Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, August 18, 1840, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextBYGRIEVE & ORME, State Printers.] MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, AUGUST 18, 1S40. [xNO. 31—VOL. XXI. Tlie Recorder is published weekly, on Hancock street, nearly opposite the Masonic Hall, at Three DoL- f# vits per annum, payable in advance, or Four Dollars it’ not paid before the end of the year. No paper sent out of ihe State, to any new subscriber, without being fiist pai for in ADVANCE. , i ADVERTISEMENTS conspicuously inserted at t. e usu rates. Those sent without a specification of the nuinu o insect ou3, vill be published until ordefed out, and charged ar Xs of‘Ta, ; J and negroes. by Administrator, Executors, or i i ir.iiani, are required by law to be held on the first Tn >s lay i ■ tlie month, between the hours of ten in the fore „,ia in 1 uree in the afternoon, at the Court-house of the , uv in ,-uich Lite property is situate.—Notices of these si e-s must be jiven in a public gazette SIXTY days previous to we day of sale. . . Notices for tfie sale of personal property must be given in ixe manner, FOitTY days previous to tlie day of sale.— \ si, iotice to the debtors and creditors of an estate must be pub'ishe 1 tor FORTY days. f it.ee litat application will be made to the Court of Ordina ry f >r leave to sell land, must be published for Four, months ' \11 business in the line of printing, will meet with pro not itiei.tion at the Recorder Office. Letters (on business) must be post-paid. _ ... -.p Q„ r readers. in requesting the direction of their pa- „ r .im'me i from one Post Office to another, are desired, in • v tv ■ a stance, in making such requests to inform us as well ,c. ,c .vne of tlie °ni > fire fron vhieh they desire it •'no re 1. as hat to which they may thereafter wish it sent. A N ACT to alter the 3d.7tli and 12th sections of the first . » article, and the 1st. 3d and 3 1 sections of the 3d article and the 15th section of the 4th article of the Constitution of ll "whmeas a part of the 3d section of the 1st article of the Constitution is in the following words, viz: The Senate slialf he elected annually ; an*l a part ol the 7th section ot the lit article, is in the following words: The Ilepresenta- tr ms shall be chosen annually; and a part of the 12th sec tion of the 1st article is in the following words : The meeting of the General Assembly shall be annually ; And whereas a part of the 3d section of the 3d article is in the following words: There shall be a Suite's Attorney and Solicitor ap pointed by the Legislature and commissioned by the Gov ernor, who shall hold their office lor the term of three years ; ...id a part of the 15th section of die 4th article is in the fol lowing words: The same shall be published at least six months previous to the next ensuing annual election, for members of the General Assembly: And wlicr.as the before recited clauses require amendments— Section 1- Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Rcprr- sr.nlat'ves of the State of Georgia in General Assembly met and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same. That so soon as this set shall have passed, agreeably to the requisitions of die Constitution, the following shall be adopted in lieu ol the foregoing clauses: In the 3d section of the 1st arti* le, tin- following, to wit: The Senate shall be elected bi-annually. after the passage ol this act; the first election to take p,a< e on the first Monday in the year one thousand eight hundred and forty-three. In lieu of the 7th section ot the 1st article, the following: The Representatives shall be elected bi-an- ltually. ufter'the passage of this act, the first election to take place on the first Monday in October, in the year one thou sand eignt hundred and forty three; and in lieu of the clause in the 12th section ofthe 1st artic.e, tlie following : The meet ing of the General Assembly shall be bi-annually, aftei the passage of this act, on the first Monday in November. And in lien of the clause in die 3.1 section of the 3d article, the folio will", to wit: There shall be a State’s Attorney and So licitor elected by the Legislature, who shall hold their office for the term of four years; and in lien of tlie clause in the fot'n section ofthe 4th article, the following: The same shall be published at least six months previous to the next ensuing bi-annual election for members of the General Assembly ; tlie provisions of this act not to go into effect until the year one thousand eight hundred and forty--three. SEC. 2. And be it further enacted bg the authority aforesaid, That whenever it shall so happen that the term of office of any of the Judges, State’s Attorney or Solicitors, shall expire at any time during the recess of the General Assembly, then and in that case it shall be the duty of !iis Excellency the Governor to fill such vacancy, by appointment, until the next General Assembly thereafter to be held, when such vacancy shall be filled by election by the Legislature, until the next election of Judges, State’s Attorney or Solicitois shall take place. JOSEPH DAY, Speaker of the House of Representatives. ROBERT M. ECHOLS, President of the Senate. Assented to, December 23d, 1839. CHARLES J. McDonald, Governor. March 31, 1840. 