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slander and detraction against Gen. Harrison,
With a view to keep the public mind away
from his own acts. The whigs have instituted
a comparison of character and gablic service;
let it go on. They know that the Administra
tion has opposed this, and the Administration
has precedent estaolished, by enlightened
monarchies and savage barbarians. Jhe one
feels that his security on the tlwonc depends
upon the ignorance and poverty of his subjects.
The other avails himself of the midnight hour
to perpetrate his savage slaughters.
Can I offer these despised Whigs no en
couragement 1 They know, Mr. Chairman,
that l = have not mingled with them in their
political movements here. I have mingled
with neither party. Both parties are found
holding opinions, in some matters, not in ac
cordance with my own. I cannot claim to be of
either party; but, sir, Ido say, that if the Whigs
do not e;o on and give intelligence to the peo
ple, they do not deserve the name they bear—
the name that the father of their candidate
boie—but deserve to be slaves; and that if
their constituents do not suppoit them in this,
they are destined to be slaves. Yes, and you
will have still a worse account to render. You
have brought from the shade of private life, a
gentleman of pure morals and strict integrity,
and his moral character has been assailed.—
Should you not defend him 1 If you do not, I
think you should henceforth be called by any
other name than Whig.
Mr. Chairman, it is not mybusiness to enter
into the merits of the candidates for the Presi
dency. No, sir; when I shall find nothing
else to do here, I will certainly abandon my
seat for the enjoyment of domestic life. But,
sir, the course of the remarks of the gentleman
from Kinderhook, seems to warrant me in
this course of reflection. I own that in my re
marks, strong language has been used in
speaking of this Administration : but it has
fallen far short of a correct description of its
corruptions and abuses. I have found myself
laboring to -repress stronger language. In
truth, sir, it seems to me that almost every
thing depends upon the success of the candi
date of the Whigs, and however I may differ
with many of them in opinion, as to the con
struction of the Constitution, I find our opin
ions as nearly agreeing as mine and those of
the Administration members of this House ;
and no one,-I am sure, more sincerely desires
a change in the Administration of this Govern
ment than 'I do, or who will mure rejoice at
their success in the coming contest. I thank
the committee for the patient attention I have
had.
Bonaparte’s Wounds.—Napoleon show
ed me the marks of two wounds—one a very
deep cicatrice above the left knee, which he
said he had received in his first campaign in
Italy, and it was of so serious a nature, that
the surgeons were in doubt whether it might
not be ultimately necessary to amputate. He
observed, that when he was wounded it was
kept a secret in order not to discourage the
soldiers. The other was on the toe, and had
been received at Eckmuhi. “At the siege of
Acre,” continued he, “ a shell thrown by
Sydney Smith fell at my feet. Two soldiers,
who were close by, seized, and closely em
braced me, one in front and the other on one
side, and made a rampart of their bodies for
me against the effect of the shell, which explo
ded, and overwhelmed us with sand. We
sank into the hole formed by its bursting;
one of -them was wounded. I made them
both officers. 'One has since lost a leg at Mos
cow and commanded at Vincennes when I
left Paris. When he was summoned by tire
Russians, he replied, that as soon as they sent
him back the leg he had lust at Moscow,he
would surrender the fortress.
“ Many times in my life,” continued he,
“ have I been saved by soldiers and officers
throwing themselves before me when l was
in the most imminent danger. At Areola,
when I was advancing, Col. Meuran, my aid-
de-camp, threw himself before me, covered
me with his body, and received the wound
which was destinued for me. He fell at nay
feet, and his blood spouted up in myface. He
gave his life to preserve mine. Never yet, 1
believe, has there been such devotion shown
by soldiers, as mine have manifested for me.
In all my misfortunes, never has the soldier,
even when expiring, been wanting to me—ne
ver has man been served more faithfully by
his troops. With the last drop of blood gush
ing out of their veins, they exclaimed “ Vive
l’Empereur.—“A Voice from ~St Helena.
Mr. Preston's Questions—Some short
time since in the Senate, Mr. Clay of Alabama,
replied to a speech made by Mr. Preston in
opposition to the Standing Army Bill. Mr,
Clay, having been excessively laudatory of Mr.
Van Buren and denunciatory of Gen. Harri
son, and having proffered to answer any ques
tion that Mr. Preston might see fit to propose,
was catechised by the South Carolinian some
what after the following fashion :
You are a supporter of Martin Van Buren :
do you approve his instructions to Rufus King
to vote against the admission of Missouri into
the union with the tight of holding slaves ?
No, replied Mr. Alabama Clay !
Does the Senator from Alabama approve of
Mr. Van Buren’s support of De Witt Clinton,
the peace candidate against James Madison
the war candidate 1
No.
Does he approve of Mr. Van Buren’s vote
in reference to the toll gates upon the Cum
berland road, and his actions generally, while
in Congress, in reference to Internal Improve
ments '(
No.
Does he approve of Mr. Van Buren’s vote
in favor of the Tariffs of 1824 and 1828?
No.
How do you support Mr. Van Buren, when
you denounce every act of his public life?
Mr. Clay answered that Mr. Van Buren was
now sound upon these subjects.
How know you that, said Mr. Preston, and
is it not as proper for me to try and judge Mr.
Van Buren by his past acts as it is in you to try
Gen. Harrison for acts of 20, 30 and 40 years
ago?
To this Mr. Alabama Clay made -no answer,
and was as dumb*an oyster !
Proscription for opinion's sake.—Isaac De
long, Postmaster at Rehobotb, Perry county,
Ohio, some few weeks since declined soliciting
subscribers for the Extra Globe, and came out
in a -newspaper declaring his attention to vote
for the Reform ticket, when a Dr. Jackson vol
unteered his services to obtain “ half dollars”
for Amos. About two weeks after the renun
ciation ot Mr. Delong, he was .removed, and
this-same Dr. Jackson appointed in his place.
tIndiana Palladium.
The Peoria (Illinois) Register says that the
steamboat Corsican, that recently sunk near
Memphis, Tenn., bad on board #300,000 be
longing to the colony of German emigrants
bound to Peoria.
k
The Salary of the chief cook at Saratoga, is #500 d. i
month.—Chat. Mer. B V
FXTRACTS F*OM THE SPEECH OF MR. OGLE,
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
But the Hero of Norih Bend is not less distinguished
for benevolence, and all the milder virtues of the heart,
than for his eminent military and civil services. In him
v„u behold the 44 friend of Ike poor man," and the fast
friend of those who were his brethren in arms. In evi
dence of ibis amiable trait of character, I might refer this
committee to one who now enjoys the honor of a seal on
this floor, (Judge Chinn of Louisiana.)
He, when a hoy, was in Gen. Harrison’s army, hut being
young and unused to the hardships of a soldier’s life, lie
was unable, without the inmost difficulty, to keep up with
the march of the troops; he had fallen into the rear, and
was in danger of being left by the way, and falling into
the hands of a remorseless and savage foe ; Gen. Harrison
passed him on horseback, mid perceiving and pitying his
jaded condition, he immediately dismounted, lilted the boy
into the saddle, and walking himself on foot, thus rescued
him from the savage scalping knife.
