challenged, and with a pledge that?
if denied, the proof was at hand; and there has
been no denial. In his letter to Judge Ber
rien, General Harrison avows that he is in fa
vor of the Tariff compromise act: that act
which satisfied Mr. Calhoun, and which, there
fore, I conclude, satisfies Judge Colquitt.
He justifies the support of Mr. Van Buren
upon the ground that Mr. Crawford and the
Troup party supported him for the Vice-Pre
sidency. If that recommends him, why did
not Judge C. support him in 1836 1 why ever
oppose him? If that be a good reason now,
it has been equally as good since 1824. At
that day, the party with whom it is ha-plea
sure now to be affiliated, and who seem to have
his confidence, the Union party of Georgia,
opposed Mr. Van Buren. Either they or
himself were then wrong; but when, it may
be asked, was his regard for Mr. Van Buren,
when Judge C., with all the Georgia Nulli-
fiers denounced him, and as late as ’36, sup
ported Judge White to his exclusion. The
Troup party abandoned both Jackson aud
Van Buren, after the Proclamation and force
bill, because of the removal of the deposites
and because of the Expunge—so drd Judge
Colquitt. What new thing has he done to
commend himself to him I What atonement
has be made for all his sins ? Wbat views of
policy? What signal act of- administration ?
What greatness of character has converted
his ancient and implacable enemy intb a ffist
friend ? Perhaps the universal pecuniary ag-
ouies of the country, brought on it in part at
least by Mr. Van Buren, have made a convert
of Judge C. to Democracy.
It must be obvious to the most casual read
er, that the public attention is sought to be
diawn from the merits of Harrison and the
demerits of Van Buren, by an adroit attempt
to prove that the Northern Whigs are all ab
olitionists. I deny that he has proven this;
hut if it were true, does that fact alter the prin
ciples of the candidates ? Does he form his
opinions by those of the Whigs ?. Can their
opiuions excuse him for deserting a constitu
ency who have honored him often and great
ly ? It has been the pride of Georgians lo
form opinions aud to take position aecordingto
those great political canons which constitute
the Republican faith ; and in spite of the dust
which this circular raises, and the “ poppies”
which it would cast upon the eves of his for-