11 Cin CENTRAL BANK AC3KNCV. riTlIIE undersigned ofler their services as agents in the q renewal of Notes at the Central Bank. They will at tend to all Noies entrusted to tlieiv care, for the customary fee of one dollar; also, to the taking out and forwarding Grants at one dollar each. They will also attend to the offering of Notes for discount, at the distribution of the Centra 1 Bank, advertised to com mence on tlie Itilh July, and all orders in regard to the dis position of the money will be promptly attended to. 03” Letters enclosing notes or money must be post paid. THOMAS RAGLAND, THO. H. HALL. Milledgeville, June 16, 1840. 22 tf 03” The Columbus Enquirer and Sentinel and Herald, will insert three times. CKiYTKaL BANK OF GEORGIA. MILLEDGEVILLE, lltll June, 1? 10. 7| ) ESOLVED, That a distribution of seven hundred and H V fifty thousand dollars he made among the several coun ties of this State, to be loaned on accommodation notes, which mav be offered for discount on the days and iu the order stated in the foilwing table, viz : County Appling, Baker, Baldwin, Bibb, Bryan, Bulloch, Burke, Butts, C°bb, Columbia, Coweta, Crawford, Decatur, DeKalb, Dade, Forsytli, F ranklin, Gilmer, Glynn, Greene, Harris, Heard, Henry, Houston, Irwin, Lee, Liberty, Lincoln, Lowndes, Lumpkin, Miron, adison, Murray, Musrogee, Newton, Oglethorpe, Paulding, Richmond, Scriven. Stewart, Sumter, Talbol, Taliaferro, Upson. Walker, Walton, Ware, Warren, GENERAL REGULATIONS. The law requires that the money appropriated to eacli county shall be loaned only to the citizens of such counties respectively, and that the endorsers, as well as the makers of notes, shall be residents of the county. Tlie Board will therefore require in each case a certificate of residence, both of the makers and endorsers; which may be signed by any civil oflicer of the county, But if the money appropriated to the counties respectively, shall not be applied for and loaned within thirty day3 from the offering days above speci fied, then the above requirement of tlie law in relation to the residence of endorses ceases; and alter that time a certificate of residence of the maker only, will be required. All notes must be made payable at the Central Bank of Georgia, three hundred and sixty days after date, and must have two or more good endorsers. Every note presented for discount must be accompanied with a written affidavit of the maker, in which he shall state that the note offered is for the unly use and benefit of him, the maker, and not for the use, benefit, or interest, of any other person, or persons whatsoever; which affidavit shall be certified by a magistrate or other officer legally authorised to administer said oath. C er title ales of the taxable property ofthe makers and en dorsers of the notes offered, will be regarded as the best e v- ltlenre of their solvency. No note will be discounted having ot. it the name of any person indebted to the State, either as principal or securin', which debt is due and unsett ed ; or who is the maker of or endorser on, any note or bill heretofore discounted bv the Central Bank, and which is past due and unattended to! No note will beieeeived fordiscountafterthehourof nine o’clock, A. M.of the days above specified. The proceeds of the discounted notes will be paid to tlie check ot the last endorser only. By outer of the Board of Directors. , A. M. NISBET, Casl.’r. June 16. tf Thursday 16th July. Amount. County. Amount. $2,372 Camden, 5.606 3.01 3 Campbell, 5,912 7,183 Carroll, 5.104 10,136 C ass. 8,251 2,904 Chatham, 21.354 3,«36 Cherokee, 5.598 12,521 Chattooga, 4,224 6.106 Clarke, 11,103 Thu re da r 30'h July. 7,540 Dooly, 4,991 1 1 ,069 Early, 4.953 11,534 Effingham, 2.775 8,712 Elbert, 12,479 5.546 Emanuel, 3,621 13,196 Fayette, 7,513 1,119 Floyd, 4,224 Thursday, 20/h August. 6.359 Gwinnett. 13,493 11.650 Habersham, 9,972 1,990 Hall, 9,881 3,899 11,349 Hancock, 10.099 Thursday, 3d Sep!ember. 14,863 Jackson, 13,962 5,602 Jaa per. 12,040 14,762 Jefferson, 6,087 13,177 Jones. 10,473 2,182 Laurens, 6.035 Thursday, 17'th September. 3,510 Marion, McIntosh, 5.179 6,812 5,266 6,173 Meriwether, 16,122 5,849 Monroe, 15,594 7,592 Montgomery, 2,521 5,417 5,613 Morgan, 9.877 Thursday, 1st October. 4.051 Pike, 10,191 17,641 Pulaski, 5,399 13,795 Putnam, 11,507 11,691 Rabun, 2,494 2,981 Randolph, 7,137 Thursday, 15th October. 13,875 Tattnall, 2,949 5,132 ] Telfair, 3.147 11,463 Thomas, 6.591 4.882 Troup, 16,624 15,844 Twiggs, 8,827 5,006 Union, 2,935 Thursday, 2 9/h October. 14.957 Washington, 10,806 5,484 Wayne, 1,704 11 984 Wilkes, 11.23-5 2,598 11,140 j Wilkinson, 7,653 Political. A SPEECH OF SENATOR PRESTON. There was lately, an immense gathering of the friends of Gen. Harrison at Elizabethtown New-Jersey, who were addressed by Senator fallmadge Mr. Ketchum, of New-York, and Senator Preston, of South Carolina. Mr. Preston succeeded Mr. Ketchum, and his ap pearance was the signal for a round of cheers that made the welkin ring again, as we learn from the New York American. When silence was restored, Mr. P. thus began, as reported by the American : Fellow-Citizens—Gentlemen of New Jersey : ! I appear before yon under so many disadvari- 1 tage.s, some of which are obvious, and others ! I shall mention, that I should, under any or- 1 dinary circumstances, content myself with ac knowledging, in brief but grateful terms mv deep sense ofthe kindness and cordiality