At another time, the Rev. Mr. Poe, a Methodist circuit
rider, came to the door of Gen. Harrison's abode, late iri
the evening, upon a feeble and jaded horse, which he lind
ridden for hundreds of miles, in his Master's service, and
sought a night’s lodging. He was welcomed with open-
hearted hospitality, and when he was about to depart in
the morning, huving pronttneed his benediction on tire
household, he turned to remount his horse, hut found, to
bis great surprise, his orvn saddle and saddle bags on the
back, not of his former horse, for that over-ridden animal
had died in the stable, but on the hack of a fresh and lar
better steed, provided by Gen. Harrison.
I turn to gentlemen of the Administration, and ask
them to tell me the time when Martin Van Buren ever did
on act like this? And I appeal to the clerical brethren of
that grateful preacher, and ask them whether, at the com
ing election, they will forget the old man who acted the
part of the good Samaritan towards their brother in the
Christian ministry. The priest and the Levitc passed by
tiie unfortunate man, who lay wounded by the wayside,
but the good Samaritan poured oil and wine into his
wounds, and sat him on his own beast. What act could
he mote strictly in the spirit of the Christian religion ?
Nor will the Irishmen soon forget him. A poor but
worthy son of the Emerald Isle, who had lost a fortune
which he expected to inherit, was represented to General
Harrison as desiring a certain clerkship within his gift;
the same appointment was also desired by several of the
sons of his rich neighbors, hut, having inquired into the
case, he passed then) all by, and gave the clerkship to the
unfortunate stranger. Will the Irish army themselves
against the man who, in this very Hall, made an eloquent
and feeling speech in favor of grunting -a tract of land in
Illinois to 44 Irish, emigrants?" This tnemora'ole effort
of Gen. Harrison, on behalf of the poor, oppressed, and
down-trodden children of Ireland, was called forth by a
resolution introduced by Mr. Claggett, of New Hamp
shire, in the following words:
44 Resolved, That it is expedient to authorize the Secre
tary of the Treasury to designate and set-npart—•— town
ships, each of six-mites square, in the State of Illinois,
* * * to be settled by emigrants from Jreland, m two
dollars pet- acre, to he paid in three instalments, as fol
lows: one-third part at the end of four years; one-third
part at the end of eight years, and one-third part at the
end of twelve years, with interest on the several sums.”
Which of the two men w ill the Irish emigrant recognise
| as his frier. J—the man who was here their eloquent advo
cate, or Martin Van Buren. the author of a pamphlet
under the title of “ Considerations," written during the
summer of IS 19, for the express purpose of recommending
for appointment, as a member of the United Stules-Senate,
Rufus King, of New York—a Hartford Convention, black
cockade federalist, who, us Minister at the Court of Kim*
George, did his utmostto prevent the oppressed sons of the
41 Emerald Isle,” from receiving a welcome on theseshores,
and the franchise of freemen in their adopted court! vj
Sir, this is too important a portion of Martin Vail" Bu
ren’s biography to he passed over without a recurrence to
some historical facts. .1 huve before tne a remarkable
part of that history, which can never be obliterated from
the memory of every intelligent and true heorteddrishman,
in the form of a letter addressed by the late distinguished
Thomas Addis Emmett to Rufus King, and dated at New
York, April 9th, 1337. The letter-is too long to road the
whole of it; I will, however, send it to the Clerk’s table,
that such portions may be read as I have marked with mv
pen:—
“In the summer of 1793, after the attempt of the peo
ple of Ireland for their emancipation hod been dispersed
or surrendered, except a lew who had taken refuge in the
mountains of Wicklow; while military tribunals, house-
burnings, shooting, torture, and evety kind of devastation
were desolating und-overwhelming the defenceless inhab
itants, some of the State prisoners then in -confinement
entered into a negociation with the Jrish ministers for
affecting a general amnesty;.and as an inducement, offer
ed, ammigst other things, not necessary jto the examina
tion of your conduct, to etrrigrate to such country as might
be agreed upon between-.them and the Government.
The offer was accepted; the bloody system was stopped
for a time,and was not renewed until after your interfe
rence, and after the-British Ministry hail resolved openly
to break its laith with us.
44 In the commencement of -our negociation, Lord Cas-
tlereagh declared, as a reason for our acceding to Govern
ment possessing u negative on our choice, that it had no
worse place iu view for our emigration than the United
States of America. We had made our election to go
there, and called upon him to have our agreement carried
into execution. In that difficulty you, sir. offered every
effectual assistance to (he faithlessness of the British
Cabinet.
"Outlie IGtli September, Mr. Marsdeh. then Under
Secretary, came to inform us that Mr. King had remon
strated against our being permitted to emigrate to Ame
rica. This astonished -us all, and Dr. MacNevan very
plainly said that-he considered it a trick between Mr. King
and the British Government. This Mr. Marsden denied ;
and on being pressed to know what reason Mr. King had
for preventing us, who were avowed republicans, from
emigrating to America, he signicantly answered, 4 pel haps
Mr. King doesnot desire to have reptil/HcOnsin America. 1
Your interference was then, sir, made a pretext for detain
ing us for four years in custody, by which very extensive
and useful plans of settlement w ithin these States were
broken tip. The misfortunes which you brought upon the
objects of your persecution were incalculable. Almost
all of us wasted -the four bestiyears in prison. As to me,
I should have brought along with roe my father and .his
family, includingu brother, whose name perhaps, you will
even not read without emotions of sympathy and respect.
Others nearly connected with me would have become part
ners to rny emigration. But all of them had been torn
from me. I have been prevented from seeing a brother;
from receiving the dying blessings of a father, mother,
and sister, and from soothing their last agonies by my
cares; and this, sir, by your unwarrantable and unfeeling
interference!. The step .you took was unauthorized by
your own Government,” &c.
Now, sir, for the benefit and information of all true Irish
man, -I will connect the letter of Mr. Emmet with a letter
addressed by.Martin V«n Buren, in the Autumn of 1819, to
one of his friends from which I will rear! un.extract;
“ T should sorely regret to find any flagging on the sub
ject of Mr. King. 'We are committed to his support. It
is both wise and honest, and we must have no flattering in
our course. Mr. King’s views towards as are honorable
and correct. Thu Missouri question conceals, so far as
he is concerned, no plot, and wc shall give it a true direc
tion. You know what the feelings and views of our friends
were when I saw you ; and you know what we then con
cluded to do. .My 1 considerations' &.C., and.the aspect
of the Argus, will show you that we have entered on the
work in earnest. w e cannot, therefore, look back. Let
us not, therefore, have any halting. I will put my head on
its propriety.
Now, sir, stopping Imt-a motuent to inquire what Martin
Van Buren. in the letter just read meant, or intended by
the sentence, “AVe are committed to hi* support.” Does
he mean that “-we” have made n bargain to sustain Mr.