with which l have been welcomed by you. But there is something in my heart that 1 would fain speak out, and which forbids my leaving i the soil of New Jersey without relieving my | breast of the burden which oppresses it. I come from a recent rapid tour, not unaccom panied by labor. I have been up the noble | Hudson, and, in the spirit of the People, at i Poughkeepsie, on its shores, and in its wide and deep current, I have seen emblems of the | progress, of the sure and irresistible progress ! ofthe principles for which we are contending. : Last night, too, in New York, I addressed an assembly, only smaller than this because the ! inclemency of tlie weather circumscribed it ; within walls. Hence I appear before you worn down; and this is one of the disadvan tages to which I referred. I am a stranger to—(general exclamations of “ No, no, you are no stranger.”) I lake back the word, exclaimed Mr. P. with energy ; 1 am not a sti anger to New-Jer sey. I have read you in your history. 1 have heard from the lips of my own ancestors, who stood shoulder to shoulder with yours on your own soil—of the heroism and the sufferings of New Jersey ; and from the days of my boyhood, I have longed to tread the fields consecrated by so much gallantry and endeared by so many associations. I am, too a citizen of the Unit ed States, and therefore no stranger; a Whig, and therefore your brother. But under what ciicnmstanccs do we meet ] How shall I re cur to the gallant deeds of your ancestors, and | reconcile your present position with the fact that scarce a field but has been trodden by the } foot of Washington—that not a spear of grass | but was wet with the blood of your fathers— that Every sod Beneath our feet, Has been tt soldier’s sepulchre? How is it that the spirit of those days lias not roused you to unanimous opposition to the outrages you have been made to suffer] What did your ancestors fight for ] Bead the enu meration of the evils and wrongs they rose to avenge, and then ask yourselves if those now inflicted on you are fewer in amount, or less exasperating in character! and yet you are tame! You are expelled from the Union, and yet you endure. Fellow-citizens, did I say 1 i am not your fellow citizen. You are not citizens of the United States ; you are not members of the great Union. You have been turned out of it; aud a manufactory of repre sentatives has been set up at Washington, which turns out subjects as the machine turns out tenpenny nails. 1 am aware that, in general, much allowance is to bo made for what is done at Washington, and that judgments are no*, hastily to be form ed of measures there adopted : but the case with you is so flagrant; you have been so con temptuously, and for base party purposes,driv en out of the Union, that even 1 can ill sup press the indignation I feel, or accurately de fine the proper limit of opposition. But had it been my State instead of you is, had it been South Carolina instead of New Jersey, 1 should have been at no loss, and, even now, 1 am dispos ed to apply the language of Lord Chatham, in re ference to the American Colonies, and say, were 1 a Jerseyman, as I am a South Caroli nian, while my rights as a member of ibis Union ate violated, I would never lay down my arms, never, never, never. I speak not of the arms of violence and blood, but the arms of the law and of the ballot box ; aud these arms you will not, I trust, lay down till you have reconquered your position, gathered up the fragments of your broken seal, and knit them again together in beauty and unity ; till you have rescued your draggled flag from beneath the feet of the mercenaries who have trampled on it, and borne it onward in triumph even to the dome of the Capitol. The sympathies and heart of the nation are with you, and the very wrongs you suffer have advanced the Whig cause. No where have 1 addressed any public meeting where an allu sion to the outrage upon your State did not bring forth the response, “ We will aid New Jersey.” On, then, Whigs of New-Jersey, on, I say, but on whom ? [Several voices from the crowd exclaimed, “ the Tories.”] Av, ay, the Tories ! the Tories ! Now, as in tlie days of ’76, the opposition of Whig is Tory, and it is the Tories you are to overthrow as your fathers did. Be earnest, then, in the contest. You have gallant leaders and brother-soldiers. There is Hairy, ofthe West, [the annunciation of this name was rapturously cheered,] the gallant, magnanimous Harry, of the West, baring bis bosom to every shaft intercepting from his party every poisoned arrow, scarred all over with wounds received in defence of his friends, and of his and their principles.— With laurelled brow, if not with the victor’s chaplet, there is he without envy, without re pining, yielding precedence to another, and, spreading out to William Henry Harrison the flag of the Union, bids him give it to the breeze, and claims only the honor of serving as a soldier under him. Where shall we find greater disinterestedness, more glorious mag nanimity ] There, too, is the graver and heavy armed array of the East, led on by Daniel Webster, [this name again brought forth loud cheering,] like the Macedonian phalanx of old, in serried order, and of overwhelming force. There, too, is the Empire State, with her gallant and eloquent son who has this day addtessed you. [Another bur st of cheering.] There is your own fervid and eloquent son, Southard, (more cheers,) a friend beloved, a statesman worthy of all praise, and worthy to lead the Whigs of of New-Jersey; anti if I do not now mention that name under which we all rally, it is only that 1 may introduce it more fitly hereafter.