King l I would desire to Know what were the terms and
conditions, the quid pro quo, of the arrangement upon
which “we ’ were “committed.” He says.: “It is both
w ise and prudent” to support Mr. King. Was it “both
wise and prudent” to send to the Senate of the United
States for the term of six years a black cockade Hartford
Convention Federalist? Was it “both wise and prudent”
to elect to that distinguished station the bitter enemy of
Thomas Addis Emmett, and the -reviler and foe of poor
down-trodden Irishmen ? Was it “both wise and prudent”
to send to the United States Senate the man whom Em
mett charged with having worn, when a lad, the livery of
Sir John Temple, the near relation of Mr. Emmett? These
are all proper considerations >f«r the patriotic sons of
44 Green Erin,” when Marlin Van .Buren calls upon them
to prefer him bv their suffrages before the gallant old sol
dier of North Bend, the friend of the poor Irish emigrant,
and the man who has enabled the friendless and pennyless
stranger to change the 44 irish-Shamrock" into-an •‘Amer
ican Buckeye
But, sir, will the democracy Bgiee with Mr. Van Buren,
that it was 44 both right and prudent” to send Rufus King
to the Senate? Can Martin Van Buren not only oppasc
the election of James Madison as President, hut also write
a book in behalf of a “ blue light,” “ black cockade,”
Hartford Convention Federalist, and still retain the caste
vf an orthodox -democrat ? Can he-be on both sides of the
oreek at the same time ? To show wlwt I tnenn by being
on both sides of the democratic stream, I will tell you a
Iittlo story
There was an old Dutchman in our State who had a
most mischievous sow- tfiaj was forever breaking bounds
and doing damage in his neighbor’s field, and had caused
him more cost and trouble than she was worth; the old
farmer bore with her a good whit,., but at Inst, becoming
exasperated, he sworein his wrath that, if.be heard of any
more of her capers, he would kill her a« #UI - e ag . t j, e went
on four feet. Well, the very next day the old sow com
mitted a new trespass, and, dreading the comine vengeance,
ran among the reeds and tall grass which covered the hanks
of a sunken creek. The grass was so high that the sow
herself could not be seen, but her motions were guessed ut
by the shaking of the grass. The farmer judged, from
these appearances, that she was on the other aide of the
creek, and dashing through be made hot pursuit after her;
but, as soon as he had gotten over, the sow seemed to bo
on this side of the creek, and, after the enraged man had
crossed the creek two or three times, he all at once stood
still, and -calling to his son, who was aiding hint in the
chase, he exclaimed, 41 Why, Chaik, I plieve the very tevil
himself has got into dut sow, for she’s on both sides of the
creek at the same time.” Marlin Van Buren is trying to
emulate this old sow, and bethinks, like her, he can hide
in the grass, and though I will not dispute that the deviL
may have gotten into hint, yet I insist that he shall stay
ori one side or the other. He cannot scud an old Fede
ralist to the Senate of the United States for the purpose of
excluding the State of Missouri from the Union, without,
she would consent to the abolition of slavery within her
borders, and yet palm himself upon the democracy of tli&
country as a genuine democrat, and a fast triend ol the in
stitution of slavery, as he now pretends to be.
Gen. Harrison tells his countrymen on what principles-
he will administer tiie .Government, if elected; and what
ate they ? We have them in his own language:
44 1. To confine his service to a single term.
44 II. To disclaim all right of control over the public
treasure, with the exception of such part of it as may be
appropriated by law to carry on the public service, and
that to he applied precisely as the law may direct, and
drawn from the Treasury agreeably to the long-established
forms of that Department.
“III. That he should never attempt to influence the
elections either by the People or the State Legislatures,
nor suffer the Fed rul officers under his control to lake
any other part in them than by givingtheir own votes, when
they possess the right ot voting.
“ IV. That in the exercise of the veto power, he should
limit his rejection of bills, to 1st, Such as are, in his opin
ion, unconstitutional; 2d, Such as tend to encroach on
the rights of the States or individuals; 3d. Such as, in
volving deep interests, may, in his opinion, require more
mature deliberation or reference to the will of the People
to be ascertained at the succeding elections.
“ V. That he should never suffer the influence of his
office to bo used for purposes of a purely party charac
ter.'’
44 VI. That in removals from office of those who hold
their appointments during the pleasure of the Executive,
the cause of such removal should be stated, if requested,
to the Senate at the time the nomination of a successor is
made.
44 Andl«3t, but not least. in importance,
44 VII. That he should .not suffer the Executive depart
ment of the Government to become ihe source of legisla
tion ; hut leave the whole business of making laws for
the Union to the department to which the Constitution has
exclusively assigned it, until they have assumed that per
fected shape, where and when alone, the opinions of the
Executive may be heard.”
These are his principles ; and, although they are entire
ly antagonistic to the principles upon which Martin Van
Buren has acted, they are, nevertheless, the good old
fashioned republican principles of Jefferson and Madison.
And what is the pledge he gives for the performance of
lus promise ? A long fife of eminent public services—an
undevialing course of fidelity to the wishes and interests
of the People. That h his pledge; and we confide in it; we be
lieve he will restore this Government; he has no temptation
t-odo otherwise. He w ill have no second term to provide for
— that root of all Executive corruption. Hear what Jef
ferson thought on this subject of a second term. 1 quote
from a letter of his to John Adams, dated Paris, Nov. 13
1737 : 44 I wish that, at the end of four years, they hod
made him [the President j forever ineligible a second term.”
He saw the temptation that would operate on the President
to secure his second vote. He saw liow- uli Executive
acts during the first term would have a bearing, a looking
out tow ards the secoud ; and he was for cutting off at once
the root of the mischief. But on this point Harrison
comes pledged, lie will not serve a second time. Who
ever, then, approves, and would see carried out, the
principles of Thomas Jefferson let him lend his aid :—
here U prt opportunity, such us may never return.
After further discussion, Mr. Jay, a leading abolitionist,
moved to strike out the word “while. 11 The motion pre
vailed—yeas 63, nays 59—Mr. Van Buren voting to
strike out.—[See yeas and nays above, j
At a subsequent stage in the proceedings, a motion was
made to restrict the exetcise of suffrage by negroes, to
those who were possessed of a freehold estate worth two
hundred and fifty dollars. Mr. Van Buren voted in favor
of this proposition. But does this restriction, the Iruit of
subsequent action by the convention, mitigate bis atrocious
vote on the unconditional proposition to exclude negroes
from the right of suffrage altogether? lie had then the
best possible opportunity of displaying his utter hostility
to the abolitionists. But he preferred demonstrating his
friendship for them by an act w bich they will long cherish
with gratitude. His claims to their support are question
less powerful; but we confess ourselves ignorant of any
special reason why the South should sustain a man who vo
ted to place N echoes on an equality with them at the bal
lot-box. Equally ignorant w e are why a man, who helped to
give negroes the right to vote; who voted in the Senate of
the United States to prevent the introduction of slaves into
Florida; who considers that Congress has the right to
abolish slaveiy in the District of Columbia, ai.d is in favor
* of the admission of negro testimony—why such a man
: should bo termed “ the northern man with southern prin
ciples.” Southern principles, forsooth ! Garrison and
Tuppun’s principles rather.—N. O. Bee.