— The cause, too, is a holy and exciting one.— Think you that any ordinary occasion could have brought me from the sand banks and long leaved pines of South Carolina to address a New Jersey audience ] It is a cause that ap peals to us all; that is second to none but the cause of God. It is the cause of the Country, ofthe Constitution, of Liberty. Time will not allow me to go into an exami nation of the long, black catalogue of crime which lies at the door of the Administration, and which all their trained bands are drafted and disciplined to defend. Tlie battle will be fierce, but it will be decisive. We are, in deed, but militia. We are not organized nor paid. We fight on our own hook, not for mo ney nor for bread ; but we fight for our r ights, for our fire-sides, for the liberty our ancestors transmitted to us, and for our property; and can we fail ] They have blighted our pros pects, as though blasted by the curse of Hea ven. They have touched with a paralysis every interest; the very demon of destruction seems to preside over their councils. Mr. P. here, at some length examined the effect of the experiments of the Administration upon the industry, manufactures, and mechanic arts of the country, and particularly of towns like Newark, which flourished in proportion to the genet al prosperity, and of which the adversity was only a type ofthe adversity that had over taken all classes, both t ich aud poor, the manu facturer of carriages and those who were wont to buy and ride in them. The Administration seemed to have reversed the order of Provi dence, which blesses (he labor of man, and acts as though impelled by the very genius of desolation. Is this picture (said Mr. P.) too datkly shaded l Who is there among you all that has escaped loss or suffering] [None, none, was the cry.] Even so; not one of you. Are there any manufacturers here ] [Enough of them, for they have nothing to do at their fac tories.] Ay, enough, indeed; and your demo cratic friends, who profess so much affection for the haid handed workman, are determined to give you time enough to get your hand soft. Are there laborers here ? Their turn is now come. They have felt lightly the evils of mis- government, and they have too long supported those who, in striking at the employers, af fected to be influenced by regard for the poor laborer. But now the principle of the party is, that the laborer must be made to work cheaper; and that the country can only pros per when the rates of labor assimilate with those of older nations. But where, say we, is the example by which we are to Ire regulated ; to what country do you design to point us for a model] Why, say my colleague and Mr. Walker, of Missis sippi, to—Cuba! Ay, to Cuba, the land of the inquisition and 6^ cents a day for labor! Once liken our condition to that of Cuba, and the time may soon come when we shall be us productive as that favored island—of blood hounds. If, however, we decline tlie example of Cuba, and insist, with our Anglo-Saxon partialities, that England, the land of our fa thers, of liberty, of law, and of commerce, affords better models and examples, they ex claim, “See these British Whigs! they want to ape British fashions and precedents;” and then, as an alternative, they point us to China, as a hard money cheap labor country—a fine country, indeed, where wages are 5 cents a day ! But this is an alternative which America will not he driven to; and this will be shown next November. No Presidential election has heretofore been gone into with wheat at 50 cents a bushel and cotton at G cents; and the disasters of the times will re-act against those whose folly or whose wickedness has produced them. What a contrast, indeed, does our position now present with that be fore the reign of experiments began! Then, all was smiling, happy, prosperous industry. Now, care and suffering, and haggard want. The stately paltn-tree is withering, its branches dying, and its trunk blasted. We feel that the worm is gnawing at its root, and that it must soon perish. You must apply the reme dy while there is yet time—dig that worm up, and crusii it beneath your feet. What, fellow-citizens, is the contest ? It is between the People and the office-holders, led on by the chief office-holders at Washington —a clothed, fed, and trained corps of janissa ries, with fortresses all through the land—on the sea-boaid in the shape of custom-houses, iti the interior and every where in the shape of post-offices, from which the incumbents issue, stealthily prowling about, seeking, like the evil one of old, whom they may seduce, whom they may devour. Led on by the Chief Spoiler at Washington, whose doctrines are openly proclaimed, they fight for plunder.