NEGRO TESTIMONY.
The sanction, by the Chief Magistrate and Cotnpiander-
- in-chief of the Army and Navy, of Negro testimony against
white men, is producing effects, which were anticipated,
and which it should do. It is justly viewed us the greatest
stride towards practical Abolition and the equality' of the
c blacks and whites, w hich has been made during the cen
tury. The World's Convention in London, the ravings of
Garrison and Birney, and the preference avowed bv Miss
Kelly and other fair fanatics, for black husbands over
white ones, are matters of trivial consequence, not worth
a moment’s thought. The extrusion of the right of suf
frage to free negroes, ndvocated by the same individual
who now sanctions their introduction as witnesses, was of
a more serious character, and the principle then established
was revolting to the feelings and derogatory to the charac
ter, of the American people. But the practical effects of
this principle were mainly confined to a single Slate, and
the- broad seal of the Republic was wanting to give cur
rency to the principle throughout the Union. This defect
is now supplied. The Commander-in-chief has given his
deliberate sanction to the principle, that a negro is a com
petent witness in Naval Courts martial against the gallant
j. officers of our Navy. This is authority which no man can
J dispute, and to which all have tamely to submit. It ex-
j tends to all-quarters of the Union, and to evc-ry sea where
! floats an American ship. Every where, where Federal
j rule obtains, a negro, in the eye of the President and the
j. law. which he makes, is the equal of the most gallant Cap
tain in the Navy or Army.
As an illustration of the effects upon the popular mind,
which this monstrous decision of “the Northern man with
Southern feelings,” is producing, we copy the following
letter from Dr. Davis of I ennossee, who was a member
of the lute Van Buren Convention in Baltimore. He can
not stand such evidences <<( affection for our interests and
ot respect for our feelings, ns the Champion of the South
exhibits in this instance. He therefore renounces biro and
all his works.—Richmond Whig.
VAN BUREN’S FREE NEGRO VOTE.
The people of the South are aware, that when Mr. Vnri
Baron was h member of the New-York Convention, he
voted to give free negroes the right of suffrage. The
manner in which the federal locufoeo papers have treated
this reminiscence of tltc President’s abolition propensities
is highly characteristic. By some it has hern denied, un
qualifiedly and -in into ■ by others, various shades and de
gress of palliation have been sought for it. We well re
member that the.Globe last summer contained two or three
columns every day for mote than a week, apologizing for
Mr. Van B men's conduct. But when the journal of the
proceedings in the Convention on this subject is consulted,
and the circumstances'fully explained, it will be peicei’red
that not a single excusatory argument can be urged it, de
fence of Mr. Van 'Buren. This we mean to do, and lettis
followers vindicate hint, if they can.
The old Constitution of New-Yotk contained no provi
sion against Free Negroes voting, and this was one of the
evils which the Convention was called upon to correct.
Accordingly, on September 12tb, 1821, the subject earner
belorc that body. The following extracts from the journal
of the Convention, page 34, wiil tel.der further explanation)
unnecessary.
“ Mr. N. Sanford, from the committee appointed to cou--
sider the tight of suffrage, and the qualifications of persons
to be elected, reported that the committee having consid
ered the subjects referred to. them, recommend the follow
ing amendments to the constitution :
■§ 1. Evet y white male citizen of the age of twenty-one
years, who shall have resided iti this State six months text
preceding anyreleclion, and shall within one year prece
ding the election,, have paid any lax assessed upon him,
or shall within one year preceding the ejection, have been
assessed to work on a public road, and shall bate perform
ed the work-assessed upon him, or shall have paid un equiva
lent in money therefor according to law, or shall within
one year,preceding the election have been enrolled in the
militia of this Stale, and shall have served therein accord
ing to law, shall be entitled to vote at such election, in the
town or.ward in -whic.i fie shall reside, tor governor, set a-
tors, menders ol ttie. assembly, und all other officers, who
are or may be elective by the people.
From the National Intelligencer.
The letter of Dr. Davis „hirh has been communicated
to us for pub ,cat,on, and will be found \ n our columns to
day, cannot fad, as well from its cn„ fcnts fls f,. oni ,i )e p „.
sit tom of .the writer, toa-.act ;’ ne n!temion 0 f our readers,
i. avis was.) member ol the Baltimore Convention of
M:»u ha?? ^ i ... „ .. .
-J . , ■» V/1 too CMII'.IIIIIMI VyUlittuiltIUll Ul
"(•"c ,J!1S keen well-known as one of the Union party
Wednesday, September 19—page 190.
The question then arising upon the first section us ori
ginally reported by the committee.
Mr. Jay moved that the word while he stricken out.
» * # * ^ *
Thursday, Sept. 20—page 202.
The question on striking 6ut the word white, was then
taken by ayes and noes, and decided-in the affirmative, us
follows :
Ates—Messrs. Bacon, Barker, Barlow, Beckwith,
Birdseye, Brinkcrlroff, Brooks, Buel, Burroughs, Carver,
It. Clarke, Collins, Cramer, Day, Dodge, Duer, Edwards^
Ferris, Fish, Hallock, Hoes, Hogeboou), Hunting, Hunt
ington, Jay, Jones, Kent, King, Moore, Monro, Nelson.
Bark, Paulding, Pitcher, Platt, Reeve, Richlander, Rich
ards, Rogers, Rose burgh, Sanders, N. Sanford, Seaman,
Steele, D. Southerland, Swift, Sylvester, J. Tallmadge,
Tuttle, Van Buren, Van Ness, J. R. Van Rensselaer,
S. Van Rensselaer, Van Vechten, 'Ward, A. Webster,
Weudover, Wheaton, E. Williams, 'Wood-ward, Wooster,
Yates—63.
Noes—Messrs. Bowman, Breese, -Briggs, Carpenter,
Case, Child, D. Clark, Clyde, Dubois, Dyckman, Fuirlie,
Fenton, Fiost, Howe, Humphrey, Hunt, Hunter, Ilurd,
Knowles, Lansing, Luwrenee, Lefferts, A. Livingston, P.
R. Living-ton, M’CuIl, Millikins, Bike, Porter. Price,
Pumpelly, iiudchff, Rockwell, Root,-Rose, Ross, Russell,
Sage, R. Sundford, Sheneck, Seely, Sharpe, Sheldon, I.
Smith, R. Smith, Spetrcer, Starkweather, L. Southerland,
Taylor, Ten Eyck, Townly, Townsend, Tripp, Van Fleet,
Van Horne, Verbryck, E. 'Webster, Wheeler, Woods,
Young—59.
It is seen by the foregoing extracts that on the simple,
naked proposition of allowing white persons and those
only, to exercise the right of suffrage, Mr. Van Buren
voted in the negative. Holland, bis biographer, who
labors to paint Mr. Van Buren in the most attiactive
colors, stutes positively that though he did not participate
in the debate w hich arose out of Mr. Sandford’s report, lie
voted to strike out the word “ while." Mr. Vuu Buren
was nut acting under instructions ; he was guided by the
calm and deliberate convictions of his own mind. He
probably did not imagine ut that time, that the period
would arrive when it would become necessary to court
southern favor, and abuse his quondam very good friends,
the abolitionists. If he had thought su, -he w ould pet haps-
have pursued a different cornse.
In older to prove that in the report of Mr. Sanford, the
word tcAite was purposely introduced, in order to mark
the distinction between the two races, we submit a few-
extracts bom the discussion that ensued.
Mr. Ross, w ho was in favor of adopting the report, used
the following language :
44 That all men are free and equal, according to the
usual declaration, applied to them only in a stale of nature,
and not after the institution of civil goverumeiit; fot then
many rights, flowing from a natural equality, are necessa
rily abridged, with a view to produce the greatest amount,
of security and happiness to the whole community. On
this principle the right ot suffrage is extended to w hite men.
only. But why, it will probably be asked, are blacks to
be excluded ? I answer, because they are seldom, if ever,
required to -share in the common burthens or defence of
the State. There are additional reasons; they are a pecu
liar people, incapable, in my jedgment, of exercizing that
privilege with any sort of discretion, prudence, or inde
pendence. They have no just conception of civil liberty.
They know not how to appreciate it, and are consequently
indifferent to its preservation.”
Mr. Clarke was opposed to the report, and declared.
himseif in favor of striking out the word 44 while," for the-
following reasons :
“ 1 am-unwilling,” said he, “ to retain the word white,
because its retention is repugnant to all the principles and
notions of liberty, to which v/e have heretofore professed
to adhere, and our declaration of independence, which is
a concise and just expose of those principles. In that
sacred instrument, we have recorded the following incon-
trovertable truths—“ We.hold these trutiis to be self evi
dent, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain unalienablerignts, and amoug-
these me-lrle, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”
44 The people of color ore capable of gtv.iug their con
sent, and ever siuce tbo formation of our government they
have constituted a portion of the people, from whence your
legislators have derived 4 their just powers;’ and by re
taining that word, you deprive a large and respectable
number of this state, of privileges and rights which they
enjoyed in common with us, ever since the existence oC
our government, and to which they are justly entitled.”
->outh Carolina ; lias for ten years in succession repre
sented one of the most populous and intelligent districts
of South Carolina in its Legislature; and was the political
anti confidential friend of General Jackson during the po
litical corn est» of his day, and since. It is certainly no
ordinary c, a se of secession from a great party when an indi
vidual Pjus situated feels himself bound to break off from
them. We commend to our Southern readers especially
the general diffusion of the letter which explains his rea
sons for so doing.
Tcs the Voters of the thirteenth Congressional District
of Tennessee.
Having been sent by a portion of you as a Delegate to
the National Democratic Convention, held in the citv of
Baltimore ou the 5th of May, I conceive it my duty, how
ever painful, to communicate to you the state of things
here.
After the adjournment of the Convention, I came to this
city to await the publication of tbo address of the Conven
tion, in order that I might be enabled to send you copies.
In addition to this, I transmitted to you sucii documents
and speeches as I supposed would promote the Democra
tic cause in Tennessee. Things appeared to go on very
well until the 14th of June, when Sir. Bolts of Virginia,
presented to Congress the memorial of Lieut. Hooe, of
the Navy, protesting against the testimony of two negroes,
who had been introduced as evidence against him on his
trial before a court martial recently held at Pensacola.
After I had examined the case most carefully, in which tt
seems the Secretary of the Navy, the Attorney Gen-ral.
and the President of the United States all concurred in
opinion.it stiuck me that the President had, perhaps,
been misrepresented. This decision involves at once the
great principle for which the South is contending, and on
which the President’s popularity is founded. I, therefore,
determined to call on him, and, after u few remarks in
relation to the trial of Lieutenant Hooe, I inquired of him
whether he knew at the time he upptov“d of the sentence
ol the court, that two negroes had given testimony in the
case? To which he replied in tiie affirmative. I obser
ved to the President that, without some explanation other
than that which I hud seen, it would have a had effect on
the Squth. He then observed that a full explanation
would be published by the House of Reprsentalives to
day. I went to the Capitol, ami on entering the Repre
sentative Hall, I found the House engaged in the discussion
of the question, which resulted in the postponement of the
printing of the documents. Tiie day following, however,
the Globe gave w hat the President deems a “ full expla
nation” ol the matter. After reading the explanation of
the Globe, I could not find a satisfactory explanation ; but,
on the contrary, it appeared to me that the President had
assumed the ground of justification by contending that it
had been the usage of the Navy to admit negro evidence
in courts martial.
I am aware that under the common law there is no dis
tinction known us to persons, yet I do contend that the
President, in approving the proceedings of the court mar
tial, ought to have expressed Iris disapprobation of the
negro evidence.
With this qualification his political friends at least would
have been satisfied.
It will not do to tell us that the President had no con
trol of the matter—that it would not have been proper for
bint to have interfered. The case is within the recollec
tion of many of us where, after the coutt martial had de
cided, the General in command reversed the decision, and
ordered a new trial.
Now, if it be competent that a subaltern can reverse
the decision of a court, I presume no one will deny that
the Commander-in-chief lias the authority'.
This is a question ol vital importance to every white
man in the United States—and it will not do for the Pre
sident to look with indifference, not to say with approba
tion, upon it. #
I have watched "this question through all its mutations.
1 tie Opposition will, no doubj, avail themselves of this
false step of the President to promote their own political
views.
There is a strange indifference, a total absence on the
part of the President, of that watchful and ardent solici
tude which the very nature of the subject is calculated to
inspire, and which it was tiis province to guard and defend.
It is now said by members of Congress that they will pass
a law to prohibit in future the intioduction of negro testi
mony against a white man. It is too late; the poison lias
been infused; all the laws on earth cannot heal the deadly
influence.
Tell me not of your fanatics and abolitionists, when the
highest officer known to your laws and your Constitution
admits the (act that a riegio is a Competent witness against
a white man. Is this your northern man with southern
feelings? And this the man we are to rely upon when
the day of peril and of danger may come ?
But it is contended that Lieut. Hooe was convicted with
out the negro testimony. Then why introduce it ? Was
it to jeer and taunt the feelings of the South ? We are not
now trying Lieut. Hooe, but testing an all-important prin
ciple—one intimately connected with our political and
social relations.
The principle of the admission of negro testimony at all
is the question ; not what they did or did not prove. And
if it be a fact, as stated, that the respondent was convicted
without the negro evidence, then it is a gratuitous assault
upon the policy and institutions of the South.