—- They feel no distress—they experience no solicilious misgivings about providing for their families. They have money enough, fellow-citizens, though you can get none—good money, count ed out to them quarterly—drawn from the Treasury, where it is placed after having been first drawn from your hard earnings. Their pockets are round and full, while yours are shrunk and lean, and little heed they, or be lieve they, therefore, of the distress which pervails in the land. If the farmer says to one of them that the price of his produce hardly repays the cost of production; that he can only get half price, indeed, for his wheat, the pampered hireling replies that such things will happen and must be submitted to, and admonishes him that resignation is becoming to all mortals. But, if the farmer continues, and asks bis comforter if his salary is reduced, in proportion to the fall of commodities, “God forbid,” is bis reply, “ God forbid that it should be diminished, it barely supports me now.” And yet he can get twice as much for his money as before. It is easy enough, there fore, for him to bear the inflictions of the com munity, and natural enough that he should sustain a policy which snatches the dry ernst from the hungry lips of the laborer’s child, that it may feed the children of your pure democrat with pound cake. Well indeed may the President, in his marble palace, amid luxu rious appliances, with well-paid salary, ex claim, “The people expect too much from Government.” We behold that Government and its officers growing richer, while each of us is growing poorer. Their nches are derived from the oppression of the people. They plunder that they may have the more to dispense in bribes. While you see your substance wasting away, this Administration has received and squan dered some 130 millions of dollars. This enormous sum has been sweated out of the blood of the hard hands of the country, to be lavished upon mercenaries, parasites, panders about the palace. Thirty-nine millions annu ally are paid to those who are waging this war hausted, and all for the benefit of a part only, and not of the whole. Our condition is worse than that of the Israelites in the desert, for when it rained manna and quails, all could equally hold out their platters. But when the manna of Government falls here, it falls not into your platters. Do any of you catch a quail, or a flake of this manna! Oh! no. Or, if perchance a portion, however small, should fall to one of you, the officer through whose criminal infi delity such a boon should be vouchsafed to a W big, who was detected in allowing one of the proscribed to taste of this Government no qualities to fit him for the Presidency.— Now, gentlemen, I venture to say that put the two together, any where, for any purpose that becomes a man, whether for a toast, speech, or message, and General Harrison will beat his competitor out of sight. We shall then, as I have said before, be ably led. In your own State you have a gallant and spirited Governor who will not fail you, and every where the Whigs will be at their posts.—The fortune, indeed, of the contending pat ties is different. We fight without reward, and if one of us falls he asks no more than an honorable grave, and such kind remembrance among his Whig manna, would immediately be reported to his ' brethren as his services may merit. But if Chief, and handed over for trial for the crime 1 one of theirs falls, he is forthwith provided of dealing with a Whig ! Mr. P. said it was impossible, without a feeling of burning shame and indignation, to advert to this condition of tilings, or to reflect that such a country as this should be thus dis honored under the government of a popinjay, who had done nothing, thought nothing, look ed nothing, for its benefit or renown. Some thing may be excused to a gallant old soldier like Jackson; and even oppression then may have bad something redeeming; but, to be wormed to death ! Pshaw! It was not possible to think with patience of this great country’s being trodden under foot by such men as Van Buren, ami Kendall, and Blair—a corrupt trio that makes the heart sick. The it onorable Senator from New-York has for elsewhere ; he is taken from a village to a city post office—always the better provided for in proportion as his rejection by the Peo ple has been decisive and ignominious ; ifleft out of Congress, lie is, like Mr. Cambreling, sent to Russia; if willing to play the part without having tlie commission of a Represen tative, he is like your Mr. Philemon Dicker- son, made a District Judge, for it is reported to-day that this gentleman has been nominated by the President for that office. But we must nevertheless, continue the contest. The pop ular voice is swelling for us—the current of public opinion is running in our favor—our condition is like that recorded by Herodotus of the Harvest of Egypt. When the mighty river lias retired into its narrowest limits, and told you he was once a supporter of this Ad- • left a vast waste of slime and mud, upon which ministration, and that he felt called upon at an e.trly period to denounce the mischiefs of their course; and how was he listened to !— Mr. Van Buren heeded not, and resented the warnings of such a counsellor as N. P. Tall- madge, aud, tingling his he’d, forthwith the kitchen counsellors appeared, and he said to them piliously, “ See what Mr. Tallraadge has done;” and Kendall replied, he would mark him, and Blair said he would turn the waste- pipe of the kitchen on him, and smother him the good seed is sown, the swine are turned in upon it, and they tread and root it in, till in good season, the returning current rushing back with mighty force, overspreads the waste and then gradually subsiding, discloses, instead of mud, slime and brutes, a smiling, fertile, and beautiful plain, with the bounteous har vest, and rejoicing the eye and heart of man. That tide of public opinion which is now swelling over the mire and slime that have de faced our land, will produce like cheering re- ivitli filth. Gentlemen, against all this we [ suits, for the good seed is here, and we shall must act vigorously, we must act offensively. ! see it maturing to an abundant and beneficent We have a cause and a candidate that needs harvest. Towards accomplishing such a re- no defence. Abandon, therefore, the defen- 1 suit, Mr. P. again earnestly invoked and pres- sive, and assault, assault continually. ! sed the untiring efforts of all who heard him, Assault them at all times in all places.— i and then thanking the assembly for the pa- Press onward ; you may gain little, but little ! tienee and indulgence with which they had by little you will gain, and what you gain you 1 listened, Mr. P. concluded with saying that will hold. Assault Mr. Van Baton, assault for himself he was vowed to the contest until Kendall, assault Mr. Buchanan, assault the it closed, when, if unsuccessful, such was his office-holders. [A voice from the crowd said position, he would fall to be no more her.rd of; “and Garrett Wall.”] Ay, assault Mr. W all, if successful, he would only claim to be among if I may be permitted to say so to you. [He the first and most zealous to join in the shouts is too insignificant said another voice] No, and gratulations of victory, no, gentlemen ; no one, nothing in such a When Mr. Preston took his seat, tlie air was cause is too insignificant. It-is not the tern- 1 rent with cheers, again and again repeated— pest that destroys the lofty tree, but the in- which, rising up, as they did, from the bosom sect kuawing at its root. It is not the flood j 0 f darkness—for the only lights, and they were not the eaithquake that desolates the wheat- few, were on the stage, and the vast assembly field, but tlm mildew and the rust. It is an around was but dimly seen—had a most strik- erior to ascribe great consequences to great ing and singular effect. The evening was causes. A little spark will kindle a mighty j closed by Mr. Gamble of Newark, with one conflagration, and the meanest things ate not : 0 f Harrison soii£»s, admirably sung as therefore the least powerful; therefore again,-j usual, aI1( i t h en all retired gratified and resol- I say, act on the offensive, and assault, assault, ! ve j on victory, assault. * against us; and who pays ! You and J, and all of us. It is drawn from a soil already ex- And then, gentlemen, as to a comparison j between the two candidates, the preference ! and superiority are all on our side. Who ! will point to any marked honor done, or bene fit conferred, or service rendered, by Mr. Van Buren to the Republic I On the other hand, | the history of General Harrison is that of ° 1 aM a public benefactor. He is, in the first place that noblest work ofGod, an honest man ; and I say, emphatically, in the beginning of this mutter, let us try an honest man. Would that, in the many experiments our opponents have proposed, they had at once thought of this one of trying an honest man. William H. Harrison was early brought under tlie eye of Washington, ami the intui tive sagacity of that great man saw in him the qualities that fitted him for honor, and lay ing his hand upon the head of the youth, he blessed him to the services of his coun- try. The elder Adams came—an honest, able, and bold man—and I say this the rather, for that I never belonged to his party—and he ratified the judgment of Washington by continuing young Harrison in the public ser vice. Mr. Jefferson succeeded, after a contest, as you all know, that overthrew completely the opposing party—but Jefferson did not misapprehend or underrate the met it of Har rison—and after employing him through his eight years, handed him over to Mr. Madison. From the Nashville Whiff. The veteran Col. Johnson, Vice-President of the United States, is now on a visit to the Atlantic Cities. The Colonel though a good Loco Foco, is far from playing the p;irt of an ison man. He can neither be flat tered by his friends or provoked by bis ene mies into an attack on his old and beloved commander. At Harrisburg, in speaking of the battle of the Thames, be remarked, with emphasis—“ There was not a man from the General down who did not do his duty; they were all brave men and patriots.” In re ply to the very flattering reception which he met at Castle Garden, New-York, he said, among other things* “ I do, sir, take this much to myself, I have served my country, but the merit of my short military career must he shared with others. I never allow myself, Mr. President, to be com plimented on any occasion like the present without remembering the brave corps who shared with me the perils arid dangers of our common cause. There were no cowards there, (at the battle ofthe Thames,) and yet 1 know not why I should speak of this, for true cour age is but a common quality of an American heart.” After this, the Colonel dined with the Com mon council at the American Hotel. Refer ring to the celebrated order of Harrison at the Thames, to charge on horseback, (which What that great aud good man’s estimate of older has bee11 pronounced by his enemies an him was, you all know. He was selected