This case presents to the mind the most singular and ex
traordinary anomaly in reference to that portion of the
Union supposed to have Northern feelings and Northern
prejudices on the subject of slavery. In Pennsylvania,
with her Quaker population always opposed to slaverv in
the abstract, she has declared that a negro, within the
purview of the Constitution, is not entitled to all the privi
leges and immunities of a free white man. In Connec
ticut, Chief Justice Dagget, in the Tnppnn negro school
case, decided that a negro was not a free man or citizen
within the meaning of the Constitution of the United
States.
By the laws of South Carolina, and perhaps. >.f all the
Southern States, the admission of negro testimony is pro
hibited in the trial of a white man. Yet, in the face of
these facts, and within a Southern Territory, negroes ore
permitted to give testimony, and the proceedings of the
court approved by the President of the United States !
The charge of Abolitionist comes illy from that quarter
now, since the President lias officially declared that he
saw nothing wrong in the proceedings of a court in which
two negroes had given evidence against a while man.
If we are to have a President holding opinions adverse
to the interest of the South, give us one born south of the
P otomac river—one whose early associations, habits, and
education would make him act with caution, if not with
pr opriety, however much he might in the abstract be op-
po. ;ed to slavery. E. S. DAYIS.
\ Washington, July, 1840.
FOR THE SOUTHERN RECORDER.
MEETING IN CARROLL. .
A portion of the citizens of Carroll county, opposed to
the present Administration of the General Government,
having assembled in the Court-house at Carrollton, ou
Monday the 27th of Julv, 1840. agreeably to previous no
tice, the meeting was organized by calling John Long,
Esq,, to the Chair, and appointing J. H. McClure, Sec
retary. The object of the meeting was then explained by
Thomas Chandler, Esq.; and the following Preamble and
Resolutions were off-red by Dr. D. B. Palmer, which were
unanimously adopted :
Whereas great distress exists in the land, and we le-
lieve it depends upon the mal-administration of the Gene
ral Government: Aad whereas great enormities exist in
the Government., at this lime, owing, as we suppose, to ex
travagance and corruption : And whereas, new principles
are attempted to be initiated and inscribed on our Consti
tution and laws, lending to the ultimate destruction of our
common government and country; and whereas we set
our seal of disapprobation and opposition on all such
measures and principles—be it therefore
_ 1st. Resolved, That we disapprove of, and oppose, the
altering of the General Government, to reduce the prices
of labor and produce in this country', bv forcing on us the
Sub Treasury, imitating the wretched hard money govern
ments of Europe, which, in a word, is to impoverish the
country, or make the rich man richer, and the poor man
poorer.
2d. Resolved, That we highly disapprove of and op
pose the attempt of lha Executive to sanction the intro
duction of free negro evidence, in this Iree country, and
his former advocacy of free negro suffrage, belicvu g it
tends to the worst kind of abolitionism.
3d. Resolved, That we disapprove of and resent the
attempt of the administration to saddle upon our country
a standing army of two hundred thousand men, believing
it tends to monarchy in its worst shape, and to the rear
ing ol a crowned bead and princely monarch.
4ih and lastly. Resolved, That we consider the ex
penses and extravagancies and corruptions of this Admin
istration, double that of any othei ; and we will do nil in
our power to effect reform, by fair moans and reasonable
arguments; and for this purpose we wiil send as many de
legates to (lie Macon Convention as can conveniently go.
After which the following preamble and lesohitions w ere
offered by Thomas Chandler, Esq., and were also unani
mously adopted :
Whereas, we are shortly to he called upon by duty to
ourselves and to our country, to cast our votes for a Chief
Magistrate of this great Ci*nfederaoy; and as the distress
of the people and the deranged state of the currency of
th > country, arc disasters brought upon the people by some
unusual cause, it may .be proper to inquire what that cause
is, in order that by removing the cause, the effect may
cease. H e think the “ spirit o f speculation," the 41 over
trading," and the 44 bloated credit system,” to which all
our disasters have been attributed by some, have not been
the main cause of these disasters; but have only been se
condary springs. There is one great main-spring, tbo
cause of all these effects, and that main cause has been
the policy pursued by the Government. It w ill be admit
ted by all, that the country was prosperous until the “ ex
periments'” were commenced, and until the President took
the 44 responsibility." After the deposits were placed
in the State Bunks, large issues of the “ Bank rags' 1
were encouraged by the late Administration ; and il we
are not mistaken, the deposite Bunks were instructed by
the Government to make loans to the people on the
strength of the deposiles ; and the Slate Banks throughout
the Union were taken under the especial care of the Gov
ernment party, and the credit system was encouraged by
that party, both in and out of office. Money was plenty
every where, property sold high, and Banks sprang up as
thick as mushrooms after a s'tmmer’s rain; and even after
it was ascertained that the first 44 experiment” was a fail
ure, and the deposits were taken from the pets, the party
in power past an act to distribute the surplus among the
States, for the purpose of being distributed among the
people ; and it was the policy of the Government party, at
least in.some of the States, to loan this fund out to the
prople on accommodation ; still encouraging 44 specula
tion," “overtrading," and tiie 44 bloated credit" system.
After encouraging all these tilings, to get the people deep
ly in debt on the credit of their property, which in such
plentiful times of money was of great valHe, the “Gov
ernment” party all at once discovered that specie was the
only constitutional currency ; that there was too much
speculation amongst the .people; that die Banks and the
credit system were ruining the country. The Administra
tion commenced a war against all Banks, which, in self-
defence have been forced to call in their circulation, and
to collect debts due from the people. Thus the shafts pre
tendingly aimed at the Banks, have been hurled against
tiie people; and the Government, as though bent upon
bearing down all before it, refused to pay the last install
ment of the surplus to the Stales. Thus the Government,
after encouraging the Banks to excessive issues, and the
people to run in debt, for speculation and other causes,
suddenly turned right about and used all its influence and
power to curtail the circulation, in order to reduce the
price of property and of labor—the main stays of the
great majority of the people. These facts are fully veri
fied in the arguments of the leading members of «lie pre
sent Administration in the Senate, ou the Sub-Treasury
bill. This Sub-Treasury system is the great favorite of
the Administration, the test question of parties. Its ad
vocates have avowed, that it would have the effect to bring
tiie country to a specie currency, and to reduce the price
of property and the wages ol" labor. If the system has
the effect its friends ascribe tt it, we at once see the effect
on people now in debt. The price of property is already
reduced one-half, and is still to be reduced more ; their
property. When sold, will go into tire hands of the money
hollers and office holders, to pay the cost; the debt will
still be unpaid ; and all this brought on by the policy of
the Government and its mcdling with the currency. If
the present state of tilings continues, what wiil he sul
fate ? Our property sold, our labor of uo value, and we
still iri debt, subject to be harrassed by a merciless cred
itor. But Mr. Van Buren may provide for us by graciously
granting us a place in his standing array, where he may
require us, as loyal subjects, to march in his wars against
all that may oppose the man he may appoint for his suc
cessor. If it comes to this, that the President may tinker
with tlte currency until he ruin3 the people, and then open
ly recommend Congress, in direct violation of the Consti
tution, to give him a standing- army in time of pence, to be
raised out of the people and to be put under his control, to be
officered by him, thus increasing Iris power and patronage,
what hopes have we that this country, our once proud and
boasted Republic, will longer be free, unless the people
rally to the standard of freedom ? But the principles of
the present Administration, which we hold to be oppres
sive and anti-republican, do not stop with the measures we
have named. Much might be said of the extravagant ex
penditure of the public money ; the taxing of officers to
raise an electioneering fund ; of the admitting negroes to
give testimony against free white persons ; of the disfran
chising a sovereign State ; of the disgraceful management
of the Florida war; of the arrest and trial of officers of
the Army for purchasing subsistence from '.Vhigs, who sold
cheaper, instead of purchasing from Administration men,
who sold higher; with many other measures which have
been either attempted or carried out by the party in power,
therefore—
1st. Resolved, That we will use ail honorable means
in our power, to encourage a reform in the administration
of the Government of the United States; and for that
end, believing Gen. Wm. H. Harrison to be an honest
man and true patriot, we will support him to be the next
President of the United Slates, and John Tiler, of Vir
ginia, for Vice President.
2d. Resolved, That we do not hold the doctrine held by
a late President of the United States, that the President
is tiie immediate representative of the people; and that
the people, by electing, sanction all the previously ex
pressed opinions of the man they elect.
3d. Resolved, That this meeting send a Delegate to the
anliWati Buren Convention to lie held at Macon on the
13th August next, from each Militia District in the county.
On motion of Dt. D B. Palmer,
Resolved, That a committee of five be appointed by
the Chairman, to recommend to the meeting one delegate
from each militia district, to represent this county in the
anti-Van Buren meeting to be held at Macon, on the 13th
of August next.
Under which resolution the following gentlemen were
appointed that committee, to wit: James Baskin, Esq.,
Solomon Winn, Dr. Thos. H. Roberts, Henry S. Chance,
Esq., nnd Thomas Duke, Esq.
The committee recommended Tlios. H. Roberts. Henry
S. Chance, Esq., Amos Helton, Elijah McFerson, John
Rob itison, Esq., Thomas Prayer, Esq., Col. Wm. O. Wng-
non, Thomas McGuire. Esq., II. P. Mabry, Esq., and
Thomas Duke, Esq.
On motion of Henry S. Chance, Esq,.
Resolved, That all persons friendly to the cause of re
reform that can conveniently, be requested to attend said
meeting at M neon.
On motion of Thomas Chandler, Esq.,
Resolved, That the Secretary forward the proceedings
of this meeting to the Southern Recorder and the Reform
er at Augusta, after being signed by the Chairman, and
countersigned by the Secretary, with a request that they
publish them ; and that other Editors friendly to reform, bo
requested to publish them also.
* JOHN LONG, Chairman.
J. H. McClure, Secretary.
MEETING IN JONES COUNTY.
Clinton, 4th August, 1340.
According to previous notice, a large and respectable
portion of the friends of Harrison and Reform, convened
at the Court House in this place to-day, for the purpose
of nominating delegates to the Convention, to lie held in
Macon on the 13th inst. The meeting was called to order
by appointing Clark Blanford, Esq. Chairman, and E.
C. Griswold and A. M. George, Secretaries.
The meeting was addressed by Cot. R. V. Hardeman,
with great force anti effect, in a speech of 2 hours’ length ;
after which the following resolutions were unanimously
adopted :
Resolved, That this meeting, taking into consideration
the meeting of the Convention at Macon, on the 13lh
inst., for the furtherance and promotion of the election ol
Gen. William Henry Harrison to the Presidency, and John
Tyler to the Vice Presidency of the United Slates, audfor
reform in the Government ol said United States, do unani
mously agree, that all persons friendly to the same, within
this county, be, and they are hereby respectfully invited
to attend said Convention, as delegates from the
of Jones. <-ouaty
On motion af Major P. T.Pitu,
Resolved, Tint the proceed mss of this mcetinr X
c igned by the Chairman and Secretaries, and pobl^rd^*
the Macon Messenger, and State Riebts puner* i u-*
ledgeville. CLARK BLANFORD, CUan-amTi
E. C Griswold, ? Secretari „,
A. M. CiKOHGE, J
Mississippi.—The progress uf Harrison end R e r
in our sister State surpasses the most sanguine ex .
tion. No Stale has hitherto been considered more
—iFr'Frp /•«
for Van Buren than Mississippi—none can be
tinned that is mote uncertain. The democratic repuh]^''
of Mississippi are organizing with efficiency and
they are in the finest spirits, and are determined to ** ’
the State from loco-fo.-oism in November. In the
counties, where Van Buren was wont to exert par-,
sway, the standard of the spoilsmen is shiverhm- j"
wind. The people are leaving it by hundreds („ j i<?
v.i:_ : ■ ' . . or aer
further to concentrate public opinion, the renuhlicn^ ?r
North Mississippi, conjointly with those of South Ten ^
see, hold a Convention iri Marshall countv, on Thm
6th August. It will bo most numerously attended s')
” —a- ~ - - “~ ” ••—uiurnaed
will exercise an auspicious influence upon ;hut p uv ; 0n
the State. 1 n 01
That tiie federal loco-foco.s are alarmed, is evident f
the tone of their organs. Like Ritchie, after the Wat'e'
loo defeat in Virginia last April, they make franticanpeT
to the party to bestir themselves, to organize. ff ;jt f
“ party” will not hear. They are dispirited and loke-w ar. *
They cannot be brought to the scratch. They are f
ened at the astonishing enthusiasm, unanimity and oner
that prevails among the Harrison democrats. Thev wff"
:o doubt, muster courage by November, arid make a ,i s
perate fight, but that they will be beaten, we have eve?
assurance.—jV. O. Bee, 29th ull.
It is not a little curious iliac South Carolina, the State
which was, at the last Presidential election, the most hit.
A Slight Change for the Better.—Since the Har-
risburgh nomination, five States have held their elections.
These five, New-Hampsbire, Connecticut, Rhode Island
Virginia, and Louisiana, all voted for Mr. Van Buren in
1836, and now all but one have voted against him. Look
at the difference between ’36 and ’40.
1836. 1340.
V. B. H. V. B.
N. Hampshire, 7 — 7 ...
Connecticut, ..8 — ...
Rhode Island,.4 — ...
Virginia, .....24 — ...
Louisiana 5 —
H.
47
In these States alone, there is an a<
Harrison, of eighty electoral votes.
[ Baltimore Pilot.
Mr. Beardsley, formerly a leader of the Administration
party in the House of Representatives, and pretty notori-
ons in New-York politics, has renounced locofocoism and
\ declared himself for Harrison.—Arena.
c
S
IS
^ c
§{
I!
From the Hartford {Conn.) Courant.
VOTES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT.