i l,nmdllar y movement 0 lhe Colouel said— from among many, to defend tlie region he had j “ When my gallant commander (Harrison) so long ruled over as Governor; and the ! gave the order for a charge, I knew we could Northwest then owed its safety to tlie milita- j do the business in thirty minutes !” ry conduct, as it had before owed its prosper- | When asked at Newark, New-Jersey, by ; ity to the civil virtues ot William H. Har- bystander at the Railroad Depot whethe. rison. | Harrison was at the Battle of Fort Meigs But, perhaps, no instance of confidence in ! Johnson promptly replied—“ Yes, sir, anil he cipient rumblings that precede a volcanic erup tion :— “ He was in the very spot taker’ the comman- der-in-chief ought to have been. He was in the spot where, his duty called him. He was amidst the whizzing (f rifle bullets, overlooking the movements of our mounted me i; ready to charge over the dead bodies of my h other Janies and myself, had we proved unfor unate in the onset, in order to avenge us. N > one must at tempt to tickle my fanny by intimating, in my presence, that General Harrison is a cow ard /” the high qualities of a man, can be cited equal to that manifested by Kentucky in General Harrison. You all know Kentucky—her gal lant Clay—her Shelbys, and other such spit its. Well, Kentucky in her darkest hour of war, looking around for a commander to whom she could entrust her own defence, and the com mand of the troops she was about to raise, af ter canvassing the merits of ail, passed by all others, and devolved that honorable and most responsible command upon William H. Har rison, although a citizen of another State.— Yet this is the man whom party malevolence now stigmatizes as a dotard, a coward, a pet ticoat hero! and whom they are using every art, lawful and unlawful, to beat back. Why, gentlemen, they have even disturbed the repose of the hermitage—called forth Gen- eial Jackson to bear witness, in a letter, just published, against General Harrison. 1 think I see in that letter the hand of Amos Kendall, and the old soldier has been made the eats- paw ofthe monkeys ofthe palace, who thus degrade one distinguished man into an instru ment of disparaging another distinguished soldier and patriot. But there is no sense of shame, no limit to the recklessness of this par ty. Even the glorious annals of our country are not sacred to them ; for in the address of the Van Buren members of the New-York Legislature, which has been copied and com mended in all their prints, it is avered that the Revolutionary contest itself was underta ken for base personal purposes, and that the design was, not to vindicate freedom, but to establish a monarchy at home. This plan, it is added, was defeated by the democracy of that day, and Mr. Van Buren is represented as now engaged in alike contest with the mon archists of this day. Gross and damnable falsehood and injustice! We are told that Mr. Van Buren is an able and a great man, and that Gen. Harrison has os brave a man as ever lived.” The present course of Col. Johnson toward Gen. Harrison, under the circumstances, i alike honorable to bis feelings as a soldier an. his candor as a politician. It is consistent loo, with his whole conduct towards his ol commander, from the Battle of the Thame down to the Presidential election of 1836.— When Gen. Harrison was first nominated fo President, to the no little annoyance of hi enemies, in and about Cincinnati, Col. John son was prompt to defend his military reputa tion, though even at that time, opposed to hir in political sentiment. In proof of this w refer to the thrilling incident which follows taken from the New-Orleans Bee : HEAR COL. JOHNSON. In Covington, Keutucky, in 1S35, Colonc Johnson made a speech, from which we tak the following extracts. Read it, loco, am cease calumniating Old Tip, if you can : “ They say that it is Tecumseh I shot, care not, and 1 know not, I would have sho the best Indian that ever breathed, under sue! circumstances without enquiring his name o asking the ages of his children.” When the Colonel reached this point, there was a deafening roar of applause. A simple ton present, who did not know the true call bre of the man he was about to interrogate aud who wished to make himself populat among the euemies of Harrison, exclaimed in a stentorian voice—“ Where was Gen. Harri son then ?” The Colonel gave a calm survey of the crowd until he singled out the face of the querist.— Looking him dead in the eye, as the Kentuck ians say, and drawing himself to the utmos height, his eye dilated and a countenance tha* plainly showed that there was to be no hypoc risy in what he was about to say, he replied in tones, as calm but as portentous as the in* IMPORTANT CORRESPONDENCE. LETTER FROM MR. LEGARE. Charleston, July 12, 1840. Gentlemen *.