John Adams, 71 I T. Pinckney,
Thomas Jefferson, 68 | Aaron Burr,
Thomas Jefferson, 73 I Aaron Burr,
John Adams, 64 J T. Pinckney,
Thomas Jefferson, 162 I George Clinton,
C. C. Pinckney, 14 | Rufus King,
152 | George Clinton,
45
127
89
183
34
218
James Madison,
C. C. Pinckney,
( James Madison,
l De Witt Clinton,
( James Monroe,
\ Rufus King.
< James Monroe,
l Noopp. but 1 vote.
f Andrew Jackson, 99
j John Q. Adams, 84
W m. H- Crawford, 41
( Henry Clay, 37
( Andrew Jackson, 173
j John Q. Adams, 83
f Andrew Jackson, 219
j Henry C’iny, 4.9
| John Floyd, 11
( William Wirt, 7
[ Martin Van Buren, 170
I VV m. H. Harrison, 73
( Hugh I.. White 26
I Willie P. Mangum, 11
Daniel Webster, 14
Rufus King,
Elbridge Gerry,
—— Ingersoll,
Daniel D. Tompkins.
Opposition scattering,
Daniel D. Tompkins,
Opposition divided.
John C. Calhoun,
Five others,
[J. Q. Adams elected Pre
sident by Ho. of Rep-, j
John C. Calhoun,
Richard Rush,
M. Van Buren,
John Sarseant,
Wm. Wilkins,
— Lee 11, A. Ellmaker, 7
R. M. Johnson, 147
Francis Granger, 63
Scattering, 84
New Lise of Stages from the East to the West.
We understand that arrangements have been made to
put in operation, about the first of September next, a fine
of lour horse post conches, from Rome to Gunter’s Land
ing, on the Tennessee River, in Alabama. The line will
connect with the stages from ttie head of the Georgia Kail*
Road at Greensborongh and the daily line of steaviboats
from Gunter’s Landing to Decatur, intersecting ut ti> at
point the great mail route from Nashville, Tennessee, to
Montgomery, Alabama; connecting also, with the R»'l*
Road to Florence, and mail stages toColumhus, Mississqr
pi, and Memphis, Tennessee.
The time occupied in travel from New-York to Gteetis-
borougb, Georgia, is about four days; thence to Gunter s
Landing 230 miles can he traversed in two days , making
sixdays from New-York to Gunter’s Landing on the len-
nessee River. At this point travellers would take steam
boats and be landed at the depot of the Tuscumb.a and
Decatur Rail Road, in Decatur in four hours; it. the same
time they would arrive in Huntsville, V Alabama, being
but little over six davs between New-York and Huntsville;
thence to Nashville 117 miles, in one day ; making seven
davs from New York. .
From Decatur to Tuscumbta the distance ts 4a miles,
ami will be traversed by Railroad in three hours ; making
64 days from New York toTuscumbia; thence to Colum
bus, Mississippi, 117 miles, making 7£ days from New-
York. From Ttiscnmbia to LaGrange, Tennessee, 110
miles in about 29 hours ; thence 50 miles by Rail Road to
Memphis in 4 hours, or 1 day from Tuscumbia to Memphis
making days from New Y'urk.
It is believed that this will be the most expeditious,ero-
nomical and pleasant line of travel which can be put in ope
ration from the Northern cities to the South Western sec*
lion of the Union. It will aff ord to merchants and business
men of that section, an opportunity of visiting ti e Seat
Atlantic cities without deviating from the best route to the
North; will tend to increase the business of those cities,
aad add to the profits of the Railway* “poo the line o
road. It will enchance the value of real estate along t ®
route, and more especially, will bring * n t° notice, its pe
culiarly advantageous location for a grand line “Bat roa
from the South Atlantic sea coast to the greut West.
[ Western Georftn- 1
I
ter and unanimous against Mr. Van Buren, is the only on*
in the Union in which there is not now an active and or
ganized opposition to his re-election. What an abasemeu
i of principle—w hat a sur render of feeling and prejudice—
what abject submission to the dictation of one man, mint
there be, to bring about this condition of things. M r
Calhoun allows no liberty of thought to his devotees * e
use the word (rotn choice, ns best expressing our meanint
Other politicians have friends upon whom thev can e>> .
cise some influence, but lie exacts and receives n snbmi
siim, as blind, as unreasoning, ns implicit, as Mahomet
did of his fanatical followers. He gives no time tnr a
gradual and something like a natural change of position.
He is found, with bis troops, one day in the ranks of the
W hies, fig Inins' with an ardor that seemed to spring from
conviction ol the righteousness of the cause. From mo.
tives. which we do not pretend to fathom, he changej
’sides and orders his men to fire upon their late comrades,
lne best drilled soldiers never obeyed with more prompt
ness, and no mercenaries ever manifested more indifference
as to the side on which they fought. Major Dalgrttv
could assign better reasons, at all times, for his change of
service, than can Mr. Calhoun. Major Dalgetty would
never have gone over to the enemy in the heat Of battle.
Was Mi*. Calhoun sincere in his denunciations of Mr.
Van Buren up to 1337 ? If he were, can he, as an honest
man support his re-election ? We have not time to muke
quotations, nor is it necessary His opinions were too
often nnd too strongly expressed to be forgotten bv the
American people. In the dissolution nnd re-composition
of parlies, there is always something to wonder at in the
new combinations—but the spectacle of Mr. Calhoun and
the Nullifiers, supporting Mr. Van Buren, excites some
thing more than astonishment—it excites pity, mortifica
tion, disgust, nausea.—Fredericksburg Arena.
212
132
78
7 40
regale gain to
The Territorial Representatives.—The three ter
ritorial Governments are represented in Congress- bv the
Hon. Mr. Downing, of Florida, Judge Doty of Wiscon
sin, and the Hon. Mr. Chapman of Iowa. These dele
gates were all elected and :ook their seats as supporters of
the Adminstiation. But the course of that Administration
has been so destructive of the common welfare—so reck
less, wasteful and profligate, that these3 Representative*
have been constrained by a sense of duty to their constitu
ents, and the country, to abandon Van Buren and support
Gen. Harrison—Alb my Eve. Jour.
The Abolitionists have published their reasons why they
cannot support General Harrison. They are stated in the
American Anti-Slavery Almanac, for !840. as follows:
“ 1-t. His efforts in 1302, and afterwards while Gov
ernor of Indiana, to make that teiritory a slave State.
“2d. In 1819, he gave no less than seven votes, ail
tending to establish slavery west of the Mississippi.
“3d. In 1836, he was represented by the Virginiaad-
i dress as being still 4 sound to the core on the subject of
slavery’ ”
There are southern editors yet reckless or silly enough
to call Harrison an abolitionist, in the teeth of the denun
ciations hurled against him by the fanatics themselves.
Louisiana has just given praefial evidence of the effect of
such miserable calumnies by doubling the whig majority
in the State.—JV. O. Bee.
53
50
73
53
163
14
118
4*
123
58
113
173
83
18y
49
30