—I should be very happy to accept the invitation [ have had the honor to leceive, to a “ Gathering of the People,” of Spotsylvania and some ol the adjjoifting coun ties, at Fredericksburg, on Friday, (July 17,) next, but circumstances forbid it. Gentlemen : On this, as on every similar occasion, great multitudes cannot act together without compromise and accommodation on smaller points, with a \iew to carry mora im portant ones. Yet in my opinion, there is no question likely to take a practical shape and be made the subject of serious discussion with in the next four years, on which old party dif ferences will be revived. The opinion of the country seems to be entirely made up as to th e expediency—to say nothing of the un constitutionality—of what are called Internal Improvements, according to the plans projec ted tinder Mr. Monroe’s Administration. All parties seem equally willing to abide by the Compromise. Art as to the duties on imports. As to the Abolitionists, no candid man will deny that General Harrison’s professions up on that subject are to the full as large and satisfactory as Mr. Van Buren’s, and that Ins past conduct furnishes pledges on which we may more securely rely—and I see no differ ence between the parties in this respect. The single tssue presented by tlie Government is the hard money system and the withdrawing of their deposites from the uses of commerce and the custody of Banks. Were this measure even desirable, as its ad vocates pretend it is, and as 1, for one, think it is very far from being, it would make no dtf- fe fence at all in my views of the Presidential elect ior. That the currency of this country is in a con dition that calls for our most serious attention that it is altogether one of the most difficult problems which remain to be solved by science and experience I have never pretended to deny; on the contrary, it is because of this verv dif ficulty and importance of the subject, that I protested against its being made a party question, to be managed by demagogues— with the view to inflame the prejudices of the people, instead of being disposed of by Statesmen—with a view to their real inter ests. But they would have it so—“ it was neces sary to gammon the Whigs,” said somebody. They have been once “ gammoned” by play ing quite the opposite game—by scattering the immense Deposits of a nation out of debt and prosperous beyond example, among hun dreds, (vvas’nt it !) of State batiks—scores, certainly—with orders to lavish them upon their customeis. They got the nation drunk with the spirit of speculation, and disturbed, while they multiplied infinitely, the relations of debtor and cieditor, and tho«e of vendor, incumbrancer, and holders of pioperty. No sooner did they see the terrible consequences of this profligate game—not on the Whigs, whom they had, however, “gammohed” very completely—hut, on the property, the com merce, the morals, and the well being of the country, and especially of its industrious clas ses, and that a vehement indignation against the authors of all this evil was likely to be awak ened in the public mind, titan they attempted to make the very Banks which they had se duced, tlie Scape Goat of this odium, and were the first and the loudest in the cry against the victims of their own perfidious debauch ery. They had carried their point once by send ing out into the highways to compel the blind, the halt and the lame, to come in and borrow of their Pet Banks—as they were called. They wore pronounce all trading whatever, on borrowed capital—fraudulent and crimi nal. They hail used the State Banks—or rather abused them—as artillery against the United States Bank, assuring their friends that no thing could be safer than these engines, which ihey were loading to the muzzle and heating even to burning—and when, at the close of a victorious action, they -all burst on their hands —as was, of course, inevitable—they denounce the whole system as, even under the best ma nagement detestable, and propose for a fa- | nalical, clamorous, party support, one, incon sistent wi:h all our previous habits—and of the successful operation of which, the only guarantee they give, is their total failure in all their previous schemes. Now, gentlemen, what I say is, that the true issue is, not whether this scheme is good, bad or indifferent—but whether good, bad, or in different, are they fit to be trusted with the management of that or any other instrument that may prove so powerful for good or for evil ] Are a Cabal, who see in all the mightiest interests of society—in the morality, the hap piness, the destinies of a great nation, only the means of carrying the next election, to be trusted, under any circumstances, with the administration of the government. The financial aspect of this measure, im portant as it is, is, as you kno\v, but a subordi nate consideration. Its political tendency is the point to which public attention, especially in Virginia, ought to be most seriously awa kened. It is, iu this respect, in perfect keep ing with all the rest of tlieir policy—their sys tem of rapine and spoliation—their abject sub- missiveness in regard to popular demagogues —their despotism, intolerance and inquisitorial espionage, in respect to the great body of their office-holders—their war of extermination, de clared against the independence of the Le gislature (and now the Judiciary) and against every effervescence among public men, of free dom of thought, manliness of conduct, or ele- v’ation of sentiment. In puttiug another in strument of such power into their hands, shall we shut our eyes to its visible tendency to strengthen and arm that Executive authority, which, as I hope for salvation, I declare to you to be, in my opinion, far more callous, intole rant, iusoleut and uuscrupulous, than that of any constitutional monarchy I am acquainted

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, August 18, 1840, Image 1